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23  WEST  h^AIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.T.  i4S«0 

(716)  872-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  IVIicroraproductions 


Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


1980 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


Thi 
tol 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  signif  iciintly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  chet^ked  below. 


D 
D 
D 
D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagde 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur6e  et/ou  pellicul^e 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


□    Coloured  maps/ 
Cartes  giographiques  en  couleur 

□    Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

□   Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serrde  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  int<krieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  sjoutdes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais.  lorsque  celp  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t4  film^es. 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  supplimentaires: 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  4t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite.  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mtthode  normale  de  f ilmage 
sont  indiqute  ci-dessous. 


I — I   Coloured  pages/ 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag^es 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pages  restauries  et/ou  pelliculdes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxei 
Pages  ddcoior^es.  tachet6es  ou  piqudes 


j — I    Pages  damaged/ 

I — I    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 

I — I    Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 


Th< 
poi 
of 
filn 


Ori 
bei 
the 
6\o 
otf 
fin 
sio 
or 


□Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ddtachdes 

aShowthrough/ 
Transparence 

□    Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Quality  in6gale  de  I'impression 

I — I    Includes  supplementary  material/ 


Comprend  du  materiel  suppldmentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Mition  disponible 


Th 
shi 

Tir 

wf 

Mi 
dif 
en 
be 

rig 
ret 
m( 


D 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc..  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partieilement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuiilet  d'errata.  une  pelure. 
etc..  ont  6t6  filmies  d  nouveau  de  fagon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 

22X 


10X 


14X 


18X 


26X 


30X 


7 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


ails 

du 

>difier 

une 

nage 


The  copy  filmed  hore  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

National  Library  of  Canada 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


L'exemplaire  f  ilm«  f  ut  reproduit  grAce  A  la 
fi^nArositi  de: 

Bibliothdque  nationale  du  Canada 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettetA  de  l'exemplaire  film6,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
ition,  or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimte  sent  filmto  en  commengant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  film6s  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniftre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparattra  sur  la 
derni^re  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  -^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE".  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN  ". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmte  &  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  fttre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  filmA  d  partir 
de  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  &  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n^cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  m^thode. 


irrata 
to 


pel  u  re. 
nd 


D 

32X 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

THE  NATIVE  RACES 


01   THE 


PACIFIC  STATES. 


/ 


THE 


NATIVE  RACES 


OF 


THE  PACIFIC  STATES 


OF 


J^OETH  AMERICA. 


BY 


HUBERT   HOWE   BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  n. 
CIVILIZED   NATIONS. 


NEW    YORK: 
D.    APPLETON   AND   COMPANY. 

1875. 


fi'^7f)7 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  CongresMn  the  year  one  thousand  e,«tt  hundred  .nd 

HUBEKT  H.    BANCROFT, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


UIVERSIDE,  CAMBRIDOe: 
PRDITED    Br  B.  0.  OOOaaTON  AND  COXFAIIT. 


COIS^TENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 


SAVAGISM   AND    CIVILIZATION. 


PAGE. 


Detiiiitioii  of  the  TerniH — Tlie  Universal  Soul  of  Progress — Man  the  In- 
striiinont  and  not  the  Element  of  Progress — Origin  of  Progressionul 
Plicnoiiieiiii  The  Agency  of  Evil— Is  Civilization  Conducive  to 
Happiness?  -Olijei-tive  and  Subjective  Humanity — Conditions  Es- 
sential to  Progress — Continental  Configurations — Food  and  Climate 
— Wealth  and  Incisure — Association — War,  Slavery,  Religion,  and 
Government — The  Development  of  Progressional  Law 1 

CHAPTER  II. 

GENEHAL    VIEW   OF   THE    CIVILIZED    NATIONS. 

The  American  Civilization  of  the  Sixteenth  Century — Its  Disappear- 
ance— The  Past,  a  New  Element — Dividing  line  between  Savage 
and  Civilized  Tribes— Bounds  of  American  Civilization  — Phys'-.i-al 
Features  of  the  Country — Maya  and  Nahua  Pranches  of  .ilMirigi- 
nal  Culture— The  Nahua  Civilization — The  Aztecs  its  Representa- 
tives—Limits of  the  Aztec  Empire — Ancient  History  of  Amihuan 
in  Outline  -The  Toltec  Era— The  Chichimec  Era— The  Aztec  Era 
— E.xtentof  the  Aztec  Language — Civilized  Peojdes  outside  of  Ana- 
huac — Central  American  Nations  —The  Maya  Culture — Tlie  Primi- 
tive Maya  Empire — Nahua  Intluence  in  the  South— Yucatan  and 
the  Mayas — The  Nations  of  Chiapas— The  Quiche  Emjjire  in  (iua- 
temala — The  Nahuas  in  Nicaragua  and  Salvador — Etymology  of 
Names 81 


CHAPTER  III. 

GOVERNMENT   OF   THE   NAHUA    NATIONS. 

System  of  Government — The  Aztec  Confederacy — Order  of  Succession 
— Election  of  Kings  among  the  Mexicans— Royal  Prerogatives — 
Government  and  Laws  of  Succession  among  the  Toltecs,  and  in 
Michoacan,  Tlaseala,  Cholula,  Huexotzinco,  and  Oajaca — Magnifi- 
cence of  the  Nahua  Mtmarchs — Ceremony  of  Anointment — Ascent 
to  tlie  T.  iiiple    The  Holy  Unction — Address  of  the  High-Priest  to 


iv 


CONTENTS. 


PAQE. 

the  King — Penance  uvA  Fasting  in  the,  Houbo  called  Tlacatccco — 
Homage  of  the  Nobles — General  Rejoicing  throughout  the  King- 
dom— Ceremony  of  Coronation — Tlie  Procuring  of  Sacrifices — 
Descrijdion  of  the  Crown— Coronation  Feasts  and  Entertainments 
— Hospitality  extended  to  Enemies — Coronation  Sijcech  of  Neza- 
hualpilli,  King  of  Tezcnco,  to  Montezuma  II.  of  Mexico — Oration 
of  a  Noble  to  a  Newly  elected  King 133 

CHAPTER  IV. 

PALACES   AND   HOUSEHOLDS   OF   THE   NAHUA   KINGS. 

Extent  and  Interior  of  the  Great  Palace  in  Mexico — The  Palace  of 
Nezahualcoyotl,  Kitig  of  Tezt'uco — The  Zoological  Collections  of 
the  Nahua  Monarchs — Montezuma's  Oratory— Uoj'al  Gardens  and 
Pleasure-Grounds — The  Hill  of  Chapnlteiiec — Nezahualcoyotl's 
Country  Residence  at  Tezcozinco — Toltec  Palaces  —  The  Roj'al 
Guard  — The  King's  Meals— .\n  Aztec  Cuisine  —  The  Audience 
Chamber  -After-dinner  Amusements — The  Royal  Wardrobe — The 
King  Among  his  People — Meeting  of  Montezuma  II.  and  Cortes — 
The  King's  Harem — Revenues  of  the  Royal  Household — Policy  of 
Aztec  Kings 158 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE    PBIVILEGED   CLASSES   AMONG   THE   NAHUAS. 

Titles  of  the  Nobility  and  Gentry— The  Power  of  the  Nobles— The 
Aristocracy  of  Tezcuco — The  Policy  of  King  Tcehotlalatzin — Privi- 
leges of  the  Nobles — Montezuma's  Policy — Rivalry  between  Nobles 
and  Commons — The  Knightly  Order  of  Tecuhtli  —  Ceremony  of 
Initiation  —  Origin  of  the  Order — The  Nahua  Priesthood — The 
Priests  of  Mexico — Dedication  of  Children  — Priestesses — Priest- 
hood of  Miztecapan — The  Pontiff  of  Yopaa — Tradition  of  Wixipe- 
cocha — The  Cave  of  Yopaa — The  Zapotec  Priests — Toltec  Priests — 
Totonac  Priests — Priests  of  Michoacan,  Puebla,  and  Tlascula 18G 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PLEBEIANS,    SLAVES,    TENUUE   OF    LANDS,    AND   TAXATION. 

Influence  of  the  Commoners — Oppression  by  Nobles — Deprived  of  Office 
by  Montezuma  II. — -Classes  of  Slaves — Penal  Slaves— Voluntary 
Slavery — -Slave  Market  at  Azcapuzalco— Punishment  and  Privi- 
leges of  Slaves — Division  of  Lands — Crown  I.auds — Lands  of  the 
Nobles — Municipal  Property — Property  of  the  Temples— Tenure 
of  Lands  in  Zapotecapan,  Miztecapan,  Michoacan,  Tlascala,  Cho- 
lula,  and  Huexotzinco — Similarity  to  Feudal  System  of  Europe — 
System  of  Taxation — Municipal  Taxes — Lice  Tribute — Tribute 
from  Conquered  Provinces— Revenue  Officers — Injustice  of  Monte- 
zuma II 2ir. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


PA«iE. 


EDUCATION,    MAURIAOF.,    CONCUBINAGE,    CHILDBIRTH,    AND    BAPTISM. 

Education  of  the  Niihuu  Youth  —  Manner  of  Punishment  —  Marriage 
I'rcliniinaricH  —  Nuptial  Ceremony — Observance  alter  Marria};e — 
^layatcc,  Otomi,  Chichimec,  and  Toltec  Marriages — Divorce — 
Concubinage— Ceremonies  Preliminary  to  Ciiildbirtb  -Treatment 
of  Pregnant  Women  -Proceedings  of  Midwife-  Superstitions  with 
regard  to  Women  who  Died  in  Childbed— Abortion -Baptism  - 
Siteeches  of  Midwife— Naming  of  Children^Baptism  among  the 
Tlascaltecs,  Miztecs,  and  Zapotecs — Circumcision  and  Scarification 
of  Infants 240 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

MAHUA   FEASTS    AND    AMUSEMENTS. 

Excessive  Fondness  for  Feasts — Manner  of  Giving  Feasts — Serving 
tlie  Meal — Professional  Jesters— Parting  Presents  to  Guests — lloyal 
Banquets — Tobacco  Smoking— Public  Dances — Manner  of  Syiging 
u;id  Dancing— The  Neteteli/tli— The  Drama  among  the  Nahuas  — 
Music  and  Musical  Instruments — Nahua  Poetry — Acrobatic  Feats 
— The  Netololiztli,  or  'Bird  Dance' — Professional  Runners — The 
(iunie  of  Tlactli — Ciames  of  Chance — The  Patoliztli,  or  'Bean 
Game' — Totoloque,  Montezuma's  Favorite  Game 283 


CHAPTER  IX. 

PUBLIC    FESTIVALS. 

Frequent  Occurrence  of  Religious  Feasts— Human  Sacrifices — Fea.sts 
of  the  Foijrth  Year — Monthly  Festivals— Sacrifice  of  Children — 
Feast  of  Xipe — Manner  of  Sacrifice — Feasts  of  Camaxtli,  of  the 
Flower  Dealers,  of  Centeotl,  of  Tezcatlipoca,  and  of  Huitzilopochtli 
—  Festival  of  the  Salt  Makers — ^The  Sacrifice  by  Fire — Feast  of  the 
Dead  —  The  Coming  of  the  Gods —The  Footprints  on  the  Mat- 
Hunting  Feast — The  Month  of  Love — Hard  Times — Nahua  Luper- 
calia — Feasts  of  the  Sun,  of  the  Winter  Solstice — Harvest  and 
Eight- Year  Festivals— The  Binding  of  the  Sheaf 302 


CHAPTER  X. 

FOOD  OF  THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 

Origin  of  Agriculture — Floating  Gardens— Agricultural  Products  — 
Manner  of  preparing  the  Soil— Description  of  Agricultural  Imi)le- 
ments —  Irrigation — Granaries — Gardens — Tlie  Harvest  Feast — 
Manner  of  Hunting — Fishing — Methods  of  procuring  Salt-  -Nahua 
Cookery — Various  kinds  of  Bread — Beans — Pepper-  -Fruit — Ta- 


i  t 


•  i 
1  j 


Vl  CONTENTS. 

PAOK. 

niiilcH  Misccllancoim  Artirlcs  of  Food— Entinp  of  Humnn  FIohH— 
Miiiiiifiictiiru  of  I'ulijuc  I'roiHimtioii  of  Cliocolutl  Otlior  IJi'ver- 
iij^L'H  liitdxiL'atiii;^  Drinks -Drmikeniie.sx  -Time  uiid  Miinner  of 
Taking  Meals 342 

CHAPTER  XI. 

DRESH    OF    THE    NAHUA    NATIONS. 

Progress  in  Dress — Dross  of  the  IVe-Aztcc  Nations-  -Onrnicnts  of  the 
("liiciiiniecs  ami  Toltecs- -Introduction  of  Cotton  Tiic  Maxtli  — 
Tlie  Tilinatli — Dress  of  tlie  Acoihnas — Origin  of  tliu  Tarascun  Cos- 
tiinie  Dress  of  tlie  Zapotecs  and  Taliascans  Dress  of  Women 
Tlie  lluipil  and  Cueitl — Sandals  -Manner  of  Wearingtiic  Mair  - 
Painting  and  Tattooing  -Ornaments  used  by  the  Nahnas  Cor- 
geons  Dress  of  the  Noldes —Dress  of  the  lloyal  Attendants  Nam  -s 
of  the  Various  Mantles— Tlie  Uoyal  Diadem — The  Uoyal  Wardrohe 
— Costly  Decorations .%3 

CHAPTER  XII. 

COMMERCE    OF    THE    NAHUA   NATIONS. 

The  Main  Features  of  Nahtiii  •!ommerce— Commerce  in  Pre-Aztcc 
Times— Outrages  ('ommitted  by  Aztec  Merchants  Privileges  of 
the  Merchants  of  TKitelulco — Jealousy  between  Merchants  and 
Nobles  -Articles  used  as  ('urrency — The  Markets  of  Anahuac — 
Arrangement  and  Kegulations  of  the  Market-Places — Number  of 
Ituyers  •and  Sellers — Transportation  of  Wares — Traveling  Mer- 
chants Commercial  Routes — Setting  out  on  a  Journey —Caravans 
of  Traders— The  Ueturn— Customs  and  Feasts  of  the  Merclnints  — 
Nahua  Boats  and  Navigation 378 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

WAR-CIISTOJIH    OF   THE    NAHUA? 

Importance  of  the  Military  Profession  -Indicatioi  ,  of  Rank— Educa- 
tion of  Warriors — Rewards  for  Valor — Military  Orders  and  their 
Dress — ( Jorgeous  War-T)resses  of  Montezuma  and  the  Aztec  No- 
bility— Dress  of  the  Common  Soldiers— Arnmr  and  Defensive 
Weapons  —  Oti'ensi ve  Weapons  —  Standards  —  Ambassadors  and 
Couriers-  Fort ilications— The  Military  Council— Articles  of  War 
— Declaration  of  War — Spies — Order  of  March  and  Battle — War 
Customs  of  the  Tlascaltecs  and  Tarascos — Return  of  the  Conquer- 
ing Army — Celebration  of  Feats  of  Arms 40() 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

NAHUA  LAWS  AND  LAW  COURTS. 

General  Remarks — the  Cihuacoatl,  or  Su])rcmc  Judge — the  Court  of 
theTlacatecatl— Jurisdiction  of  the  Tecuhtlis— the  Centectlapix(iues 


CONTENTS. 


Tli 


and  TopilliH — Law  Courts  and  Judges  of  Tczcnco— Ei}»lity-I)uy 
.Council  —  Tribunal  of  the  King  —  Court  Proceedings  —  Lawyers 
— Witnesses— Ucniuneratioii  of  iludges— Justice  of  King  Ne/ahual- 
pilli— lie  orders  his  Son's  Execution— Montezuma  and  the  Farmer 
— Jails — Laws  against  Theft,  Murder,  Treason,  Kiilnapping, 
Drunkenness,  Witchcraft,  Adultery,  Incest,  Sodomy,  Fornication, 
and  other  Crimes— Story  of  Nezahualcoyotl  and  the  Uoy 433 

CHAPTER  XV. 

NAUUA    AUT8   AND    MANUFACTURES. 

Mctala  Used  and  Manner  of  Obtaining  Them — Working  of  Gol'l  ind 
Silver — Wonderful  Skill  in  Inutating  (iilding  and  Plating— Work 
iiig  in  Stone — Lapidary  Work — Wood  Carving — Manufacture  of 
Pottery  —  Various  Kinds  of  Cloth — Manufacture  of  Paper  and 
Leather — Preparation  of  Dyes  and  Paints— The  Art  of  l'.  inting 
— Feather  Mosaic  Work — Leaf-Mats — Manner  of  Kinuimg  Fire 
— Torches-  Soap — Council  of  Arts  in  Tezcuco— Oratory  and  Poet- 
ry— Ni  /.4.iii..ilcoyotrs  Odes  on  the  Mutability  of  Life,  and  thi'  Ty- 
rant Tezozonioe — Aztec  Arithmetical  System 473 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE    AZTEC   CALENDAR. 

Astronomical  Knowledge  of  the  Aztecs— Contradictions  of  Authors  re- 
sjiecting  the  Calendar — A'alue  of  the  Researches  of  Various  Writ- 
ers—The First  Regular  Calendar — Tlie  Mexican  Cycle— The  Civil 
Year — The  Aztec  Months — Names  of  the  Days  and  their  Signilica- 
tion — The  Commencement  of  the  Aztec  Year — The  Ritual  Calendar 
— Ganui's  Arrangement  of  the  Months — The  Caleiular-Stoue — The 
Four  Destructions  of  the  World — The  Calendar  of  MiclKjacau— 
Reckoning  of  the  Zapotecs -.  502 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE   AZTEC    PICTURE-WRITING. 

Hieroglyphic  Records — The  Native  Rooks — Authorities — Destruction 
of  the  Native  Archives  by  Zunuirraga  and  his  Confreres — Picture- 
Writings  used  after  the  Concjuest  for  Confession  and  Law-Suits — 
.  Value  of  the  Records — Documents  sent  to  Spain  in  the  Sixteenth 
Centurj-  —  European  Collections — Lord  Kingsborough's  Work  — 
Picture- Writings  retained  in  Mexico — Collections  of  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Siguiinza,  CJemelli  Careri,  Roturini,  Veytia,  Leon  y  Gama,  Pichardo, 
Aubin,  and  the  National  Museum  of  Mexico — Process  of  Hiero- 
glyphic Development — Representative,  Symbjlic,  and  Phonetic 
Picture-Writing — Origin  of  Modern  Alphabets —  The  Aztec  System 
— Specimen  from  the  Codex  Mendoza  —  Specimen  from  Gemelli 
Careri— Specimen  from  the  Boturini  Collection— Probable  lu.ure 
Success  of  Interpreters — The  Nepohualtzitzin 523 


vili 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XVni. 


PAGE. 


ARCHITECTBRE   AND   DWELLINGS   OF   THE    NAHUAS. 

Architeeturu  (if  the  Ancient  Nations— General  Features  of  Nahua  Arch- 
itecture— The  Arch — Exterior  and  Interior  Decorations — Method 
of  Building — ^Inclincd  Planes — Scaffolds— The  use  of  the  Plummet 
— Building  Materials — Position  and  Fortification  of  Towns — Mex- 
ico Tenochtitlan — The  Great  Causeways — Quarters  and  Wards  of 
Mexico — The  Market  Place — Fountains  and  Aqueducts— Light- 
houses and  Street- work — City  of  Tezcuco — Dwellings — Aztec  Gar- 
dens— Temple  of  Huit  .ilopochtli — Temple  of  Mexico — Other  Tem- 
ples— Teocalli  at  Cholula  and  Tezcuco 553 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

MEDICINE   AND   FDNEEAL    BITE8   AMONG   THE   NAHUAS, 

Mexican  (Contributions  to  Medical  Science — The  Botanical  Gardens — 
Longevity — Prevalent  Diseases — Introduction  of  Small-Pox  and 
Syphilis — Medical  Treatment — The  Temazcalli — Aboriginal  Physi- 
cians— The  Aztec  Faculty — Standard  Ucmedics — Surgery — Super- 
stitious Ceremonies  in  Healing — Funeral  Kites  of  Aztecs — Crema- 
tion— Royal  Obsequies — Embalming — The  Funeral  Pyre — Human 
Sacrifice — Disposal  of  the  Ashes  and  Ornaments — Mourners — Fu- 
neral t!erc!nonies  of  the  People — Certain  Classes  Buried— Rites  for 
the  Slain  in  Battle — Burial  among  the  Teo-Chichimecs  and  Tabas- 
cans — Cremation  Ceremonies  in  Michoacan — Burial  by  the  Miztecs 
in  Oajaca 591 


CHAPTER  XX. 

GOVERNMENT,    SOCIAL     CLASSES,     PROPERTY,     AND     LAWS   OF    THE    MAYA 

NATIONS. 

Introductory  Remarks — Votan's  Empire — Zamnd's  Reign — The  Royal 
Families  of  Yucatan,  (vocomes,  Tutul  Xius,  Itzas,  and  Cheles — 
Titles  and  Order  of  Succession — Classes  of  Nobles — The  Quiche- 
Cakchiquel  Empire  in  Guatemala — The  Ahau  Ahpops  and  Succes- 
sion to  the  Throne— Privileged  Classes — Government  of  the  Prov- 
inces— The  Royal  Council — The  Chiapanecs — The  Pipiles — Nations 
of  Nicaragua — The  Maya  Priesthood — Plebeian  Classes — Slaves — 
Tenure  of  Lands— Inheritance  of  Property — Taxation — Debtors 
and  Creditors — Laws  and  the  Administration  of  Justice 630 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

EDUCATION    AND   FAMILY    MATTERS   AMONG   THE   MAYAS. 

Education  of  Youth — Public  Schools  of  Guatemala- Bri.nclie9of  Study 
in  Yucatan— Marrying- Age — Degrees  of  Consanguinity  allowed  in 
Marriage — Preliminaries  of  Marriage — Marriage  Ceremonies — The 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


PAGE. 

Custom  of  the  Droit  dii  Seigneur  in  Nicaragua — Widows — Monog- 
amy— Concubinage — Divorce — Laws  Concerning  Adultery— Forni- 
cation— Uape — Prostitution — Unnatural  Crimes — Desire  for  Chil- 
dren— Child-birth  Ceremonies — Kite  of  Circumcision— Manner  of 
Naming  Children — Baptismal  Ceremonies G61 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

FEASTS    AND    AMUSEMENTS    OF   THE    MAYAS. 

Special  Observances — Fixed  Feasts  — Sacrifice  of  Slaves  ^ — Monthly 
Feasts  of  the  Yucatecs  -  Kcnewal  of  the  Idols — Feast  of  the 
Chacs — Hunting  Festival — The  Tuppkuk  —  Feast  of  the  Cacao- 
Planters- -War  Feast — The  Maya  New  Year's  Day  -Feasts  of  the 
Hunters,  Fishers,  and  A])iarists — Ceremonies  in  honor  of  Cuknlcan 
— Feast  of  tlic' Month  of  Mol — Feasts  of  the  Years  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix, 
and  Cauac — Yucatec  Sacrifices — The  Pit  of  Chichen — Sacrifices  of 
the  Pipiles — Feast  of  Victory — Feasts  and  Sacrifices  in  Nicaragua 
— banquets — Dances — Musical  Instruments  -(James 687 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

FOOD,    DRESS,    COMMERCE,    AND    WAR    CUSTOMS    OF    THE    MAYAS. 

Introduction  of  Agriculture — Quiche  Traditicm  of  the  Discovery  of 
Maize — Maize  Culture — Superstitious  of  Farmers — -Hunting  and 
Fishing — Domestic  Animals,  Fowl,  and  IJees — Preservation  and 
Cooking  of  Food — Meals — Drinks  and  Drinking- Habits— Cannibal- 
ism— Dress  of  the  Mayas — Maxtlis,  Mantles,  and  Sandals — Dress 
of  Kings  and  Priests — Women's  Dress — Hair  and  Heard — Personal 
Decoration — Head- Flattening,  Perforation,  Tattooing,  and  Paint- 
ing— Personal  Haitits  ( 'onnnerce  -Currency — Markets-  -Supersti- 
tions of  Travelers  ("anoes  and  Kalsas  -War  -Military  Leaders — 
Insignia  -Armor — Weapons — Fortifications  -  ISattles  —  Treatment 
of  Captives 715 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

MAYA  ARTS,  CALENDAR,  AND  HIEROGLYPHICS. 
Scarcity  of  Information  -I'se  of  Metals  (iold  and  Precious  Stones— 
Ini|)lemcnts  of  Stone  Sculpture--Pottery--Manufacture  of  Cloth 
— Dyeing — System  of  Numeration  -Maya  Calendar  in  Yucatan — 
Days,  Weeks,  Months,  and  Years  -Indictions  and  Katunes — Perez' 
System  of  Ahau  Katu;ies--Statements  of  Landa  ami  Cogolludo  - 
Intercalary  Days  anil  Years  -Days  and  Months  in  (iuatemala, 
Chiapas,  and  Suconusco— Maya  Hieroglyphic  System — Testimony 
of  Early  Writers  on  the  Use  of  Picture-Writing — Destruction  of 
Documents  Specime:is  which  have  Survived--The  Dresden  Codex 
— Manuscript  Troano  -Tablets  of  Palenque,  Copau,  and  Yucatan 
— Bishop  Lau'la's  Key— Brasseur  de  Buurbuurg's  Interpretation. ..  748 


m 


\ 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


PAGE. 


BUILDINGS,  MEDICINE,  BURIAL,  PHYSICAL  PECULIARITIES,  AND  CHARAC- 
TER  OF    THE    MAYAS. 

Scanty  Information  given  by  the  Early  Voyagers— Private  Houses  of 
the  Mayas — Interior  Arrangement,  Decoration,  and  Furniture — 
Maya  Cities— Description  of  Utatlan — Patinamit,  the  Cakchiquel 
Capital — Cities  of  Nicaragua — Maya  Roads — Temples  at  Chichen 
Itza  and  Cozumel — Temples  of  Nicaragua  and  Guatemala— Dis- 
eases of  the  Mayas— Medicines  used — Treatment  of  the  Sick — Pro- 
pitiatory Offerings  and  Vows — Superstitions — Dreams — Omens — 
Witchcraft — Snake-Charniers — Funeral  Rites  and  Ceremonies — 
Physical  Peculiarities — Character 783 


II 

I  i 


783 


THE   NATIA^E  RACES 


PACIFIC   STATES. 


CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

SAVAGISM     AND     CIVILIZATION. 

Definition  of  the  Tkrms— FoRnE  and  Nature— The  Universal 
Soul  of  Progress— Man  the  Instrument  and  not  the  Element 
OF  Progress— Oriuin  of  ProgressionalPhenomena— The  Agency 
OK  Evil — Is  Civilization  Conducive  to  Hai'1'INEss?-Oiijectivb 
and  Suiuective  Humanity -Conditions  Essential  to  Progress 
— continpntal  configurations— food  and  climate— wealth 
AND  Leisure— Association — War,  Slavery,  Religion,  and  (Jov- 
ERNMENT— Morality  and  Fashion— The  Development  of  Pro- 

URESSIONAL  LAW. 

The  terms  Savage  and  Civilized,  as  applied  to  races 
of  tnen,  are  relative  and  not  absolute  terms.  At  best 
these  words  mark  onlv  bro;.J  shif'tinof  staijes  in  human 
progrcf  \e  one  near  the  point  of  departure,  the  other 
farther  on  toward  the  unattainable  end.  This  jjrogress 
is  one  and  universal,  though  of  varying  rapidity  and 
extent;  there  are  decrees  in  savajjism  a'ld  there  are 
degrees  in  civilization;  indeed,  though  placed  in  opposi- 
tion, the  one  is  but  a  degree  of  the  other.  The  Hai- 
dah,  whom  we  call  savage,  is  as  much  superior  to  the 
Shoshone,  the  lowest  of  Americans,  as  the  Aztec  is 
superior  to  the  Haidah,  or  the  European  to  the  Aztec. 


«lf 


PACIFIC  STATES 

sliowiriL'  llic  litciilioii  (if 
THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS 


Sruli- 

1 
7      :l  rt  fi    (J  II  II 
//.»    ■Strilntf      tiitlrfr     t /•    ii  n     iitrh 


Q 


xaa 


M 


«• 


•4 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


Looking  back  some  thousands  of  ages,  we  of  to-day 
are  civilized;  looking  forward  through  the  same  dura- 
tion of  time,  we  are  savages. 

Nor  is  it,  in  the  absence  of  fixed  conditions,  and 
amidst  the  many  shades  of  difference  presented  by  the 
nations  along  our  western  seaboard,  an  easy  matter  to 
tell  where  even  comparative  savagism  ends  and  civil- 
ization begins.  In  the  common  acceptation  of  these 
terms,  we  may  safely  call  the  Central  Califomians 
savage,  and  the  Quiches  of  Guatemala  civilized;  but 
between  these  two  extremes  are  hundreds  of  peoples, 
each  of  which  presents  some  claim  for  both  distinctions. 
Thus,  if  the  doiTiestication  of  ruminants,  or  some  knowl- 
edge of  arts  and  metals,  constitute  civilization,  then 
are  the  ingenious  but  half-torpid  Hyperboreans  civil- 
ized, for  the  Eskimos  tame  reindeer,  and  the  Thlinkeets 
are  skillful  carvers  and  make  use  of  copper;  if  the 
cultivation  of  the  soil,  the  building  of  substantial 
houses  of  adobe,  wood,  and  stone,  with  the  manufacture 
of  cloth  and  pottery,  denote  an  exodus  from  savagism, 
then  are  the  Pueblos  of  New  Mexico  no  longer  savages; 
yet  in  both  these  instances  enough  may  be  seen,  either 
of  stupidity  or  brutishness,  to  forbid  our  ranking  them 
with  the  more  advanced  Aztecs,  Mayas,  and  Quichds. 

We  know  what  savages  are ;  how,  like  wild  animals, 
they  depend  for  food  and  raiment  upon  the  spontane- 
ous products  of  nature,  migrating  with  the  beasts  and 
birds  and  fishes,  burrowing  beneath  the  ground,  hiding 
in  ca\  es,  or  throwing  over  themselves  a  shelter  of  bark 
or  skins  or  branches  or  boards,  eating  or  starving  as 
food  is  abundant  or  scarce ;  nevertheless,  all  of  them 
have  made  some  advancement  from  their  original 
naked,  helpless  condition,  and  have  acquired  some  aids 
in  the  procurement  of  their  poor  necessities.  Prime- 
val man,  the  only  real  point  of  departure,  and  hence 
the  only  true  savage,  nowhere  exists  on  the  globe  to- 
day. Be  the  animal  man  never  so  low — lower  in  skill 
and  wisdom  than  the  brute,  less  active  in  obtaining 
food,  less  ingenious  in  building  his  den — the  first  step 


I 


DEFINITION  OF  THE  TERMS. 


out  of  his  houseless,  comfortless  condition,  the  first 
fashioninj]^  of  a  tool,  the  first  attempt  to  cover  naked- 
ness and  wall  out  the  wind,  if  this  endeavor  spring 
from  intellect  and  not  from  instinct,  is  the  first  step 
toward  civilization.  Hence  the  modem  savage  is  not 
the  pre-historic  or  primitive  man ;  nor  is  it  among  the 
barbarous  nations  of  to-day  that  we  must  look  for  the 
rudest  barbarism. 

Often  is  the  question  asked.  What  is  civilization? 
and  the  answer  comes.  The  act  of  civilizing;  the  state 
of  being  civilized.  What  is  the  act  of  civilizing?  To 
reclaim  from  a  savage  or  barbarous  state ;  to  educate  ; 
to  refine.  What  is  a  savage  or  barbarous  state?  A 
wild  uncultivated  state ;  a  state  of  nature.  Thus  far 
the  dictionaries.  The  term  civilization,  then,  popular- 
ly implies  both  the  transition  from  a  natural  to  an  artifi- 
cial state,  and  the  artificial  condition  attained.  The 
derivation  of  the  word  civilization,  from  civis,  citizen, 
ci vitas,  city,  and  originally  from  cat  us,  union,  seems 
to  indicate  that  culture  which,  in  feudal  times,  distin- 
guished the  occupants  of  cities  from  the  ill-mannered 
boors  of  the  country.  The  word  savage,  on  the  other 
hand,  from  silva,  a  wood,  points  to  man  primeval; 
silvcstres  homines,  men  of  the  forest,  not  necessarily 
ferocious  or  brutal,  but  children  of  nature.  From 
these  simple  beginnings  both  words  have  gradually 
acquired  a  broader  significance,  until  by  one  is  under- 
stood a  state  of  comfort,  intelligence,  and  refinement; 
and  by  the  other,  humanity  wild  and  bestial. 

Guizot  defines  civilization  as  an  "improved  condi- 
tion of  man  resulting  from  the  establishment  of  social 
order  in  place  of  the  individual  independence  and 
lawlessness  of  the  savage  or  barbarous  life;"  Buckle 
as  "the  triumph  of  mind  over  external  agents;"  Virey 
as  "the  development  more  or  less  absolute  of  the  moral 
and  intellectual  faculties  of  man  united  in  society;" 
Burke  as  the  exponent  of  two  principles,  "the  spirit  of 
a  gentleman  and  the  spirit  of  religion."  "Whatever 
be  the  characteristics  of  what  we  call  savage  life,"  says 


4  SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

John  Stuart  Mill,  "the  contrary  of  these,  or  the 
<]ualitios  which  society  puts  on  as  it  throws  off  those, 
constitute  civilization;"  and,  remarks  Emerson,  "a 
nation  that  has  no  clothing,  no  iron,  no  alphabet,  no 
marriage,  no  arts  of  peace,  no  abstract  thought,  we 
call  barbarous," 

Men  talk  of  civilization  and  call  it  liberty,  religion, 
government,  morality.  Now  liberty  is  no  more  a  sign 
of  civilization  than  tyranny ;  for  the  lowest  savages  are 
the  least  governed  of  all  people.  Civilized  liberty,  it 
is  true,  marks  a  more  advanced  stage  than  savage 
liberty,  but  between  these  two  extremes  of  liberty 
there  is  a  necessary  age  of  t^^ranny,  no  less  significant 
of  an  advance  on  primitive  liberty  than  is  constitu- 
tional liberty  an  advance  on  tyranny.  Nor  is  religion 
civilization,  except  in  so  far  as  the  fonn  and  machinery 
of  sacerdotal  rites,  and  the  abandonment  of  fetichism 
for  monotheism  become  significant  of  intenser  thought 
and  expansion  of  intellect.  No  nation  ever  practiced 
grosser  immorality,  or  what  we  of  the  present  day 
hold  to  be  immorality,  than  Greece  during  the  height 
of  her  intellectual  refinement.  Peace  is  no  more 
civilization  th.ii  war,  virtue  than  vice,  good  than  evil. 
All  these  are  the  incidents,  not  the  essence,  of  civili- 
zation. 

That  which  we  commonly  call  civilization  is  not  an 
adjunct  nor  an  acquirement  of  man;  it  is  neither  a 
creed  nor  a  polity,  neither  science  nor  philosophy  nor 
industry ;  it  is  rather  the  measure  of  progressional 
force  implanted  in  man,  the  general  fund  of  the 
nation's  wealth,  learning,  and  refinement,  the  store- 
house of  accumulated  results,  the  essence  of  all  best 
worth  preserving  from  the  distillations  of  good  and 
the  distillations  of  evil.  It  is  a  something  between 
men,  no  less  than  a  something  within  them ;  for  neither 
an  isolated  man  nor  an  asociation  of  brutes  can  by 
any  possibility  become  civilized. 

Further  than  this,  civilization  is  not  only  the  meas- 
ure of  aggregated  human  experiences,  but  it  is  a  living 


CIVILIZATION  A  WORKING  PRINCIPLE. 


living 


working  principle.  It  is  a  social  transition;  a  moving 
forward  rather  than  an  end  attained;  a  developing 
vitality  i-ather  than  a  fixed  entity ;  it  is  the  effort  or 
aim  at  refinement  rather  than  refinement  itself;  it  is 
labor  with  a  view  to  improvement  and  not  improve- 
ment consummated,  although  it  may  be  and  is  the  metre 
of  such  improvement.  And  this  accords  with  latter- 
day  teachings.  Although  in  its  infancy,  and,  moreover, 
unable  to  explain  things  unexplainable,  the  science  of 
evolution  thus  far  has  proved  that  the  normal  condi- 
tion of  the  human  race,  as  well  as  that  of  physical 
nature,  is  progressional ;  that  the  plant  in  a  congenial 
soil  is  not  more  sure  to  grow  than  is  humanity  with 
favorable  surroundings  certain  to  advance.  Nay,  more, 
we  speak  of  the  progress  of  civilization  as  of  some- 
thing that  moves  on  of  its  own  accord ;  we  may,  if  we 
will,  recognize  in  this  onward  movement,  the  same 
principle  of  life  manifest  in  nature  and  in  the  individual 
man. 

To  things  we  do  not  understand  we  give  names, 
with  which  by  frequent  UbO  we  become  familiar,  when 
we  fancy  that  we  know  all  about  the  things  themselves. 
At  the  first  glance  civilization  appears  to  be  a  simple 
matter;  to  be  well  clad,  well  housed,  and  well  fed,  to 
be  intelligent  and  cultured  are  better  than  nakedness 
and  ignorance;  therefore  it  is  a  good  thing,  a  thing 
that  men  do  well  to  strive  for,  —  and  that  is  all. 
But  once  attempt  to  go  below  this  placid  surface, 
and  investigate  the  nature  of  progressional  i)henomena, 
and  we  find  ourselves  launched  upon  an  eternity  of 
ocean,  and  in  pursuit  of  the  same  occult  Cause,  which 
has  been  sought  alike  by  philosophic  and  barbaric  of 
every  age  and  nation ;  we  find  ourselves  face  to  face 
with  a  great  mystery,  to  which  we  stand  in  the  same 
relation  as  to  other  great  mysteries,  such  as  the  origin 
of  things,  the  principle  of  life,  the  soul-nature.  When 
such  questions  are  answered  as  What  is  attraction, 
heat,  electricity ;  what  instinct,  intellect,  soul  ?  Why 
are  plants  forced  to  grow  and  molecules  to  conglomer- 


6  8AVA0ISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

ate  and  go  whirling  in  huge  masses  through  space  ? — 
then  we  may  know  why  society  moves  ever  onward 
Uke  a  river  in  channels  predetonuined.  At  present, 
these  phenomena  we  may  understand  in  their  action 
partially,  in  their  essence  not  at  all;  we  may  mark 
effects,  we  may  recognize  the  same  principle  under 
widely  different  conditions  though  we  may  not  be  able 
to  discover  what  that  principle  is.  Science  tells  us 
that  these  things  are  so;  that  certain  combinations  of 
certain  elements  are  inevitably  followed  by  certain 
results,  but  science  does  not  attempt  to  explain  why 
they  are  so.  Nevertheless,  a  summary  of  such  few 
simple  thoughts  as  I  have  been  able  to  gather  upon 
the  subject,  may  be  not  wholly  valueless. 

And  first,  to  assist  our  reflections,  let  us  look  for  a 
moment  at  some  of  the  primal  principles  in  nature,  not 
with  a  view  to  instruct  in  that  direction,  but  rather  to 
compare  some  of  the  energies  of  the  material  world 
with  the  intellectual  or  progressional  energy  in  man ; 
and  of  these  I  will  mention  such  only  as  are  currently 
accepted  by  latter-day  science. 

Within  the  confines  of  the  conceivable  universe  one 
element  alone  is  all-potential,  all-pervading, — Force. 
Throughout  the  realms  of  space,  in  and  round  all 
forms  of  matter,  binding  minutest  atoms,  balancing  sys- 
tems of  worlds,  rioting  in  life,  rotting  in  death,  under 
its  various  aspects  mechanical  and  chemical,  attractive 
and  repulsive,  this  mighty  power  is  manifest;  a  unify- 
ing, coalescing,  anfd  flowing  power,  older  than  time, 
quicker  than  thought,  sa  urating  all  suns  and  planets 
and  filling  to  repletion  all  molecules  and  masses. 
Worlds  and  systems  oi  worlds  are  sent  whirling, 
worlds  round  worlds  and  s^  4ems  round  systems,  in  a 
mazy  planetary  dance,  whe  in  the  slightest  tripping, 
the  least  excess  of  momentu  i  or  inertia,  of  tension  or 
traction,  in  any  part,  and  chaos  were  come  again. 
Every  conceivable  entity,  ponderable  and  impondera- 
ble, material  and  immaterial,  is  replete  with  force. 


FORCE  AND  MATTER. 


B}'  it  all  moving  bodies  are  set  in  motion,  all  motion- 
less bodies  held  at  rest;  by  it  the  infinitesimal  atom 
is  held  an  atom  and  the  mass  is  held  concrete,  vapory 
moisture  overspreads  the  land,  light  and  heat  animate 
senseless  substance;  bv  it  forms  of  matter  change, 
rocks  grow  and  dissolve,  mountains  are  made  and 
unmade,  the  ocean  heaves  and  swells,  the  eternal  hills 
pidsate,  the  foundations  of  the  deep  use  up,  and  seas 
displace  continents. 

One  other  thing  we  know,  which  with  the  first 
comprises  all  our  knowledge, — Matter.  Now  force  and 
matter  are  interdependent,  one  cannot  exist  without 
the  other;  as  fox  example,  all  substance,  unless  held 
together — which  term  obviously  implies  force — would 
speedily  dissolve  into  inconceivable  nothingness.  But 
no  less  force  is  required  to  annihilate  substance  than  to 
create  it;  force,  therefore,  is  alike  necessary  to  the  ex- 
istence or  non-existence  of  matter,  which  reduces  the 
idea  of  a  possible  absence  of  either  force  or  matter  to 
an  absurdity;  or,  in  other  words,  it  is  impossible  for 
the  human  mind  to  conceive  of  a  state  of  things  where- 
in there  is  no  matter,  and  consequently  no  force. 

Force  has  been  called  the  soul  of  nature,  and  matter 
the  body,  for  by  force  matter  lives  and  moves  and  has 
its  being. 

Force  like  matter,  is  divisible,  infinitely  so,  as  far  as 
human  experience  goes;  for,  though  ultimates  may 
exist,  they  have  never  yet  been  reached;  and  it  would 
seem  that  all  physical  phenomena,  endlessly  varied 
and  bewildering  as  they  may  appear,  spring  from  a  few 
simple  incomprehensible  forces,  the  bases  of  which  are 
attraction  and  repulsion ;  which  may  yet,  indeed, 
derive  their  origin  fr  ^m  One  Only  Source.  In  the 
morphological  and  geometrical  displays  of  matter 
these  phenomena  assume  a  multitude  of  phases;  all 
are  interactive  and  interdependent,  few  are  original  or 
primary,  —  for  example,  heat  and  electricity  are  the 
offspring  of  motion  which  is  the  result  of  attractive 
and  repulsive  force. 


V 


8  SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

What  is  force  and  what  matter,  whether  the  one  is 
the  essence  of  a  self-conscious  Creator  and  the  other 
his  handiwork,  or  whether  both  are  the  offspring  of  a 
blind  chance  or  fate — which  latter  hypothesis  is  simply 
unthinkable — it  is  not  my  purpose  here  to  consider. 
I  propose  in  this  analysis  to  take  things  as  I  find 
them,  to  study  the  operations  rather  than  the  origin 
of  phenomena,  to  determine  what  man  does  rather 
than  what  he  ought  to  do,  and  to  drop  the  subject  at 
the  confines  of  transcendentalism.  When,  therefore,  I 
speak  of  force  as  the  life  of  matter,  it  no  more  implies 
a  self-existant  materialism  in  man,  than  the  soul  of 
man  implies  a  pantheistic  self-existant  soul  in  nature. 
Omnipotence  can  as  easily  create  and  sustain  a  universe 
through  the  media  of  antagonistic  and  interdepend- 
ent forces  as  through  any  other  means,  can  as  easily 
place  nature  and  man  under  the  governance  of  fixed 
laws  as  to  hold  all  under  varying  arbitrary  dispensa- 
tions, and  can  reconcile  these  laws  with  man's  volition. 
Wells  of  bitterness  are  dug  by  disputants  under  mean- 
ingless words;  scientists  are  charged  with  materialism 
and  religionists  with  fanaticism,  in  their  vain  attempts 
to  fathom  the  ways  of  the  Almighty  and  restrict  his 
powers  to  the  limits  of  our  weak  understanding. 

It  has  been  said  that,  in  the  beginning,  the 
sixty  and  odd  supposed  several  elements  of  matter 
were  in  a  chaotic  state ;  that  matter  and  force  were 
poised  in  equilibrium  or  rioted  at  random  throughout 
space,  that  out  of  this  condition  of  things  sprang  form 
and  development;  regular  motion  and  time  began; 
matter  condensed  into  revolving  masses  and  marked 
off  the  days,  and  months,  and  years ;  organization  and 
organisms  were  initiated  and  intellectual  design  became 
manifest.  The  infinitesimal  molecules,  balanced  by 
universal  equilibrium  of  forces,  which  before  motion 
and  time  were  but  chaotic  matter  and  force,  were 
finally  supposed  to  have  been  each  endowed  with  an 
innate  individuality.  However  this  may  be,  we  now 
see  every  atom  in  the  universe  athrill  with  force,  and 


*  ■ 

II 


THEORIES  OF  NEWTON  AND  LAPLACE. 


possessed  of  chemical  virtues,  and,  under  conditions, 
with  the  faculty  of  activity.  As  to  the  Force  behind 
force,  or  how  or  by  what  means  this  innate  energy 
was  or  is  implanted  in  molecules,  we  have  here  nothing 
to  do.  It  is  sufficient  for  our  purjjose  that  we  find  it 
there ;  yet,  the  teachings  of  philosophy  imply  that  this 
innate  force  is  neither  self- implanted  nor  self-operative; 
that  whether,  in  pre-stellar  times,  infinitesimal  par- 
ticles of  matter  floated  in  space  as  nebulous  fluid  or 
objectless  vapor  without  form  or  consistence,  or  whether 
all  matter  was  united  in  one  mass  which  was  set  revolv- 
ing, and  Isecame  br  jicen  into  fragments,  which  were  sent 
whirling  as  suns  and  planets  in  every  direction;  that 
in  either  case,  or  in  any  other  conceivable  case,  matter, 
whether  as  molecules  or  masses,  was  primordially,  and 
is,  endowed  and  actuated  by  a  Creative  Intelligence, 
which  implanting  force,  vitality,  intellect,  soul,  pro- 
gress, is  ever  acting,  moving,  mixing,  unfolding,  and 
this  in  every  part  and  in  all  the  multitudinous  combi- 
nations of  matter;  and  that  all  forces  and  vitalities 
must  have  co-existed  in  the  mass,  innate  in  and  around 
every  atom. 

Thus,  in  his  great  theory  of  the  projectile  impulse 
given  to  heavenly  bodies  in  counteraction  of  the  attrac- 
tive impulse,  Sir  Isaac  Newton  assumes  that  both 
impulses  were  giv^en  from  without;  that  some  power 
foreign  to  themselves  projected  into  space  these  heav- 
enly bodies  and  holds  tliem  there.  So,  too,  when 
Laplace  promulgated  the  idea  that  in  pre-planetary 
times  space  was  filled  with  particles  and  vapors,  solar 
systems  existing  only  in  n  nebulous  state  and  this 
nebula  set  revolving  in  one  mass  upon  its  own  axis 
from  west  to  east,  and  that  as  the  velocity  of  this 
mas^s  increased  suns  and  planets  were,  by  centrifugal 
force,  thrown  off  and  condensed  into  habitable  but  still 
whirling  worlds,  some  impulse  foreign  to  the  revolving 
mass  setting  it  in  motion  is  implied. 

With  organization  and  motion,  the  phases  of  force, 
called  heat,  light,  electriei<-y  and  magnetism,  hitherto 


10 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


held  dormant  in  molecules  are  engendered;  composi- 
tion and  decomposition  ensue;  matter  assumes  new 
and  varying  forms ;  a  progressional  development,  which 
is  nothing  but  intelligently  directed  motion,  is  initiated, 
and  motion  becomes  eternal. 

It  is  a  well-established  principle  of  physics  that 
force  cannot  be  created  or  lost.  The  conservation  of 
force  is  not  affected  by  the  action  or  energies  of 
moving  bodies.  Force  is  not  created  to  set  a  body  in 
motion,  nor  when  expended,  as  we  say,  is  it  lost.  The 
sum  of  all  potential  energies  throughout  the  universe 
is  always  the  same,  whether  matter  is  at  rest  or  in 
motion.  It  is  evident  that  so  long  as  every  molecule 
is  charged  with  attractive  force  no  atom  can  drop  out 
into  the  depths  of  unoccupied  and  absolute  space  and 
become  lost  or  annihilated ;  and  so  long  as  force  is 
dependent  on  matter  for  its  perceivable  existence,  force 
cannot  escape  beyond  the  confines  of  space  and  become 
lost  in  absolute  void. 

Not  only  are  forces  interdependent,  but  they  are 
capable  of  being  metamorphosed  one  into  another. 
Thus  intellectual  energy  invents  a  machine  which 
drives  a  steamship  across  the  ocean.  This  invention 
or  creation  of  the  mind  is  nothing  else  than  a  vitaliza- 
tion  or  setting  at  liberty  of  mechanical  forces,  and 
without  this  vitalization  or  applied  intellectual  force 
such  mechanical  force  lies  dormant  as  in  so-called  dead 
matter.  Gravitation  is  employed  to  turn  a  water- 
wheel,  caloric  to  drive  a  steam-engine,  by  means  of 
eithei  of  which  weights  may  be  raised,  heat,  electricity, 
and  light  produced,  and  these  new-created  forces 
husbanded  and  made  to  produce  still  other  forces  or 
turned  back  into  their  original  channels.  And  so  in 
chemical  and  capillary  action,  the  correlation  of  forces 
everywhere  is  found. 

Between  mind  and  matter  there  exists  the  most 
intimate  relationship.  Immateriality,  in  its  various 
phases  of  force,  life,  intellect,  so  far  as  human  con- 
sciousness can  grasp  it,  is  inseparable  from  materiality. 


INTIMACY  OF  MIND  AND  MATTER. 


11 


most 
various 
n  con- 
riality. 


The  body  is  but  part  of  the  soil  on  which  it  treads, 
and  the  mind  can  receive  no  impressions  except 
through  the  organs  of  the  body.  The  brain  is  the 
seat  of  thought  and  the  organ  of  thought;  neither 
can  exist  in  a  normal  state  apart  from  the  other.  As 
a  rule,  the  power  of  the  intellect  is  in  proportion  to 
the  size  and  quality  of  the  brain.  Among  animals, 
those  of  lowest  order  have  the  least  brains;  man,  the 
most  intellectual  of  animals,  has  relatively,  if  not 
absolutely,  the  largest  brain.  True,  in  some  of  the 
largest  animals  the  cerebral  mass  is  larger  than  in 
man,  but,  in  its  chemical  composition,  its  convolutions, 
shape,  and  quality,  that  in  man  is  superior;  and  it  is 
in  the  quality,  rather  than  in  the  quantity  of  the  nerv- 
ous tissues,  that  their  superiority  consists.  Intelli- 
gence enters  the  brain  by  the  organs  of  the  senses,  and 
through  the  nervous  system  its  subtle  influence  radiates 
to  every  part  of  the  body.  All  human  activities  are 
either  mental  or  mechanical;  nor  will  it  be  denied 
that  mental  activity  is  produced  by  mechanical  means, 
or,  that  mechanical  activity  is  the  result  of  mental 
force.  Corporeal  motion  is  mental  force  distributed  to 
the  various  parts  of  the  body. 

The  action  of  immaterial  forces  on  the  material  sub- 
stances of  the  human  body  manifestly  accords  with 
the  action  of  immaterial  forces  elsewhere.  All  the 
physical  and  mechanical  actions  of  the  human  body 
accord  with  the  physical  and  mechanical  forces  else- 
where displayed.  Man,  we  are  told,  was  the  last  of 
all  created  things,  but  in  the  making  of  man  no  new 
matter  was  employed;  nor  in  setting  the  body  in 
motion  can  we  discover  that  any  new  force  was  in- 
vented. Thus  the  heart  beats  upon  mechanical  princi- 
ples; the  eye  sees,  and  the  voice  speaks  in  accordance 
with  the  general  laws  of  optics  and  acoustics. 

To  the  observer,  organic  activity  is  but  the  product 
of  combined  inorganic  forces.  The  same  processes  are 
at  work,  and  in  the  same  manner,  in  living  and  in  so- 
called  dead  matter.     Life,  to  all  appearance,  is  but  the 


la 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


result  of  combined  chemical  and  mechanical  processes. 
Assimilation,  digestion,  secretion,  are  explainable  by 
chemistry,  and  by  chemistry  alone.  The  stomach  is  a 
chemical  retort,  the  body  a  chemical  laboratory.  Car- 
bon, oxygen,  hydrogen,  nitrogen,  combine  and  separate 
in  the  body  a^  out  of  the  body.  The  blood  circulates 
upon  purely  mechanical  principles;  all  muscular  action 
is  mechanical.  In  the  phenomena  of  life,  the  only 
perceptible  difference  is  in  the  combinations  of  funda- 
mental elements;  yet  chemistiy  and  mechanics  cannot 
produce  a  live  body. 

With  the  foregoing  well-recognized  principles  before 
us,  let  us  now  notice  some  few  parallelisms  between 
mechanical  and  social  energetics. 

Man,  like  every  other  natural  substance,  is  a  com- 
pound of  force  and  matter.  "  Respiration,"  says  Liebig, 
"is  the  falling  weight,  the  bent  spring,  which  keeps 
the  clock  in  motion;  the  inspirations  and  respirations 
are  the  strokes  of  the  pendulum  which  regulates." 
Atoms  of  matter,  through  the  instrumentality  of  liv- 
ing force,  cohere  and  coalesce  under  endless  complex 
conditions  into  endless  varieties  of  form  and  substance ; 
so  also  the  activities  of  man,  corporeal  and  intellectual, 
result  in  vast  accumulations  of  experiences,  which  accu- 
mulations become  the  property  of  the  whole  society. 
Society,  like  matter,  is  composed  of  units,  each  possess- 
ing certain  forces,  attractive  and  repulsive;  societies 
act  upon  each  other,  like  celestial  bodies,  in  proportioh 
to  their  volume  and  proximity,  and  the  power  of  the 
unit  increases  with  the  increase  of  the  mass.  In  asso- 
ciation there  ist  a  force  as  silent  and  as  subtle  as  that 
which  governs  atoms  and  holds  worlds  in  equipoise; 
its  grosser  forms  are  known  as  government,  worship, 
fashion,  and  the  like;  its  finer  essence  is  more  delicate 
than  thought.  It  is  this  social  force,  attractive  and 
repulsive,  that  binds  men  together,  tears  them  asun- 
der, kneads,  and  knits,  and  shapes,  and  evolves;  it  is 
the  origin  of  every  birth,  the  ultimate  of  every  activity. 
Mechanical  forces  are  manifest  in  machines,  as  the 


MATERIALITY  ACTING  ON  MIND. 


13 


lever,  the  wheel,  the  inclined  plane ;  progressional  force 
is  manifest  in  intellectual  ingenuity,  literature,  art, 
science,  which  are  the  machines  of  human  progress. 

How  many  of  all  our  joys  and  sorrows,  our  loves 
and  hates,  our  good  and  evil  actions,  spring  from 
physical  causes  only  ?  Even  material  substances  dis- 
play moods  and  affections,  as  when  heated,  electrified, 
decomposed,  or  set  in  motion ;  the  sea  at  rest  pre- 
sents a  diiferent  mood  from  the  sea  raging.  Jean- 
Jacques  Rousseau's  idea  tliat  the  soul  might  be  gov- 
erned for  its  good  by  material  things  working  through 
the  media  of  the  senses,  is  not  so  extravagant  after  all. 
'The  gospel  according  to  Jean- Jacques,'  as  Carlyle 
puts  it,  runs  as  follows  on  this  point — and,  indeed,  the 
great  Genevan  evangelist  at  one  time  intended  to 
devote  a  book  to- the  subject  under  the  title  of  La 
Morale  Sensitive: — "The  striking  and  numerous  obser- 
vations that  I  had  collected  were  beyond  all  dispute ; 
and,  in  their  physical  origin,  they  appeared  to  me 
proper  for  furnishmg  an  exterior  regimen,  which,  varied 
according  to  circumstances,  should  be  able  to  place  or 
maintain  the  soul  in  the  state  most  favorable  to  virtue. 
How  many  wanderings  one  might  save  the  reason, 
how  many  vices  might  be  hindered  birth,  if  one  could 
but  force  the  animal  economy  to  favor  the  moral  order 
that  it  troubles  so  often.  Climates,  seasons,  sounds, 
colors,  darkness,  light,  the  elements,  food,  noise,  silence, 
movement,  repose,  all  act  on  our  bodily  frame,  and, 
by  consequence,  on  our  soul ;  all  offer  us  a  thousand 
firm  holds  to  govern,  in  their  origin,  those  sentiments 
by  which  we  allow  ourselves  to  be  dominated." 

In  contemplating  the  numerous  activities  by  which 
we  are  surrounded,  again  and  again  we  are  called  upon 
to  wonder  at  the  marvelous  regularity  which  charac- 
terizes all  their  movements.  So  regular  are  these 
movements,  so  sure  are  certain  conditions  to  accompany 
certain  results,  that  in  physics,  in  cheraistrv,  in  physi- 
ology, and  even  in  society,  facts  are  collected  and 
classified,  and  from  them  laws  are  discovered  as  fixed 


u 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


and  irrevocable  as  the  facts  the'  aselves,  which  laws, 
indeed,  are  themselves  facts,  no  less  than  the  facts 
from  which  they  are  deduced. 

Highly  cultivated  nations  frame  laws  that  pro- 
vide for  many  contingencies,  but  the  code  of  nature 
has  yet  finer  provisions.  There  are  conditions  that 
neither  political  nor  social  laws  reach,  there  are  none 
not  reached  by  physical  law ;  in  society,  criminals  some- 
times evade  the  law;  in  nature,  never.  So  subtle 
are  the  laws  of  nature,  that  even  thought  cannot  follow 
them;  when  we  see  that  every  molecule,  by  virtue 
of  its  own  hidden  force,  attracts  every  other  molecule, 
up  to  a  certain  point,  and  then  from  the  same  inherent 
influence  every  atom  repels  every  other  atom;  when 
by  experiments  of  physicists  it  has  been  proved  that 
in  polarization,  crystallization,  and  chemical  act'  n, 
there  is  not  the  slightest  deviation  from  an  almost 
startling  regularity,  with  many  other  facts  of  like  im- 
port, how  many  natural  laws  do  we  feel  to  be  yet  un- 
revealed  and,  from  the  exquisite  delicacy  of  their  na- 
ture, unrevealable  to  our  present  coarse  understanding. 

It  would  be  indeed  strange,  if,  when  all  the  universe 
is  under  the  governance  of  fixed  laws  —  laws  which 
regulate  the  motion  of  every  molecule,  no  I  iS  than 
the  revolutions  of  suns — laws  of  such  subtle  import, 
as  for  instance,  regulate  the  transformations  of  heat, 
the  convertibility  and  correlation  of  force ;  it  would  be 
strange,  I  say,  if  such  laws  as  these,  when  they  reached 
the  domain  of  human  affairs  should  pause  and  leave 
the  world  of  man  alone  in  purposeless  wanderings. 

To  continue  our  analogies.  As,  latent  in  the  atom, 
or  in  the  mass,  there  are  energies  releasable  only  by 
heat  or  friction, — as  in  charcoal,  which  holds,  locked 
up,  muriatic  acid  gas  equivalent  to  ninety  times  its  vol- 
ume ;  or  in  spongy  platinum,  which  holds  in  like  manner 
oxygen,  equal  to  eight  hundred  times  its  volume ;  so, 
latent  in  every  individual,  are  numberless  energies, 
which  demand  the  friction  of  society  to  call  them  out. 

Force  comprises  two  elements,  attraction  and  repul- 


ANALOGIES  BETWEEN  MAN  AND  NATURE. 


15 


1  laws, 
e  facts 

it   pro- 
nature 
IS  that 
re  none 
s  some- 
subtle 
t  follow 
virtue 
olecule, 
nherent 
;  when 
ed  that 
acti  n, 
almost 
like  im- 
yet  un- 
eir  na- 
ianding, 
niverse 
which 
iS  than 
[import, 
if  heat, 
•uld  be 
cached 
leave 
igs. 

atom, 
knly  by 
1  locked 
its  vol- 
lanner 
le;  so, 
|ergies, 
out. 
1  repul- 


sion, analagous  to  the  principles  commonly  called  good 
and  evil  in  the  affairs  of  human  society ;  take  away 
from  mechanical  force  either  of  these  two  oppugnant 
elements,  and  there  could  be  neither  organism  nor  life, 
so  without  both  good  and  evil  in  human  affairs  there 
could  be  no  progress. 

If  none  of  the  forces  of  nature  are  dissipated  or  lost, 
and  if  force  can  no  more  be  extinguished  than  matter, 
and  like  matter  passes  from  one  form  into  another,  we 
may  conclude  that  intellectual  force  is  never  dissipated 
or  lost,  but  that  the  potential  energies  of  mind  and  soul 
perpetually  vibrate  between  man  and  nature. 

Or,  again,  if,  as  we  have  seen,  energy  of  every  kind 
is  clothed  in  matter,  and  when  employed  and  expended 
returns  again  to  its  place  in  matter ;  and  if  the  mind 
draws  its  forces  from  the  body,  as  it  appears  to  do, 
both  growing,  acting,  and  declining  simultaneously; 
and  if  the  body  draws  its  energy  from  the  earth,  which 
is  no  less  possible ;  then  may  not  intellectual  and  pro- 
gressional  force  be  derived  from  man's  environment,  and 
return  thither  when  expended  ?  Every  created  being 
borrows  its  material  from  the  storehouse  of  matter,  and 
when  uncreated  restores  it  again;  so  every  individual 
born  into  society  becomes  charged  with  social  force, 
with  progressional  energy,  which,  when  expended, 
rests  with  society.  Winslow's  opinion  on  this  sub- 
ject is,  that  "all  electric  and  magnetic  currents  origi- 
nate in — are  inducted  from — ^and  radiate  either  di^ 
rectly  or  indirectly  out  of  the  globe  as  the  fountain 
of  every  form  and  constituency  of  mechanical  force, 
and  that  abstract  immaterial  mechanical  energy,  as  we 
have  thus  far  discussed  and  developed  its  dual  princi- 
ples, is  absolutely  convertible  through  molecular  mo- 
tion into  every  form  and  expansion  of  secondary  force, 
passing  successively  from  heat  through  electricity, 
magnetism,  etc.,  and  ince  versa,  it  follows  that  this 
same  mechanical  energy  itself,  as  hypostatical  motive 
power,  must  proceed  out  of  the  globe  also." 

Thus  is  loaded  with  potential  energy  the  universe  of 


■■■■ 


16 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


matter,  generating  life,  mind,  civilization,  and  hence  we 
may  conclude  that  whatever  else  it  is,  civilization  is  a 
force ;  that  it  is  the  sum  of  all  the  forces  employed  to 
drive  humanity  onward ;  that  it  acts  on  man  as  me- 
chanical force  acts  dn  matter,  attracting,  repelling, 
pressing  forward  yet  holding  in  equilibrium,  and  all 
under  fixed  and  determined  laws. 


From  all  which  it  would  appear  that  nothing  is  found 
in  man  that  has  not  its  counterpart  in  nature,  and  that 
all  things  that  are  related  to  man  are  related  to  each 
other;  even  immortal  mind  itself  is  not  unlike  that  sub- 
tle force,  inherent  in,  and  working  round  every  atom. 

In  this  respect  physical  science  is  the  precursor  of 
social  science.  Nature  produces  man;  man  in  his 
earlier  conception  of  nature,  that  is  in  his  gods,  repro- 
duces himself;  and  later,  his  knowledge  of  intrinsic 
self  depends  upon  his  knowledge  of  extrinsic  agencies, 
so  that  as  the  laws  that  govern  external  nature  are 
bettor  understood,  the  laws  that  govern  society  are 
more  definitely  determined.  The  conditions  of  human 
progress  can  be  wrought  into  a  science  only  by  pur- 
suing the  same  course  that  raises  into  a  science  any 
branch  of  knowledge ;  that  is,  by  collecting,  classifying, 
and  comparing  facts,  and  therefrom  discovering  laws. 
Society  must  be  studied  as  chemistry  is  studied; 
it  must  be  analyzed,  and  its  component  parts — the 
solubilities,  interactions,  and  crystallizations  of  religions 
go  /ernments  and  fashions,  ascertained.  As  in  the 
earlier  contemplations  of  physical  nature,  the  action  of 
the  elements  was  deemed  fortuitous,  so  in  a  superficial 
survey  of  society,  all  events  appear  to  happen  by 
chance ;  but  on  deeper  investigation,  in  society  as  in 
physics,  events  apparently  fortuitous,  may  be  reduced 
to  immutable  law.  To  this  end  the  life  of  mankind 
on  the  globe  must  be  regarded  as  the  life  of  one  man, 
successions  of  societies  as  successions  of  days  in  that 
life;  for  the  activities  of  nations  are  but  the  sum  of 
the  activities  of  the  individual  members  thereof 


PHYSICAL  LAWS  AND  SOCIAL  LAWS. 


17 


We  have  seen  that  man's  organism,  as  far  as  it  may 
be  brought  under  exact  observation,  is  governed  by 
th(  same  processes  that  govern  elemental  principles  in 
inorganic  nature.  The  will  of  man  attemptmg  to 
exert  itself  in  antagonism  to  these  laws  of  nature  is 
wholly  ineffectual.  We  are  all  conscious  of  a  will, 
conscious  of  a  certain  freedom  in  the  exercise  of  our 
will,  but  wholly  unconscious  as  to  the  line  of  separation 
between  volition  and  environment.  Part  of  our  ac- 
tions arise  from  fixed  necessity,  part  are  the  result  of 
free  will.  Statistics,  as  they  are  accumulated  and  ar- 
ranged, tend  more  and  more  to  show  that  by  far  the 
greater  part  of  human  actions  are  not  under  individual 
control,  and  that  the  actions  of  masses  are,  in  the  main, 
wholly  beyond  the  province  of  the  human  will. 

Take  the  weather  for  a  single  day,  and  note  the 
effect  on  the  will.  The  direction  of  the  wind  not  un- 
frequently  governs  one's  train  of  thought;  resolution 
often  depends  upon  the  dryness  of  the  atmosphere, 
benevolence  upon  the  state  of  the  stomach;  misfor- 
tunes, arising  from  physical  causes,  have  ere  now 
changed  the  character  of  a  ruler  from  one  of  lofty 
self-sacrifice,  to  one  of  peevish  fretfulness,  whereat  his 
followers  became  estranged  and  his  empire  lost  in 
consequence.  In  the  prosecution  of  an  enterprise,  how 
often  we  find  ourselves  drifting  far  from  the  antici- 
pated goal.  The  mind  is  governed  by  the  condition 
of  the  body,  the  body  by  the  conditions  of  climate  and 
food ;  hence  it  is  that  many  of  our  actions,  which  we 
conceive  to  be  the  result  of  free  choice,  arise  from 
accidental  circumstances. 

It  is  only  in  the  broader  view  of  humanity  that 

general  laws  are  to  be   recognized,  as   Dr  Draper 

remarks:  "He  who  is  immersed  in  the  turmoil  of  a 

crowded  city  sees  nothing  but  the  acts  of  men;  and,  if 

he  formed  his  opinion  from  his  experience  alone,  must 

conclude  that  the  course  of  events  altogether  depends 

on  the  uncertainties  of  human  volition.     But  he  who 

ascends  to  a  sufficient  elevation  loses  sight  of  the  pass- 
Voi.  II.  a.  o  *. 


KW 


18 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


li 


ing  conflicts,  and  no  longer  hears  the  contentions.  He 
discovers  that  the  importance  of  individual  action  is 
diminishing  as  the  panorama  beneath  him  is  extend- 
ing; and  if  he  could  attain  to  the  truly  philosophical, 
the  general  point  of  view,  disengage  himself  from  all 
terrestrial  influences  and  entanglements,  rising  high 
enough  to  see  the  whole  at  a  glance,  his  acutest  vision 
would  fail  to  discern  the  slightest  indication  of  man, 
his  free  will,  or  his  works." 

Let  us  now  glance  at  some  of  the  manifestations  of 
this  progressional  influence ;  first  in  its  general  aspects, 
after  which  we  will  notice  its  bearing  on  a  few  of  the 
more  important  severalties  intimately  atfecting  human- 
ity, such  as  religion,  morality,  government,  and  com- 
merce, —  for  there  is  nothing  that  touches  man's 
welfare,  no  matter  how  lightly,  in  all  his  long  journey 
from  naked  wildness  to  clothed  and  cultured  intelli- 
gence, that  is  not  placed  upon  him  by  this  pro- 
gressional impulse. 

In  every  living  thing  there  is  an  element  of  continu- 
ous growth ;  in  every  aggregation  of  living  things 
there  is  an  element  of  continuous  improvement.  In 
the  first  instance,  a  vital  actuality  appears ;  whence, 
no  one  can  tell.  As  the  organism  matures,  a  new  germ 
is  formed,  which,  as  the  parent  stock  decays,  takes  its 
place  and  becomes  in  like  manner  the  parent  of  a  suc- 
cessor. Thus  even  death  is  but  the  door  to  new 
forms  of  life.  In  the  second  instance,  a  body  corporate 
appears,  no  less  a  vital  actuality  than  the  first;  a 
social  organism  in  which,  notwithstanding  ceaseless 
births  and  deaths,  there  is  a  living  principle.  For  while 
individuals  are  born  and  die,  families  live;  while  fam- 
ilies are  born  and  die,  species  live;  while  species  are 
born  and  die,  organic  being '  assumes  ne^w  forms  and 
features.  Herein  the  all-pervading  principle  of  life, 
while  flitting,  is  nevertheless  permanent,  while  tran- 
sient is  yet  eternal.  But  above  and  independent  of 
perpetual  birth  and  death  is  this  element  of  continuous 


MANIFESTATIONS  OF  PROGRESSIONAL  IMPULSE. 


19 


growth,  which,  like  a  spirit,  walks  abroad  and  mingles 
in  the  affairs  of  men.  "All  our  progress,"  says  Em- 
erson, "is  an  unfolding,  like  the  vegetable  bud.  You 
have  first  an  instinct;  then  an  opinion,  then  a  knowl- 
edge, as  the  plant  has  root  bud  and  fruit." 

Under  favorable  conditions,  and  up  to  a  certain 
point,  stocks  improve;  by  a  law  of  natural  selection 
the  strongest  and  fittest  survive,  while  the  ill-favored 
and  deformed  perish ;  under  conditions  unfavorable  to 
development,  stocks  remain  stationary  or  deteriorate. 
Paradoxically,  so  far  as  we  know,  organs  and  organ- 
isms are  no  more  perfect  now  than  in  the  beginning ; 
animal  instincts  are  no  keener,  nor  are  their  habitudes 
essentially  changed.  No  one  denies  that  stocks  im- 
prove, for  such  improvement  is  perceptible  and  perma- 
nent ;  many  deny  that  organisms  improve,  for  if  there 
be  improvement  it  is  imperceptible,  and  has  thus  far 
escaped  proof.  But,  however  this  may  be,  it  is  palpa- 
ble that  the  mind,  and  not  the  body,  is  the  instrument 
and  object  of  the  progressional  impulse. 

Man  in  the  duality  of  his  nature  is  brought  under 
two  distinct  dominions;  materially  he  is  subject  to 
the  laws  that  govern  matter,  mentally  to  the  laws 
that  govern  mind ;  physiologically  he  is  perfectly  made 
and  non-progressive,  psychologically  he  is  embryonic 
and  progressive.  Between  these  internal  and  external 
forces,  between  moral  and  material  activities  there 
may  be,  in  some  instances,  an  apparent  antagonism. 
The  mind  may  be  developed  in  excess  and  to  the  detri- 
ment of  the  body,  and  the  body  may  be  developed  in 
excess  and  to  the  detriment  of  the  mind. 

The  animal  man  is  a  bundle  of  organs,  with  instincts 
implanted  that  set  them  in  motion;  man  intellectual 
is  a  bundle  of  sentiments,  with  an  implanted  soul  that 
keeps  them  effervescent;  mankind  in  the  mass,  so- 
ciety,— ^we  see  the  fermentations,  we  mark  the  transi- 
tions; is  there,  then,  a  soul  in  aggregated  humanity  as 
there  is  in  individual  humanity? 

The  instincts  of  man's  animality  teach  the  organs 


90  SAVAOISM  AND  CIVILIZATION 

to  perform  their  functions  as  perfectly  at  the  first  as  at 
the  last;  the  instincts  of  man  s  intellectuality  urge  him 
on  in  an  eternal  race  for  something  better,  in  which 
perfection  is  never  attained  nor  attainable ;  in  society, 
we  see  the  constant  growth,  the  higher  and  yet  higher 
development;  now  in  this  ever-onward  movement  are 
there  mstincts  which  originate  and  govern  action  in 
the  body  social  as  in  the  body  individual  ?  Is  not 
society  a  bundle  of  organs,  with  an  implanted  Soul  of 
Progress,  which  moves  mankind  along  in  a  resistless 
predetermined  march? 

Nations  are  born  and  die;  they  appear  first  in  a 
state  of  infancy  or  savagism ;  many  die  in  their  child- 
hood, some  grow  into  manhood  and  rule  for  a  time  the 
destinies  of  the  world ;  finally,  by  sudden  extinction, 
or  a  lingering  decrepitude^  they  disappear,  and  others 
take  their  place.  But  in  this  ceaseless  coming  and 
going  there  is  somewhere  a  mysterious  agency  at  work, 
makmg  men  better,  wiser,  nobler,  whether  they  will 
or  not.  This  improvement  is  not  the  effect  of  volition ; 
Ijhe  plan,t  does  not  will  to  unfold,  nor  tho  immature 
animal  to  grow;  neither  can  the  world  of  human  kind 
cease  to  advance  in  mind  and  in  manners.  Develop- 
ment is  the  inevitable  incident  of  being.  Nations, 
under  normal  conditions,  can  no  more  help  advanc- 
ing than  they  can  throw  themselves  into  a  state  of 
non-existence;  than  can  the  individual  stop  his  cor- 
poreal growth,  or  shut  out  from  the  intellect  every 
perception  of  knowledge,  and  become  a  living  petrifi- 
cation. And  in  whatever  percs ;  ns  to  intellectual  man 
this  fundamental  principle  is  apparent.  It  underlies 
all  moralities,  govemmeritS;  and  religions,  all  indus- 
tries, arts,  and  commerce ;  it  is  the  mainspring  of  every 
action,  the  consequence  of  every  cause;  it  is  the  great 
central  idea  toward  which  all  things  converge;  it  is 
the  object  of  all  efforts,  the  end  of  all  successes;  it 
absorbs  all  forces,  and  is  the  combined  results  of  innu- 
merable agencies,  good  and  evil. 

Before  the  theory  of  Dr  von  Martius  and  his  follow- 


BRUTES  CANNOT  PROGRESS. 


31 


crs,  that  the  savage  state  is  but  a  degeneration  from 
something  higher,  can  become  tenable,  the  whole  order 
of  nature  must  be  revereed.  Kaces  may  deteriorate, 
civilized  peoples  relapse  into  barbarism,  but  such 
relapse  cannot  take  place  except  under  abnormal  con- 
ditions. We  caimot  believe  that  any  nation,  once 
learning  the  use  of  iron  would  cast  it  away  for  stone. 
Driven  from  an  iron-yielding  land,  the  knowledge  of 
iron  might  at  last  be  forgotten,  but  its  use  would 
nevei"  be  voluntarily  relinquished.  And  so  with  any 
of  the  arts  or  inventions  of  man.  Societies,  like  indi- 
viduals, are  born,  mature,  and  decay;  they  grow  old 
and  die;  they  may  pause  in  their  progress,  become 
diseased,  and  thereby  lose  their  strength  and  retrogade, 
but  they  never  turn  around  and  grow  backward  or 
ungrow, — they  could  :ioi  if  they  would. 

In  the  brute  creation  this  element  of  progress  is 
wanting.  The  bird  builds  its  nest,  the  bee  its  cell, 
the  beaver  its  darn,  with  no  more  skill  or  elaboration 
to-day,  than  did  the  bird  or  bee  or  beaver  primeval. 
The  instinct  of  animals  does  not  with  time  become 
intellect;  their  comforts  do  not  increase,  their  sphere 
of  action  does  not  enlarge.  By  domestication,  stocks 
may  be  improved,  but  nowhere  do  we  see  animals 
uniting  for  mutual  improvement,  or  creating  for  them- 
selves an  artificial  existence.  So  in  man,  whose  nature 
comprises  both  the  animal  and  the  intellectual,  the 
physical  organism  neither  perceptibly  advances  nor 
deteriorates.  The  features  may,  indeed,  beam  brighter 
from  the  light  of  a  purer  intellectuality  cast  upon  them 
from  within,  but  the  hand,  the  eye,  the  heart,  so  far  as 
we  know,  is  no  more  perfect  now  than  in  the  days  of 
Adam. 

As  viewed  by  Mr  Bagehot,  the  body  of  the  accom- 
plished man  "becomes,  by  training,  different  from 
what  it  ome  was,  and  different  from  that  of  the  rude 
man,  becomes  charged  with  stored  virtue  and  acquired 
faculty  which  come  away  from  it  unconsciously."  But 
the  body  of  the  accomplished  man  dies,  and  the  son  can 


22 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


in  no  wist  mherit  it,  whereas  the  soul  of  his  accomplish- 
ments does  not  die,  but  lives  in  the  air,  and  becomes 
part  of  the  vital  breath  of  society.  And,  again,  "power 
that  has  been  laboriously  acquired  and  stored  up  as  stati- 
cal in  one  generation"  sometimes,  says  Maudsley, 
"becomes  the  inborn  faculty  of  the  next;  and  the 
development  takes  place  in  accordance  with  that  law  of 
increasing  speciality  and  complexity  of  adaption  to 
external  nature  which  is  traceable  through  the  animal 
kingdom;  or,  in  other  words,  that  law  of  progress, 
from  the  general  to  the-  special,  in  development,  which 
the  aj)pearance  of  nerve  force  amongst  natural  forces 
and  the  complexity  of  the  nervous  system  of  man 
both  illustrate."  On  the  other  side  John  Stuart  Mill 
is  just  as  positive  that  culture  is  not  inherent.  "Of 
all  vulgar  modes,"  he  remarks,  "of  escaping  from  the 
consideration  of  the  effect  of  social  and  moral  intluences 
on  the  human  mind,  the  most  vulgar  is  that  of  attribut- 
ing the  diversities  of  conduct  and  character  to  inherent 
natural  diiferences;"  and,  says  Mr  Buckle,  "we  cannot 
safely  assume  that  there  has  been  any  permanent  im- 
provement in  the  moral  or  intellectual  faculties  of  man, 
nor  have  we  any  decisive  ground  for  saying  that  those 
faculties  are  likely  to  be  greater  in  an  infant  born  in 
the  most  civilized  part  of  Europe,  than  in  one  born  in 
the  wildest  region  of  a  barbarous  country." 

Whether  or  not  the  nervous  system,  which  is  the 
connective  tissue  between  man's  animality  and  his 
intellectuality,  transmits  its  subtle  forces  from  one 
generation  to  another,  we  may  be  sure  that  the  mind 
acts  on  the  nerves,  and  the  nerves  on  every  part  of  the 
system,  and  that  the  intelligence  of  the  mind  intluences 
and  governs  the  materialism  of  the  body,  and  the  con- 
sequences in  some  way' are  felt  by  succeeding  genera- 
tions; but  that  the  mind  becomes  material,  and  its 
qualities  transmitted  to  posterity,  is  an  hypothesis  yet 
unestablished. 

Moreover  we  may  safely  conclude  that  the  improve- 
ment of  mankind  is  a  phenomenon  purely  intellectual. 


IMPROVEMENT  PURELY  INTELLECTUAL. 


23 


Not  that  the  improvement  of  the  mind  is  wholly  inde- 
pendent of  the  condition  of  the  body ;  for,  as  we  shall 
hereafter  see,  so  intimate  is  the  connection  between 
the  mind  and  the  body,  that  the  first  step  toward 
intellectual  advancement  cannot  be  taken  until  the 
demands  of  the  body  are  satisfied.  Nervous  phe- 
nomena aredependent  upon  the  same  nutritive  processes 
that  go  ern  physical  development ;  and  that  this  nerve 
force,  through  whose  agency  the  system  is  charged 
with  intellectuality,  as  the  molecule  is  charged  with 
mechanical  force,  does  exist,  is  capable,  to  some  extent, 
of  transmitting  acquirements  or  artificial  instincts 
from  parent  to  child,  we  have  every  reason  to  believe; 
but,  so  far  as  we  know,  intellectual  force,  per  se,  is  no 
more  a  transmittable  entity  than  is  the  flesh-quivering 
of  the  slain  ox  life. 

The  strangest  part  of  it  all  is,  that  though  wrought 
out  by  man  as  the  instrument,  and  while  acting  in  the 
capacity  of  a  free  agent,  this  spirit  of  progress  is 
wholly  independent  of  the  will  ^f  man.  Though  in 
our  individual  actions  we  imagine  ourselves  directed 
only  by  our  free  will,  yet  in  the  end  it  is  most 
difticult  to  determine  what  is  the  result  of  free  will, 
and  what  of  inexorable  environment.  While  we  think 
we  are  regulating  our  aftairs,  our  affairs  are  regulating 
us.  We  plan  out  improvements,  predetermine  the 
best  course  and  follow  it,  sometimes;  yet,  for  all  that, 
the  principle  of  social  progress  in  not  the  man,  is  not 
in  the  man,  forms  no  con^tituont  of  liis  j)hysical  or 
psychical  individual  being;  it  is  the  social  atmosphere 
into  which  the  man  is  born,  into  which  he  brings  noth- 
ing and  {rom  which  he  takes  nothing.  While  a  mem- 
ber of  society  he  adds  his  quota  to  the  general  fund 
and  there  leaves  it;  while  act' ng  as  a  free  agent  he 
performs  his  part  in  working  out  this  prol)lem  of  social 
development,  performs  it  unconsciously,  willing  or 
unwilling  ,i  performs  it,  his  baser  passions  being  as 
powerful  instruments  of  progress  as  his  nobler;  for 
avarice  drives  on  intellect  as  effectually  as  benevolence, 


TT 


24  8AVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

hate  as  love,  and  selfishness  does  infinitely  more  for 
the  progress  of  mankind  than  philanthroj^y.  Thus  is 
humanity  played  upon  by  this  principle  of  progress, 
and  the  music  sometimes  is  wonderful ;  green  fields  as 
if  by  magic  take  the  place  of  wild  forests,  magnificent 
cities  rise  out  of  the  ground,  the  forces  of  nature  are 
brought  under  the  dominion  of  man's  intelligence,  and 
senseless  substances  endowed  with  speech  and  action. 

It  is  verily  as  Carlyle  says;  "under  the  strangest 
new  vesture,  the  old  great  truth  (since  no  vesture  can 
hide  it)  begins  again  to  be  revealed :  That  man  is  what 
we  call  a  miraculous  creature,  with  miraculous  power 
over  men ;  and,  on  the  whole,  with  such  a  Life  in  him, 
and  such  a  World  round  him,  as  victorious  Analysis, 
with  her  Physiologies,  Nervous  Systems,  Physic  and 
Metaphysic,  will  never  completely  name,  to  say  noth- 
ing of  explaining." 

Thus,  to  sum  up  the  foregoing  premises :  in  society, 
between  two  or  more  individuals,  there  is  at  work  a 
mysterious  energy,  not  unlike  that  of  force  between 
molecules  or  life  in  the  organism ;  this  social  energy  is 
under  intelligent  governance,  not  fortuitous  nor  cause- 
less, but  reducible  to  fixed  law,  and  capable  of  being 
wrought  into  a  science ;  is,  moreover,  a  vital  actuality, 
not  an  incident  nor  an  accident,  but  an  entity,  as 
attraction  and-  repulsion  are  entities ;  under  this  agency 
society,  perforce,  develops  like  the  plant  from  a  germ. 
This  energy  acts  on  the  intellect,  and  through  the  intel- 
lect on  the  organism;  acts  independently  of  the  will, 
and  cannot  be  created  or  destroyed  by  man;  is  not 
found  in  the  brute  creation,  is  not  transmittable  by 
generation  through  individuals,  is  Avrought  out  by 
man  as  a  free-will  agent,  though  acting  unconsciously, 
and  is  the  prrjduct  alike  of  good  and  evil. 

As  to  the  causes  which  originate  progressional  phe- 
nomena there  are  differences  of  opinion.  One  sees  in 
the  intellect  the  germ  of  an  eternal  unfolding ;  another 
recognizes  in  the  soul-element  the  vital  principle  of 


CAUSES  OF  MAN'S  DEVELOPMENT. 


as 


progress,  and  attributes  to  religion  all  the  benefits  of 
enlightenment;  one  builds  a  theory  on  the  ground- work 
of  a  fundamental  and  innate  morality;  another  dis- 
covers in  the  forces  of  nature  the  controlling  influence 
upon  man's  destiny;  while  yet  others,  as  we  have  seen, 
believe  accumulative  and  inherent  nervous  force  to  be 
the  media  through  which  culture  is  transmitted. 
Some  believe  that  moral  causes  create  the  physical, 
others  that  physical  causes  create  the  moral. 

Thus  Mr  Buckle  attempts  to  prove  that  man's 
development  is  wholly  dependent  upon  his  physical 
surroundings.  Huxley  points  to  a  system  of  reflex 
a»^t'ons, — mind  acting  on  matter,  and  matter  on  mind, — 
.:>  be  possible  culture-basis.  Darwin  advances  the 
(1  ane  of  an  evolution  from  vivified  matter  as  the 
p.iin'iple  of  progressive  development.  In  the  trans- 
mution  of  nerve-element  from  parents  to  children, 
Bagehot  sees  "the  continuous  force  which  binds  age 
to  age,  which  enables  each  to  begin  with  some  im- 
provement on  the  last,  if  the  last  did  itself  improve ; 
which  makes  each  civilization  not  a  set  of  detached 
dots,  but  a  line  of  color,  surely  enhancing  shade  by 
shade."  Some  see  in  human  progress  the  ever-ruling 
hand  of  a  divine  providence,  others  the  results  of  man's 
skill ;  with  some  it  is  free  will,  with  others  necessity ; 
some  beliovv)  that  intellectual  development  springs 
from  bette)  sjBt  ms  of  government,  others  that  wealth 
lies  at  tb-.  t'onr  iationof  all  culture;  every  philosopher 
recognj  :e,s  sv>ine  cause,  invents  some  system,  or  brings 
human  iictii  )■&  under  the  dominion  of  some  species 
of  law. 

As  in  animals  of  the  same  genus  or  species,  inhab- 
iting widely  different  localities,  we  see  the  results  of 
common  instincts,  so  in  the  evolutions  of  the  human 
race,  divided  by  time  or  space,  we  see  the  same  gen- 
eral principles  at  work.  So  too  it  would  seem,  whetlier 
species  are  one  or  many,  whether  man  is  a  perfectly 
create;'  Seing  or  an  evolution  from  a  lower  form,  that 
all  til  V  uxman  races  of  the  globe  are  formed  on  one 


98 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


model  and  governed  by  the  same  laws.  In  the  cus- 
toms, languages,  and  myths  of  ages  and  nations  far 
removed  from  each  other  in  social,  moral,  and  mental 
characteristics,  innumerable  and  striking  analogies 
exist.  Not  only  have  all  nations  weapons,  but  many 
who  are  separated  from  each  '^^her  by  a  hemisphere 
use  the  same  weapon ;  not  only  is  belief  universal,  but 
many  relate  the  same  myth;  and  to  suppose  the  bow 
and  arrow  to  have  had  a  common  origin,  or  that  all 
flood-myths,  and  myths  of  a  future  life  are  but  off- 
shoots from  ^[oacb;'^  ind  Biblical  narratives  is  scarcely 
reasonable. 

It  is  easier  to  tell  \,  civilization  is  not,  and  what 
it  does  not  spring  from,  than  what  it  is  and  what  its 
origin.  To  attribute  its  rise  to  any  of  the  principles, 
ethical,  political,  or  material,  that  come  under  the 
cognizance  of  man,  is  fallacy,  for  it  is  as  much  an  entity 
as  any  other  primeval  principle;  nor  may  we,  with 
Archbishop  Whately,  entertain  the  doctrine  that  civ- 
ilization never  could  have  arisen  had  not  the  Creator 
appeared  upon  earth  as  the  first  instructor;  for,  unfor- 
tunately for  this  hypothesis,  the  aboriginals  supposedly 
so  taught,  were  scarcely  civilized  at  all,  and  compare 
unfavorably  with  the  other  all-perfect  works  of  crea- 
tion; so  that  this  sort  of  reasoning,  like  innumerable 
other  attempts  of  man  to  limit  the  powers  of  Omnipo- 
tence, and  narrow  them  down  to  our  weak  understand- 
ings, is  little  else  than  puerility. 

Nor,  as  we  have  seen,  is  this  act  of  civilizing  the 
effect  of  volition;  nor,  as  will  hereafter  more  clearly 
appear,  does  it  arise  from  an  mherent  principle  of  good 
any  more  than  from  an  inherent  principle  of  evil. 
The  ultimate  result,  though  difficult  of  proof,  we  take 
for  granted  to  be  good,  but  the  agencies  employed  for 
its  consummation  number  among  them  more  of  those 
we  call  evil  than  of  those  we  call  good.  The  isolated 
individual  never,  by  any  possibility,  can  become  civil- 
ized like  the  social  man;  he  cannot  even  speak,  and 
without  a  flow  of  words  there  can  be  no  complete  flow 


SOCIETY  ESSENTIAL  TO  INTELLECT. 


27 


of  thought.  Send  him  forth  away  from  his  fellow-man 
to  roam  the  forest  with  the  wild  beasts,  and  he  would 
be  almost  as  wild  and  beastlike  as  his  companions;  it 
is  doubtful  if  he  would  ever  fashion  a  tool,  but  would 
not  rathey  with  his  claws  alone  procure  his  food,  and 
forever  remain  as  he  now  is,  the  most  impotent  of 
animals.  The  intellect,  by  which  means  alone  man 
rises  above  other  animals,  never  could  work,  because 
the  intellect  is  quickened  only  as  it  comes  in  contact 
with  intellect.  The  germ  of  development  therein 
implanted  cannot  unfold  singly  any  more  than  the 
organism  can  bear  fruit  singly.  It  is  a  well-established 
fact  that  the  mind  without  language  cannot  fully  de- 
velop; it  is  likewise  established  that  language  is  not 
inherent,  that  it  springs  up  between  men,  not  in  them. 
Language,  like  civilization,  belongs  to  society,  and  is 
in  no  wise  a  part  or  the  property  of  the  individual. 
"For  strangely  in  this  so  solid-seeming  World,"  says 
Carlyle,  "which  nevertheless  is  in  continual  restless 
flux,  it  is  appointed  that  Sound,  to  appearance  the 
most  fleeting,  should  be  the  most  continuing  of  all 
things."  And  further,  as  remarked  by  Herbert  Spen- 
cer: "Now  that  the  transformation  and  equivalence  of 
forces  is  seen  by  men  of  science  to  hold  not  only 
throughout  all  inorganic  actions,  but  throughout  all 
organic  actions;  now  that  even  mental  changes  are 
recognized  as  the  correlatives  of  cerebral  changes, 
which  also  conform  to  this  princple;  and  now  that 
there  must  be  admitted  the  corollary,  that  aU  actions 
going  on  in  a  society  are  measured  by  certain  antecedent 
energies,  which  disappear  in  eflecting  them,  while  they 
themselves  become  actual  or  potential  energies  from 
which  subsequent  actions  arise ;  it  is  strange  that  there 
should  not  have  arisen  the  consciousness  that  these 
higher  phenomena  are  to  be  studied  as  lower  phe- 
nomena have  been  studied — not,  of  course,  after  the 
same  physical  methods,  but  in  conformity  with  the 
same  principles." 

We  may  hold  then,  a  priori,  that  this  progressional 


28 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


principle  exists;  that  it  exists  not  more  in  the  man 
than  around  him;  that  it  requires  an  atmosphere  in 
which  to  live,  as  life  in  the  body  requires  an  atmos- 
phere which  is  its  vital  breath,  and  that  this  atmos- 
phere is  generated  only  by  the  contact  of  man  with 
man.     Under  analysis  this  social  atmosphere  appears 
to  be  composed  of  two  opposing  principles — ^good  and 
evil — which,  like  attraction  and  repulsion,  or  positive 
and  negative  electricity,  underlie  all  activities.     One 
is  as  essential  to  progress  as  the  other;  either,  in  excess 
or  disproportionately  administered,  like  an  excess  of 
oxygen  or  of  hydrogen  in  the  air,  becomes  pernicious, 
engenders  social  disruptions  and  decay  which  continue 
until  the  equilibrium  is  restored;  yet  all  the  while 
with  the  progress  of  humanity  the  good  increases  while 
the  evil  diminishes.     Every  impulse  incident  to  hu- 
manity is   born  of  the  union  of  these  two  opposing 
principles.     For   example,  as   I  have  said,  and  will 
attempt  more  fully  to  show  further  on,  association  is 
the  first  requisite  of  progress.     But  what  is  to  bring 
about  association  ?     Naked  nomads  will  not  voluntarily 
yield  up  their  freedom,  quit  their  wanderings,  hold 
conventions  and  pass  resolutions  concerning  the  great- 
est good   to  the  grertest   number;  patriotism,  love, 
benevolence,  brotherly  kindness,  will  not  bring  savage 
men  together;  extrinsic  force  must  be  employed,  an 
iron  hand  must  be  laid  upon  them  which  will  compel 
them  to  unite,  else  there  can  be  no  civilization ;  and  to 
accomplish   this  first  great  good  to  man, — to  compel 
mankind  to  take  the  initial  step  toward  the  ameliora- 
tion of  their  condition, — it  is  ordained  that  an  evil,  or 
what  to  us  of  these  latter  times  is  surely  an  evil,  come 
forward, — and  that  evil  is  War. 

Primeval  man,  in  his  social  organization,  is  patri- 
archal, spreading  out  over  vast  domains  in  little  bands 
or  families,  just  large  enough  to  be  able  successfully 
to  cope  with  wild  beasts.  And  in  that  state  human- 
ity would  forever  remain  did  not  some  terrible  cause 
force  these  bands  to  confederate.     War  is  an  evil, 


EVIL  AS  A  STIMULANT  OF  PROGRESS. 


originating  in  hateful  passions  and  ending  in  dire 
misery;  yet  without  war,  without  this  evil,  man  would 
forever  remain  primitive.  But  something  more  is 
necessary.  War  brings  men  together  for  a  purpose, 
but  it  is  insufficient  to  hold  them  together;  for  when 
the  cause  which  compacted  them  no  longer  exists,  they 
speedily  scatter,  each  going  his  own  way.  Then 
comes  in  superstition  to  the  aid  of  progress.  A  suc- 
cessful leader  is  first  feared  as  a  man,  then  reverenced 
as  a  supernatural  being,  and  finally  himself,  or  his 
descendant,  in  the  flesh  or  in  tradition,  is  worshiped 
as  a  god.  Then  an  unearthly  fear  comes  upon  man- 
kind, and  the  ruler,  perceiving  his  power,  begins  to 
tyrannize  over  his  fellows.  Both  superstition  and 
tyranny  are  evils ;  yet,  without  war  superstition  and 
tyranny,  dire  evils,  civilization,  which  many  deem  the 
highest  good,  never  by  any  possibility,  as  human 
nature  is,  could  be.  But  more  of  the  conditions  of 
progress  hereafter;  what  I  wish  to  establish  here  is, 
that  evil  is  no  less  a  stimulant  of  development  than 
good,  and  that  in  this  principle  of  progress  are  mani- 
fest the  same  antagonism  of  forces  apparent  through- 
out physical  nature;  the  same  oppugnant  energies, 
attractive  and  repulsive,  positive  and  negative,  every- 
where existing.  It  is  impossible  for  two  or  more 
individuals  to  be  brought  into  contact  with  each  other, 
whether  through  causes  or  for  purposes  good  or  evil, 
without  ultimate  improvement  to  both.  I  say  whether 
through  causes  or  for  purposes  good  or  evil,  for,  to  the 
all-pervading  principle  of  evil,  civilization  is  as  nmch 
indebted  as  to  the  all-pervading  principle  of  good. 
Indeed,  the  beneficial  influences  of  this  unwelcome 
element  have  never  been  generally  recognized.  What- 
ever be  this  principle  of  evil,  whatever  man  would  be 
without  it,  the  fact  is  clearly  evident  that  to  it  civiliza- 
tion, whatever  that  may  be,  owes  its  existence.  "The 
whole  tendency  of  political  economy  and  philosophical 
history,"  says  Lecky,  "which  reveal  the  physiology 
of  society,  is  to  show  that  the  happiness  and  welfare 


30 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


of  mankind  are  evolved  much  more  from  out  selfish 
than  what  are  termed  our  virtuous  acts."  No  wonder 
that  devil-worship  obtains,  in  certain  parts,  when  to 
his  demon  the  savage  finds  himself  indebted  for  skill 
not  only  to  overthrow  subordinate  deities,  but  to  cure 
diseases,  to  will  an  enemy  to  death,  to  minister  to  the 
welfare  of  departed  friends,  as  well  as  to  add  mate- 
rially to  his  earthly  store  of  comforts.  The  world,  such 
as  it  is,  man  finds  himself  destined  for  a  time  to 
inhabit.  Within  him  and  around  him  the  involuntary 
occupant  perceives  two  agencies  at  work;  agencies 
apparently  oppugnant,  yet  both  tending  to  one  end — 
improvement;  and  Night  or  Day,  Love  or  Crime, 
leads  all  souls  to  the  Good,  as  Emerson  sings.  The 
principle  of  evil  acts  as  a  perpetual  stimulant,  the 
principle  of  good  as  a  reward  of  merit.  United  in 
their  operation,  there  is  a  constant  tendency  toward  a 
better  condition,  a  higher  state;  apart,  the  result 
would  be  inaction.  For,  civilization  being  a  progres- 
sion and  not  a  fixed  condition,  without  incentives,  that 
is  without  something  to  escape  from  and  something  to 
escape  to,  there  could  be  no  transition,  and  hence  no 
civilization. 

Had  man  been  placed  in  the  world  perfected  and 
sinless,  obviously  there  would  be  no  such  thing  as 
progress.  The  absence  of  evil  implies  perfect  good, 
and  perfect  good  perfect  happiness.  Were  man  sinless 
and  yet  capable  of  increasing  knowledge,  the  incentive 
would  be  wanting,  for,  if  perfectly  happy,  why  should 
he  struggle  to  become  happier  ?  The  advent  of  civili- 
zation is  in  the  appearance  of  a  want,  and  the  first  act 
of  civilization  springs  from  the  attempt  to  supply  the 
want.  The  man  or  nation  that  wants  nothing  remains 
inactive,  and  hence  does  not  advance;  so  that  it  is  not 
in  what  we  have  but  in  what  we  have  not  that  civiliz- 
ation consists.  These  wants  are  forced  upon  us,  im- 
planted within  us,  inseparable  from  our  being;  they 
increase  with  an  increasing  supply,  grow  hungry  from 
what  they  feed  on;  in  quick  succession,  aspirations, 


LABOR  A  CIVILIZING  AGENT. 


81 


emulations,  and  ambitions  spring  up  and  chase  each 
other,  keeping  the  fire  of  discontent  ever  glowing,  and 
the  whole  human  race  effervescent. 

Tlie  tendency  of  civilizing  force,  like  the  tendency  of 
mechanical  force,  is  toward  an  equilibrium,  toward  a 
never-attainable  rest.  Obviously  there  can  be  no 
perfect  equilibrium,  no  perfect  rest,  until  all  evil  dis- 
appears, but  in  that  event  the  end  of  progress  would 
be  attained,  and  humanity  would  be  perfect  and  sinless. 

Man  at  the  outset  is  not  what  he  may  be,  he  is 
capable  of  improvement  or  rather  of  growth;  but 
childlike,  the  savage  does  not  care  to  improve,  and 
consequently  must  be  scourged  into  it.  Advancement 
is  the  ultimate  natural  or  normal  state  of  man ;  hu- 
manity on  this  earth  is  destined  some  day  to  be  Rela- 
tively, if  not  absolutely,  good  and  happy. 

The  healthy  body  has  appetites,  in  the  gratification 
of  which  lies  its  chiefest  enjoyment ;  the  healthy  mind 
has  proclivities,  the  healthy  soul  intuitions,  in  the  exer- 
cise and  activities  of  which  the  happiest  life  is  attaina- 
ble ;  and  in  as  far  as  the  immaterial  and  immortal  in  our 
nature  is  superior  to  the  materlu-1  and  mortal,  in  so  far 
does  the  education  and  development  of  our  higher 
nature  contribute  in  a  higher  degree  to  our  present 
benefit  and  our  future  well-being. 

There  is  another  thought  in  this  connection  well 
worthy  our  attention.  In  orthodox  and  popular  par- 
lance, labor  is  a  curse  entailed  on  man  by  vindictive 
justice;  yet  viewed  as  a  civilizing  agent,  labor  is 
Uian's  greatest  blessing.  Throughout  all  nature  there 
is  no  such  thing  found  as  absolute  inertness ;  and,  as 
in  matter,  so  with  regard  to  our  faculties,  no  sooner  do 
they  begin  to  rest  than  they  begin  to  rot,  and  even  in 
the  rotting  they  can  obtain  no  rest.  One  of  the  chief 
objects  of  labor  is  to  get  gain,  and  Dr  Johnson  holds 
that  "men  are  seldom  more  innocently  employed  than 
when  they  are  making  money." 

Human  experience  teaches,  that  in  the  effort  is 
greater  pleasure  than  in  the  end  attained ;  that  labor 


n 


32 


8AVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


is  the  normal  condition  of  man ;  that  in  acquisition, 
that  is  progress,  is  the  highest  happiness ;  that  passive 
enjoyment  is  inferior  to  the  exhilaration  of  active 
attempt.  Now  imagine  the  absence  from  the  world 
of  this  spirit  of  evil,  and  what  would  be  the  result  ? 
Total  inaction.  But  before  inaction  can  become  more 
pleasurable  than  action,  man's  nature  must  be  changed. 
Not  to  say  that  evil  is  a  good  thing,  clearly  there  is  a 
goodness  in  things  evil;  and  in  as  far  as  the  state  of 
escaping  from  evil  is  more  pleasurable  than  the  state  of 
evil  escaped  from,  in  so  far  is  evil  conducive  to  hap- 
piness. 

The  effect  of  well-directed  labor  is  twofold ;  by  exer- 
cise our  faculties  strengthen  and  expand,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  reitums  of  that  labor  give  us  leisure  in 
which  to  direct  our  improved  faculties  to  yet  higher 
aims.  By  continual  efforts  to  increase  material  com- 
forts, greater  skill  is  constantly  acquired,  and  the  mind 
asserts  more  and  more  its  independence.  Increasing 
skill  yields  ever  increased  delights,  which  encourage 
and  reward  our  labor.  This,  up  to  a  certain  point ;  but 
with  wealth  and  luxury  comes  relaxed  energy.  With- 
out necessity  there  is  no  labor;  without  labor  no  ad- 
vancement. Corporeal  necessity  first  forces  corporeal 
activity ;  then  the  intellect  goes  to  work  to  contrive 
means  whereby  labor  may  be  lessened  and  made  more 
productive. 

The  discontent  which  arises  from  discomfort,  lies 
at  the  root  of  every  movement;  but  then  comfort  is  a 
relative  term  and  complete  satisfaction  is  never 
attained.  Indeed,  as  a  rule,  the  more  squalid  and 
miserable  the  race,  the  more  are  they  disposed  to 
settle  down  and  content  themselves  in  their  state  of 
discomfort.  What  is  discomfort  to  one  is  luxury  to 
another;  "the  mark  of  rank  in  nature  is  capacity  for 
pain";  in  following  the  intellectual  life,  the  higher  the 
culture  the  greater  the  discontent;  the  greater  the 
acquisition,  the  more  eagerly  do  men  press  forward 
toward  some  higher  and  greater  imaginary  good.     We 


EVIL  TENDS  TO  DISAPPEAR. 


88 


all  know  that  blessings  in  excess  become  the  direst 
curses;  but  few  are  conscious  where  the  benefit  of  a 
blessing  terminates  and  the  curse  begins,  and  fewer 
still  of  those  who  are  able  thus  to  discriminate  have 
the  moral  strength  to  act  upon  that  knowledge.  As 
a  good  in  excess  is  an  evil,  so  evil  as  it  enlarges  out- 
does itself  and  tends  toward  self-annihilation.  If  we 
but  look  about  us,  we  must  see  that  to  burn  up  the 
world  in  order  to  rid  it  of  gross  evil — a  dogma  held  by 
some — is  unnecessary,  for  accumulative  evils  ever  tend 
towards  reaction.  Excessive  evils  are  soonest  remedied ; 
the  equilibrium  of  the  evil  must  be  maintained,  or  the 
annihilation  of  the  evil  ensues. 

Institutions  and  principles  essentially  good  at  one 
time  are  essential  evils  at  another  time.  The  very 
aids  and  agencies  of  civilization  become  afterward  the 
greatest  drags  upon  progress.  At  one  time  it  would 
seem  that  blind  faith  was  essential  to  improvement,  at 
another  time  skepticism,  at  one  time  order  and  moral- 
ity, at  another  time  lawlessness  and  rapine ;  for  so  it 
h.as  ever  been,  and  whether  peace  and  smiling  plenty, 
or  fierce  upheavals  and  dismemberments  predominate, 
from  every  social  spasm  as  well  as  fecund  leisure, 
civilization  shoots  forward  in  its  endless  course.  The 
very  evils  which  are  regarded  as  infamous  by  a  higher 
culture  were  the  necessary  stepping-stones  to  that 
higher  life.  As  we  have  seen,  no  nation  ever  did  or 
can  emerge  from  barbarism  without  first  placing  its 
neck  under  the  yokes  of  despotism  and  superstition ; 
therefore,  despotism  and  supei^stition,  now  dire  evils, 
were  once  essential  benefits.  No  religion  ever  attained 
its  full  development  except  under  persecution.  Our 
present  evils  are  constantly  working  out  for  humanity 
unforseen  good.  All  systems  of  wrongs  and  fanati- 
cisms are  but  preparing  us  for  and  urging  us  on  to  a 
higher  state. 

If  then  civilization  is  a  predestined,  ineluctable,  and 
eternal  march  away  from  things  evil  toward  that 
which  is  good,  it  must  be  that  throughout  the  world 


Vol.  II.    3 


84 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


1 


the  principle  of  good  is  ever  increasinj^  and  that  of 
evil  decreasing.  And  this  is  true.  Not  only  does 
evil  decrease,  but  the  tendency  is  ever  toward  its 
disappearance.  Gradually  the  confines  of  civilization 
broaden;  the  central  principle  of  human  progress 
attains  greater  intensity,  and  the  mind  assumes  more 
and  more  its  lordly  jwwer  over  matter. 

The  moment  we  attempt  to  search  out  the  cause  of 
any  onward  movement  we  at  once  encounter  this  prin- 
ciple of  evil.  The  old-time  aphorism  that  life  is  a 
perpetual  struggle;  the  first  maxim  of  social  ethics 
'  the  greatest  happiness  to  the  greatest  number' ;  indeed, 
every  thought  and  action  of  our  lives  points  in  the 
same  direction.  From  what  is  it  mankind  is  so 
eager  to  escape;  with  what  do  we  wrestle;  for  what 
do  we  strive?  We  fly  from  that  which  gives  pain  to 
that  which  gives  pleasure;  we  wrestle  with  agencies 
which  bar  our  escape  from  a  state  of  infelicity;  we 
long  for  hapi)ines8. 

Then  comes  the  question,  What  is  happiness?  Is 
man  jjolished  and  refined  happier  than  man  wild  and 
unfettered;  is  civilization  a  blessing  or  a  curse? 
Rousseau,  we  know,  held  it  to  be  the  latter;  but  not 
so  Virey.  "What!"  he  exclaims,  "is  he  happier  than 
the  social  man,  this  being  abandoned  in  his  maladies, 
uncared  for  even  by  his  children  in  his  improvident 
old  age,  exj)osed  to  ferocious  beasts,  in  fear  of  his  own 
kind,  even  of  the  cannibal's  tooth?  The  civilized  man, 
surrounded  in  his  feebleness  bj'  affectionate  attention, 
sustains  a  longer  existence,  enjoys  more  pleasure  and 
daily  comforts,  is  better  protected  against  inclemencies 
of  weather  and  all  external  ills.  The  isolated  man 
must  suffice  for  himself,  must  harden  himself  to  endure 
any  privation;  his  very  existence  depends  upon  his 
strength,  and  if  necessity  requires  it  of  him,  he  must 
be  ready  to  abandon  wife  and  children  and  life  itself 
at  any  moment.  Such  cruel  misery  is  rare  in  social 
life,  where  the  sympathies  of  humanity  are  awakened, 
and  freely  exercised." 


IS  CIVILIZATION  CONDUCIVE  TO  HAPriNESS? 


85 


Continue  these  simple  interrogatories  a  little  farther 
and  see  where  we  land.  Is  the  wild  bird,  forced  t<) 
\ouir  migrations  for  endurable  climates  and  food,  hap- 
pier than  the  caged  bird  which  buys  a  daily  plentiful 
8U]>ply  for  a  song?  Is  the  wild  beast,  ofttimes  hungry 
and  hunted,  happier  than  its  chained  brother  of  the 
menagerie?  Is  the  wild  horse,  galloping  with  its  fel- 
lows over  the  broad  prairie,  happier  than  the  civilized 
horse  of  carriage,  cart,  or  plow  {  May  we  not  question 
whether  the  merchant,  deep  in  his  speculating  ven- 
tures, or  the  man  of  law,  poring  over  his  brain-tear- 
ing brief,  derives  a  keener  sense  of  enjoyment  than 
does  the  free  forest-native,  following  the  war-path  or 
pursuing  his  game? 

As  I  liave  attempted  to  show,  civilization  is  not  an 
end  attained,  for  man  is  never  wholly  civilized,-  but 
only  the  effort  to  escape  from  an  evil,  or  an  imaginary 
evil — savagism.  I  say  an  evil  real  or  imaginary,  for 
as  we  have  seen,  the  question  has  been  seriously  dis- 
cussed whether  civilization  is  better  or  worse  than 
savagism.  For  every  advantage  which  culture  affords, 
a  price  must  be  paid, — some  say  too  great  a  price. 
The  growth  of  the  mind  is  dependent  upon  its  cultiva- 
tion, but  this  cultivation  may  be  voluntary  or  involun- 
tary, it  may  be  a  thing  desired  or  a  thing  abhorred. 

Every  nation,  every  society,  and  every  person  has 
its  or  his  own  standard  of  happiness.  The  miser  delights 
in  wealth,  the  city  belle  in  finery,  the  scholar  in  learn- 
ing. The  Christian's  heaven  is  a  spiritual  city,  where 
they  neither  marry,  nor  are  given  in  marriage; 
the  Norse-man's  a  Valhalla  of  alternate  battle  and 
wassail;  the  Mahometan's,  a  paradise  of  houris  and 
lazy  sensuality.  The  martyr  at  the  stake,  triumi)hant 
in  his  faith,  may  be  happier  than  the  man  of  fashion 
dying  of  ennui  and  gout;  the  savage,  wandering  through 
forest  and  over  plain  in  pursuit  of  game,  or  huddled  in 
his  hut  with  wives  and  children,  may  be  happier  than 
the  care-laden  speculator  or  the  wrangling  politician. 
Content,  the  essence  of  all  happiness,  is  as  prevalent 


i 


36  SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

among  the  poor  and  ill-mannered,  as  among  the  rich, 
refined  and  civilized.  Uhi  bene,  ihi  pcitna,  where  it  is 
well  with  me,  there  is  my  country,  is  the  motto  of- the 
Indian, — and  to  be  well  with  him  signifies  only  to  be 
beyond  the  reach  of  hunger  and  enemies.  Ask  the 
savage  which  is  preferable,  a  native  or  a  cultured  state, 
and  he  will  answer  the  former;  ask  the  civilized  man, 
and  he  will  say  the  latter.  I  do  not  see  any  greater 
absurdity  in  the  wild  man  saying  to  the  tamed  one: 
Give  up  the  despotisms  and  diseases  of  society  and 
throw  yourself  with  me  upon  befl'jteous,  bounteous 
nature ;  than  in  the  European  saying  to  the  American : 
If  you  would  find  happiness,  abandon  your  filth  and 
naked  freedom,  accept  Christianity  and  cotton  shirts, 
go  to  work  in  a  mission,  rot  on  a  reservation,  or  beg 
and  starve  in  civilized  fashion ! 

Of  all  animals,  man  alone  has  broken  down  the  bar- 
riers of  his  nature  in  civilizing,  or,  as  Rousseau 
expresses  it,  in  denaturalizing  himself;  and  for  this  de- 
naturalization some  natural  good  must  be  relinquished ; 
to  every  infringment  of  nature's  law,  there  is  a  pen- 
alty attached;  for  a  more  delicate  organism  the  price 
is  numberless  new  diseases;  for  political  institutions 
the  price  is  native  freedom.  With  polished  manners 
the  candidate  for  civilization  must  accept  affectation, 
social  despotism;  with  increasing  wealth,  increasing 
wants;  civilization  engenders  complexity  in  society, 
and  in  its  turn  is  engendered  thereby.  Peoples  the 
most  highly  cultured  are  moved  by  the  most  delicate 
springs;  a  finer  touch,  the  result  of  greater  skill,  with  a 
finer  tone,  the  result  of  greater  experience,  produces 
music  more  and  yet  more  exquisite. 

Were  man  only  an  animal,  this  denaturalization 
and  more,  would  be  true.  The  tamed  brute  gives  up 
all  the  benefits  of  savagism  for  few  of  the  blessings 
of  civilization;  in  a  cultured  state,  as  compared  to  a 
state  of  wild  freedom,  its  ills  are  numberless,  its  ad- 
vantages infinitesimal.  But  human  nature  is  two-fold, 
objective  and  subjective,  the  f>rmei  typical   of  the 


SUBJECTIVE  AND  OBJECTIVE  HUMANITY. 


87 


manners 


sava^^e  state,  the  latter  of  the  civilized.  Man  is  not 
wholly  animal;  and  by  cultivating  the  mind,  that  is, 
by  civilizing-  himself,  he  is  no  more  denaturalized  than 
by  cultivating  the  body,  and  thereby  acquiring  greater 
physical  perfection.  We  cannot  escape  our  natr^-e ;  wo 
cannot  re-create  ourselves;  we  can  only  submit  our- 
selves to  be  polished  and  improved  by  the  eternal  spirit 
of  progress.  The  moral  and  the  intellectual  are  as 
much  constituents  of  human  nature  as  the  physical ; 
civilization,  therefore,  is  as  much  the  natural  state  of 
man  as  savagism. 

Another  more  plausible  and  partially  correct  asser- 
tion is,  that  by  the  development  of  the  subjective  part 
of  our  nature,  objective  humanity  becomes  degenerated. 
The  intellectual  cannot  be  wrought  up  to  the  highest 
state  of  cultivation  except  at  the  expense  of  the  phys- 
ical, nor  the  physical  fully  developed  without  limiting 
the  mental.  The  efforts  of  the  mind  draw  from  the 
energies  of  the  body ;  the  highest  and  healthiest  vigor 
of  the  body  can  only  be  attained  when  the  mind  is  at 
rest,  or  in  a  state  of  careless  activity.  In  answer  to 
which  I  should  say  that  beyond  a  certain  point,  it  is 
true;  <•>>  e  Avould  hardly  train  successfully  for  a  prize 
fight  and  the  ti'ipos  at  the  same  time ;  but  that  the 
non-intellectual  savage,  as  a  race,  is  physically  superior, 
capable  of  enduring  greater  fatigue,  or  more  skillful  in 
muscular  exercise  than  the  civilized  man  is  inconsistent 
with  facts.  Civilization  has  its  vices  as  well  as  its 
virtues,  savagism  has  its  a^lvantages  as  well  as  its 
demerits. 

The  evils  of  savagism  are  not  so  great  as  we  imagine ; 
its  ]>leasures  more  than  we  are  apt  to  think.  As  we 
become  more  and  more  removed  from  evils  their  mag- 
nitude enlarges;  the  fear  of  suffering  increases  as 
suffering  is  less  experienced  and  witnessed.  If  savag- 
ism holds  human  life  in  light  esteem,  civilization 
makes  death  more  hideous  than  it  really  is ;  if  savag- 
ism is  more  cruel,  it  is  less  sensitive.  Combatants 
iiccustomed  to   frequent    encounter  think    lightly   of 


38 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


wounds,  and  those  whose  Hfe  is  oftenest  imperiled 
think  least  of  losing  it.  Indifference  to  pain  is  not 
necessarily  the  result  of  cruelty;  it  may  arise  as  well 
from  the  most  exalted  sentiment  as  from  the  basest. 

Civilization  not  only  engenders  new  vices,  but  proves 
the  destroyer  of  many  virtues.  Among  the  wealthier 
classes  energy  gi>'es  way  to  enjoyment,  luxury  saps 
the  foundation  of  labor,  progress  becomes  paralyzed, 
and  with  now^find  then  a  noble  exception,  but  few 
earnest  workers  in  the  paths  of  literature,  science,  or 
any  of  the  departments  which  tend  to  the  improve- 
ment of  mankind,  are  to  be  found  among  the  powerful 
and  the  affluent,  while  the  middle  classes  are  absorbed 
in  money-getting,  unconsciously  thereby,  it  is  true, 
working  toward  the  ends  of  civilization. 

That  civilization  is  expedient,  that  it  is  a  good,  that 
it  is  better  than  savagism,  we  who  profess  to  be  civilized 
entertain  no  doubt.  Those  who  believe  otherwise  must 
be  ready  to  deny  that  health  is  better  than  disease,  truth 
than  superstition,  intellectua-1  power  than  stupid  ignor- 
ance ;  but  whether  the  miseries  and  vices  of  savagism,  or 
those  of  civilization  are  the  greater,  is  another  question. 
The  tendency  of  civilization  is,  on  the  whole,  to  purify 
the  morals,  to  give  equal  rights  to  man,  to  distribute 
more  equally  among  men  the  benefits  of  this  world,  to 
meloriate  wholesale  misery  and  degradation,  offer  a 
higher  aim  and  the  means  of  accomplishing  a  nobler 
destiny,  to  increase  the  power  of  the  mind  and  give  it 
domini  ii  over  the  forces  of  nature,  to  place  the  mate- 
rial in  subservience  to  the  mental,  to  elevate  the 
individual  and  regulate  society.  True,  it  may  be 
urged  that  this  heaping  uj)  of  intellectual  fruits  tends 
toward  monoj)oly,  toward  making  the  rich  richer  and 
the  poor  poorer,  but  I  still  hold  that  the  benefits  of 
civilizatitm  are  for  the  most  part  evenly  distributed; 
that  wealth  beyond  one's  necessity  is  gen  irally  a  curse 
to  the  possessor  greater  than  the  extremt  of  poverty, 
and  that  the  true  blessings  of  culture  anc  refinement 
like  air  and  sunshine  are  free  to  all. 


U' 


CONDITIONS  ESSENTIAL  TO  PROGRESS  89 

Civilization,  it  is  said,  multiplies  wants,  but  then 
they  are  ennobling  wants,  better  called  aspirations,  and 
many  of  these  civilization  satisfies. 

If  civilization  breeds  new  vices,  old  ones  are  extin- 
guished by  it.  Decency  and  decorum  hide  the  hide- 
ousness  of  vice,  drive  it  into  dark  corners,  and  thereby 
raise  the  tone  of  morals  and  weaken  vice.  Thus 
civilization  promotes  chastity,  elevates  woman,  breaks 
down  the  barriers  of  hate  and  superstition  between 
ancient  nations  and  religions;  individual  energy,  the 
influence  of  one  over  the  many,  becomes  less  and  less 
felt,  and  the  power  of  the  people  becomes  stronger. 

Civilization  in  itself  can  not  but  be  beneficial  to 
man;  that  which  makes  society  more  refined,  more 
intellectual,  less  bestial,  more  courteous;  that  which 
cures  physical  and  mental  diseases,  increases  the  com- 
forts and  luxury  of  life,  purifies  religions,  makes  juster 
governments,  must  surely  be  beneficial :  it  is  the  uni- 
versal principle  of  evil  which  impregnates  all  human 
affairs,  alloying  even  current  coin,  which  raises  the 
question.  That  there  are  evils  attending  civilization  as 
all  other  benefits,  none  can  deny,  but  civilization  itself 
is  no  evil. 


If  I  have  succeeded  in  presenting  clearly  the  fore- 
going thoughts,  enough  has  been  said  as  to  the  nature 
and  essence  of  civilization ;  let  us  now  examine  some 
of  the  conditions  essential  to  intellectual  development. 
For  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that,  while  every  depart- 
ment of  human  progress  is  but  the  unfolding  of  a 
germ;  while  every  tendency  of  our  life,  every  custom 
and  creed  of  our  civilization  finds  its  rudiment  in 
savagism ;  while,  as  man  develops,  no  new  elements  of 
human  nature  are  created  by  the  process;  while,  as  the 
organism  of  the  child  is  as  complex  and  complete  as  the 
organism  of  the  man,  so  is  humanity  in  a  savage  state 
the  perfect  germ  of  humanity  civilized, — it  must  not 
be  forgotten  in  all  this,  that  civilization  cannot  unfold 
except  under  favorable  conditions.     Just  as  the  plant. 


40 


8AVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


though  endowed  with  life  which  corresponds  to  the 
mind-principle  in  progress,  requires  for  its  growth  a 
suitable  soil  and  climate,  so  this  progressional  phe- 
nomenon must  have  soil  and  sunshine  before  it  yields 
fruit ;  and  this  is  another  proof  that  civilization  is  not 
in  the  man  more  than  around  him ;  for  if  the  principle 
were  inherent  in  the  individual,  then  the  Hyperborean, 
with  his  half  year  of  light  and  half  year  of  under- 
ground darkness,  must  of  necessity  become  civilized 
equally  with  the  man  born  amidst  the  sharpening 
jostles  of  a  European  capital,  for  in  all  those  parts  that 
appertain  solely  to  the  intrinsic  individual,  the  one 
develops  as  perfectly  as  the  other.  A  people  undergo- 
ing the  civilizing  process  need  not  necessarily,  does  not 
indeed,  advance  in  every  species  of  improvement  at 
the  same  time;  in  some  respects  the  nation  may  be 
stationary,  in  others  even  retrograde.  Every  age  and 
every  nation  has  its  special  line  of  march.  Literature 
and  the  fine  arts  reached  their  height  in  pagan  Greece ; 
monotheism  among  the  Hebrews;  science  unfolded  in 
Egypt,  and  government  in  Rome. 

In  every  individual  there  is  some  one  talent  that  can 
be  cultivated  more  advantageously  than  any  other;  so 
it  is  with  nations,  every  people  possesses  some  natural 
advantage  for  development  in  some  certain  direction 
over  every  other  people,  and  often  the  early  history 
of  a  nation,  like  the  precocious  proclivities  of  the  child, 
points  toward  its  future;  and  in  such  arts  and  indus- 
tries as  its  climate  and  geographical  position  best 
enable  it  to  develop,  is  discovered  the  germ  of  national 
character.  Seldom  is  the  commercial  spirit  developed 
in  the  interior  of  a  continent,  or  the  despotic  spirit 
on  the  border  of  the  sea,  or  the  predatory  spirit  in  a 
country  wholly  devoid  of  mountains  and  fastnesses. 
It  cannot  be  said  that  one  nation  or  race  is  inherently 
better  fitted  for  civilization  than  another;  all  may  not 
be  equally  fitted  for  exactly  the  same  civilization,  but 
all  are  alike  fitted  for  that  civilization  which,  if  left  to 
itself,  each  will  work  out. 


CONDITIONS  ESSENTIAL  TO  PROGRESS. 


41 


Mankind,  moreover,  advances  spasmodically,  and  in 
certain  directions  only  at  a  time,  which  is  the  greatest 
drawback  to  progi'ess.  As  Lecky  remarks:  "Special 
agencies,  such  as  religious  or  political  institutions, 
geographical  conditions,  traditions,  antipathies,  and 
affinities,  exercise  a  certain  retarding,  accelerating,  or 
deflecting  influence,  and  somewhat  modify  the  normal 
progress."  Perfect  development  only  is  permanent, 
and  that  alone  is  perfect  which  develops  the  whole 
man  and  the  whole  society  equally  in  all  its  parts ;  all 
the  activities,  mental,  moral,  and  physical,  must  needs 
grow  in  unison  and  simultaneously,  and  this  alone  is 
perfect  and  permanent  development.  Should  all  the 
world  become  civilized  there  will  still  be  minor  differ- 
ences; some  will  advance  further  in  one  direction  and 
some  in  another,  all  together  will  form  the  complete 
whole. 

Civilization  as  an  exotic  seldom  flourishes.  Often 
has  the  attempt  been  made  by  a  cultivated  people  to 
civilize  a  barbarous  nation,  and  as  often  has  it  failed. 
True,  one  nation  may  force  its  arts  or  religion  upon 
another,  but  to  civilize  is  neither  to  subjugate  nor  anni- 
hilate; foreigners  may  introduce  new  industries  and 
new  philosophies,  which  the  uncultured  may  do  well 
to  accept,  but  as  civilization  is  an  unfolding,  and  not 
a  creation,  he  who  would  advance  civilization  must 
teach  society  how  to  grow,  how  to  enlarge  its  better 
self;  must  teach  in  what  direction  its  highest  inter- 
ests lie. 


Thus  it  appears  that,  while  this  germ  of  progress  is 
innate  in  every  human  society,  certain  conditions  are 
more  favorable  to  its  development  than  others, — con- 
ditions which  act  as  stimulants  or  impediments  to  pro- 
gress. Often  we  see  nations  remain  apparently  sta- 
tionary', the  elements  of  progress  evenly  balanced  by 
opposing  influences,  and  thus  they  remain  until  by 
internal  force,  or  external  pressure,  their  system 
expands  or  explodes,  until  they  absorb  or  are  absorbed 


Jff 


!  i  li 


42 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


by  antagonistic  elements.  The  intrinsic  force  of  the 
body  social  appears  to  demand  extrinsic  prompting 
before  it  will  manifest  itself  Like  the  grains  of  wheat 
in  the  hand  of  Belzoni's  mummy,  which  held  life 
slumbering  for  three  thousand  years,  and  awoke  to 
growth  when  buried  in  the  ground,  so  the  element  of 
human  progress  lies  dormant  until  planted  in  a  con- 
genial soil  and  surrounded  by  those  influences  which 
provoke  development. 

This  stimulant,  which  acts  upon  and  imfolds  the 
intellect,  can  be  administered  only  through  the  medium 
of  the  senses.  Nerve  force,  which  precedes  intellectual 
force,  is  supplied  by  the  body ;  the  cravings  of  man's 
corporeal  nature,  therefore,  must  be  quieted  before  the 
mind  can  fix  itself  on  higher  tbmgs.  The  first  step 
toward  teaching  a  savage  is  to  feed  him;  the  stomach 
satisfied  he  will  listen  to  instruction,  not  before. 

Cultivation  of  at  least  the  most  necessary  of  the 
industrial  arts  invariably  precedes  cultivation  of  the 
fine  arts ;  the  intellect  must  be  implanted  in  a  satisfied 
body  before  it  will  take  root  and  grow.  The  mind  must 
be  allowed  some  respite  from  its  attendance  dh  the  body, 
before  culture  can  commence ;  it  must  abandon  its  state 
of  servitude,  and  become  master;  in  other  words,  leis- 
ure is  an  essential  of  culture. 

As  association  is  the  primal  condition  of  progress, 
let  us  see  how  nature  throws  societies  together  or 
holds  them  asunder.  In  some  directions  there  are 
greater  facilities  for  intercommunication  (another  essen- 
tial of  improvement)  than  in  other  directions.  Wher- 
ever man  is  most  in  harmony  with  nature,  there  he 
progresses  most  rapidly;  wherever  nature  offers  the 
greatest  advantages,  such  as  a  sea  that  invites  to  com- 
merce, an  elevated  plateau  lifting  its  occupants  above 
the  malaria  of  a  tropical  lowland,  a  sheltering  mountain 
range  that  wards  off  inclement  winds  and  bars  out 
hostile  neighbors,  there  culture  flourishes  best. 

So  that  humanity,  in  its  two-fold  nature,  is  depend- 


I 


OBJECTIVE  AND  SUBJECTIVE  STIMULANTS. 


43 


lere  are 


ent  for  its  development  upon  two  distinct  species  of 
stimulants,  objective  and  subjective.  Material  causa- 
tions, or  those  forces  which  minister  to  the  requirements 
of  man's  material  nature  but  upon  which  his  intellect- 
ual progress  is  dependent,  are  configurations  of  surface, 
S)i],  climate,  and  food.  Those  physical  conditions 
which,  when  favorable,  give  to  their  possessors  wealth 
and  leisure,  are  the  inevitable  precursors  of  culture. 
Immaterial  causations  are  those  forces  which  act  more 
directly  upon  man's  immaterial  nature,  as  association, 
religion,  wealth,  leisure,  and  government.  Continuing 
the  analysis,  let  us  first  examine  physical  stimulants. 
Admitting  readily  two  of  M.  Taine's  primordial  hu- 
manity-moving forces,  'le  milieu'  or  environment,  and 
his  'le  moment'  or  inherited  impulse,  we  will  pass  over 
third  force  *la  race';— for  inherent  differences  in  race, 
in  the  present  stage  of  science,  are  purely  hypothetical ; 
it  remains  yet  to  be  proved  that  one  nation  is  primarily 
inherently  inferior  or  superior  to  another  nation.  That 
man  once  created  is  moulded  and  modified  by  his 
environment,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Even  a  cursory 
survey  of  the  globe  presents  some  indications  favorable 
and  unfavorable  to  the  unfolding  of  the  different  forms 
of  organic  being. 

Great  continents,  for  instance,  appear  to  be  conge- 
nial to  the  development  of  animal  life;  islands  and 
lesser  continents  to  the  growth  of  exuberant  vegeta- 
tion. Thus,  in  the  eastern  hemisphere,  which  is  a 
compact  oval,  essentially  continental,  with  vast  areas 
far  removed  from  the  influence  of  the  ocean,  flourish 
the  elephant,  the  hippopotamus,  the  rhinoceros,  tb« 
courageous  lion,  the  fierce  tiger,  the  largest  and  lord- 
liest of  animal  kind,  while  in  the  more  oceanic 
western  hemisphere  inferior  types  prevail.  Cold  and 
dryness  characterize  the  one ;  heat  and  humidity  the 
other ;  in  one  are  the  greatest  deserts,  in  the  other  the 
greatest  lakes  and  rivers.  Warm  oceanic  currents 
bathe  the  frosty  shores  of  the  northern  extremities  of 
the  continents  and  render  them  habitable ;  the  moist- 


u 


8AVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


i   .1 


ure-laden  equatorial  atmosphere  clothes  the  adjacent 
islands  and  firm  land  in  emerald  verdure.  Upon  the 
same  parallel  of  latitude  are  the  great  Sahara  Desert 
of  Africa,  and  the  wilderness  of  luxuriant  billowy  fo- 
liage of  the  American  Isthmus.  In  warm,  moist 
climates,  such  species  of  animal  life  attain  the  fullest 
development  as  are  dependent  upon  the  aqueous  and 
herbous  agencies.  In  tropical  America  are  seen  the 
largest  reptiles,  the  most  gorgeous  insects, — there  the 
inhabitants  of  warm  marshes  and  sluggish  waters 
assume  gigantic  proportions,  while  only  upon  the 
broad  inland  prairies  or  upon  elevated  mountain  ranges, 
away  from  the  influences  of  warm  waters  and  humid 
atmospheres,  are  found  the  buffalo,  bear,  and  elk.  The 
very  complexion  and  temperament  of  man  are  affected 
by  these  vegetative  and  umbrageous  elements.  Unpro- 
tected from  the  perpendicular  rays  of  the  sun,  the 
African  is  black,  muscular,  and  cheerful;  under  the 
shadow  of  primeval  forest,  man  assumes  a  coppery  hue, 
lacking  the  endurance  of  the  negro,  and  becomes  in 
disposition  cold  and  melancholy. 

And  again,  if  we  look  for  the  natural  causes  which 
tend  to  promote  or  retard  association,  we  find  in 
climates  and  continental  configurations  the  chief 
agencies.  The  continent  of  the  two  Americas,  in  its 
greatest  length,  lies  north  and  south,  the  eastern  con- 
tinental group  extends  east  and  west.  Primitive 
people  naturally  would  spread  out  in  those  directions 
which  offered  the  least  change  of  climate  from  that  of 
the  primitive  centre.  Obviously,  variations  of  climate 
are  greater  in  following  a  meridian  than  along  a  paral- 
lel of  latitude.  Thus,  the  tropical  man  passing  along 
a  meridian  is  driven  back  by  unendurable  cold,  while  a 
continent  may  be  traversed  on  any  parallel,  elevations 
excepted,  with  but  little  variation  in  temperature.  A 
savage,  exposed  and  inexperienced,  not  knowing  how  to 
protect  himself  against  severe  changes  of  climate, 
could  not  travel  far  in  a  northerly  or  southerly  direc- 
tion without  suffering  severely  from  the  cold  or  heat; 


CLIMATL  AND  MOUNTAIN  RANGES. 


40 


hence,  other  things  being  equal,  the  inhabitants  of  a 
country  whose  greatest  length  lay  east  and  west,  would 
intermingle  more  readily  than  those  whose  territory 
extended  north  and  south. 

That  the  eastern  hemisphere  attained  a  higher  de- 
gree of  civilization  than  the  western,  may  be  partly 
due  to  the  fact,  that  the  former  presents  wider  spaces 
of  uniform  climate  than  the  latter.  The  climatic  zones 
of  the  New  World,  besides  being  shorter,  are  inter- 
sected by  mountain  barriers,  which  tend  to  retard 
the  intercourse  that  would  otherwise  naturally  follow. 
Thus  the  Mexican  table-land,  the  seat  of  Aztec  civili- 
zation, is  a  t terra  fria  situated  above  the  insalubrious 
tierra  caliente  of  either  coast  and  the  healthful  tierra 
templada  of  the  slopes,  but  below  the  mountain  ranges 
which  rise  from  this  table-land,  forming  a  tierra 
friijida,  a  region  of  perpetual  snow.  To  this  day,  the 
natives  of  the  Mexican  plateau  cannot  live  on  the 
sea-coast,  though  less  than  a  day's  journey  distant. 

Between  the  climatic  zones  which  extend  through 
Europe  and  Asia,  there  are  contrasts  as  marked  and 
changes  as  sudden,  but  these  differences  are  between 
the  different  zones  rather  than  between  longitudinal 
sections  of  the  same  zone.  Hence,  in  the  old  world, 
where  climatic  zones  are  separated  by  mountain  ranges 
which  make  the  transition  from  one  to  the  other  sudden 
and  abrupt,  we  see  a  greater  diversity  of  race  than  in 
America,  where  the  natural  barriers  extend  north  and 
south  and  intersect  the  climatic  zones,  thereby  bringing 
the  inhabitants  along  a  meridian  in  easier  communica- 
tion than  those  who  live  in  the  same  latitude  but  who 
are  separated  by  mountains,  table-lands  and  large  riv- 
ers. That  is,  if  color  and  race  are  dependent  on  climate, 
America  should  offer  greater  varieties  in  color  and 
race  than  Europe,  for  America  traverses  the  most 
latitudes ;  but  the  mountain  barriers  of  America  extend 
north  and  south,  thereby  forcing  its  people  to  inter- 
mingle, if  at  all,  in  that  direction,  while  the  chief 
ranges  of  the  eastern  continent  extend  east  and  west, 


40 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


parallel  with  climatic  zones,  thereby  forminj^  in  them- 
selves distinctly  marked  lines  between  peoples,  forcing 
the  African  to  remain  under  his  burning  sun,  and  the 
northnien  in  their  cooler  latitudes;  so  that  in  the 
several  climatic  zones  of  the  old  world,  we  see  the 
human  race  distinctly  marked,  Aryan,  Semitic,  and 
Turanian — white,  black,  and  yellow—  while  throughout 
the  two  Americas,  from  Alaska  to  Tierra  del  Fuego, 
type  and  color  are  singularly  uniform. 

Who  can  picture  the  mighty  tide  of  humanity, 
which,  while  the  eastern  hemisphere  has  been  develop- 
ing so  high  a  state  of  culture,  in  America  has  ebbed 
and  flowed  between  barbarisms  and  civilizations? 
Through  what  long  and  desperate  struggles,  continuing 
age  after  age  through  the  lives  of  nations,  now  advanc- 
ing, now  receding,  have  these  peoples  passed?  Asia, 
from  its  central  position  and  favorable  climate,  would 
seem  naturally  to  encourage  a  redundant  population 
and  a  spontaneous  civilization;  the  waters  of  the 
Mediterranean  invite  commerce  and  intercommunica- 
tion of  nations,  while  the  British  Isles,  from  their 
insular  situation  and  distance  from  hypothetical  prim- 
itive centres,  would  seem  necessarily  to  remain  longer 
in  a  state  of  barbarism.  In  the  Pacific  States  of 
North  America  we  find  the  densest  population  north 
along  the  shores  of  the  ocean,  and  south  on  the  Cordil- 
lera table-land,  from  the  fact  that  the  former  ofters 
the  best  facilities  for  food  and  locomotion  until  the 
latter  is  reached,  when  the  interior  presents  the  most 
favorable  dwelling-place  for  man. 

Climate  affects  both  mental  and  moral  endowments, 
the  temperament  of  the  body,  and  the  texture  of  the 
brain ;  physical  energy,  and  mental  vigor.  Temperate 
climates  are  more  conducive  to  civilization,  not  for  the 
reason  given  by  Mr  Harris,  "as  developing  the  higher 
qualities,  and  not  invigorating  the  baser  feelings,"  for 
the  Hyperborean  is  as  unchaste  and  as  great  a  slave 
tp  passion  as  the  sub-equatorial  man — but  because  a 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  FOOD. 


47 


1  them- 

forcing 

md  the 

in  the 

see  the 

AC,  and 

)Ughout 

Fuego, 

manity, 

levelop- 

Ls  ebbed 

zations  ? 

itinuing 

advanc- 

'     Asia, 

3,  would 

iulation 

of  the 

munica- 

1 

ui  their 

h-. 

il  prini- 

% 

1  longer 

'4"i 

bates  of 

1  north 

!  cordil- 

^  I 

r  offers 

itil  the 

le  most 

mients, 

of  the 

[iperate 

, 

for  the 

higher 

Ts,"  for 

a  slave 

J^ 

lause  a 

temperate  climate,  while  it  lures  to  exertion,  rewards 
the  laborer. 

Next,  let  us  consider  the  agency  of  food  in  human 
development.  The  effect  of  food  is  to  supply  the  body 
with  caloric,  which  is  essential  to  its  life,  and  to  repair 
the  muscular  fibres  which  are  c(mstantly  undergoing 
>yaste  in  our  daily  activities.  These  two  effects  are 
produced  by  two  different  kinds  of  diet;  carbonized 
food,  such  as  animal  flesh,  fish,  oils  and  fats,  and  oxi- 
dized food,  which  consists  chiefly  of  vegetables.  In  hot 
climates,  obviously,  less  carbonized  food  is  required  to 
keep  uj)  the  necessary  temperature  of  the  body  than 
in  cold  climates.  Hence  it  is,  that  hyperborean  nations 
subsist  on  whale's  blubber,  oil,  and  flesh,  while  the 
tropical  man  confines  himself  almost  exclusively  to  a 
vegetable  diet. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  here  to  enter  into  the  relative 
effects  of  the  different  kinds  of  food  on  physiological 
and  mental  development;  T  desire,  however,  to  call 
attention  to  the  comparative  facility  with  which  car- 
bonized and  oxidized  food  is  procured  by  man,  and  to 
note  the  effect  of  this  ease  or  difficulty  in  obtaining  a 
food  supply,  upon  his  progress.  In  warm,  humid 
climates  vegetation  is  spontaneous  and  abundant;  a 
plentiful  supply  of  food  may,  therefore,  be  obtained 
with  the  smallest  expenditure  of  labor.  The  inhabitants 
of  cold  climate?,  however,  are  obliged  to  pursue,  by 
land  and  water^  wild  and  powerful  animals,  to  put 
forth  all  their  strength  and  skill  in  order  to  secure  a 
precarious  supply  of  the  necessary  food.  Then,  again, 
besides  being  more  difficult  to  obtain,  and  more  uncer- 
tain as  to  a  steady  supply,  the  quantity  of  food  con- 
sumed in  a  cold  climate  is  much  greater  than  that 
consumed  in  a  hot  climate.  Now  as  leisure  is  essen- 
tial to  cultivation,  and  as  without  a  surplus  of  food 
and  clothing  there  can  be  no  leisure,  it  would  seem  to 
follow  naturally  that  in  those  countries  where  food 
and  clothing  are  most  easily  obtained  culture  should 


I 


48 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


be  the  highest;  since,  so  little  time  and  labor  are 
necessary  to  satisfy  the  necessities  of  the  body,  the 
mind  would  have  opportunity  to  expand.  It  would 
seem  that  a  fertile  soil,  an  exuberant  vegetation,  soft 
skies  and  balmy  air,  a  country  where  raiment  was 
scarcely  essential  to  comfort,  and  where  for  food  the 
favored  inhabitant  had  but  to  pluck  and  eat,  should 
become  the  seat  of  a  numerous  population  and  a  high 
development.  Is  this  the  fact?  "Wherever  snow 
falls,"  Emerson  remarks,  "there  is  usually  civil  free- 
dom. Where  the  banana  grows,  the  animal  system  is 
indolent,  and  pampered  at  the  cost  of  higher  qualities; 
the  man  is  sensual  and  cruel;"  and  we  may  add  that 
where  wheat  grows,  there  is  civilization,  where  rice  is 
the  staple,  there  mental  vigor  is  relaxed. 

Heat  and  moisture  being  the  great  vegetative 
stimulants,  tropical  lands  in  proximity  to  the  sea  are 
covered  with  eternal  verdure.  Little  or  no  labor  is 
required  to  sustain  life ;  for  food  there  is  the  perjiet- 
ually  ripening  fruit,  a  few  hours'  planting,  f  mietimes, 
being  sufficient  to  supply  a  family  for  months;  for 
shelter,  little  more  than  the  dense  foliage  is  necessary, 
while  scarcely  any  clothing  is  required. 

But  although  heat  and  moisture,  the  great  vegeta- 
tive stimulants,  lie  at  the  root  of  primitive  progress, 
these  elements  in  superabundance  defeat  their  own 
ends,  and  in  two  ways :  First,  excessive  heat  enervates 
the  body  and  prostrates  the  mind,  languor  and  inertia 
become  chronic,  while  cold  is  invigorating  and  prompts 
to  activity.  And  in  tropical  climates  certain  hours  of 
the  day  are  too  hot  for  work,  and  are,  consequently, 
devoted  to  sleep.  The  day  is  broken  into  fragments ; 
continuous  application,  which  alone  produces  imi)or- 
tant  results,  is  prevented,  and  habits  of  slackness  an*' 
laxity  become  the  rule  of  life  Satisfied,  moreovei 
with  the  provisions  of  nature  for  their  support,  the 
people  live  with  out  labor,  vegetating,  plant-like,  through 
a  listless  and  objectless  life.  Secondly,  vegetation, 
stimulated  by  excessive  heat  and  moisture,  grows  with 


%\ 


UNMANAGEABLENES8  OE  REDUNDANT  NATURE. 


49 


8uch  strength  and  rapidity  as  to  defy  the  efforts  of 
inexperienced  primitive  man;  nature  becomes  domi- 
neerin<^,  unnianageablo,  and  man  sinks  into  insignifi- 
cance. Indeed  the  most  skillful  industn'  of  anned 
and  disciplined  civilization  is  unable  to  keep  under 
control  this  redundancy  of  tropical  vegetation.  The 
path  cleared  by  the  pioneer  on  penetrating  the  dense 
undergrowth,  closes  after  him  like  the  waters  of  the  sea 
behind  a  ship ;  before  the  grain  has  time  to  spring  up, 
the  plowed  field  is  covered  with  rank  weeds,  wild  flowers, 
and  poisonous  plants  no  less  beautiful  than  pernicious. 
I  have  seen  the  very  fence-posts  sprouting  up  and 
growing  into  trees.  So  J-istructive  is  the  vegetation 
of  the  Central  American  lowlands,  that  in  their 
triumphal  march  the  persistent  roots  penetrate  the 
crevices  of  masonry,  demolish  strong  walls,  and  oblit- 
erate stupendous  tumuli.  The  people  whose  climate 
makes  carbonized  food  a  necessity,  are  obliged  to  call 
into  action  their  bolder  and  stronger  faculties  in  order 
to  obiai  I  their  supplies,  while  the  vegetable-eater  may 
trail.  jHiIiy  rest  on  bounteous  nature.  The  Eskimo 
struggles  manfully  with  whale,  and  bear,  and  ice,  and 
darkness,  until  his  capacious  stomach  is  well  filled 
with  heat-producing  food,  then  he  dozes  torpidly  in 
liis  don  while  the  supply  lasts ;  the  equatorial  man 
phicks  and  eats,  basks  in  the  open  air,  and  sleeps. 

Here  we  have  a  medley  of  heterogeneous  and  an- 
tagonistic elements.  Leisure  is  essential  to  culture; 
before  leisure  there  must  be  an  accumulation  of  wealth ; 
the  accumulation  of  wealth  is  dependent  upon  the  food- 
supply;  a  surplus  of  food  can  only  be  easily  obtained 
in  warm  climates.  But  labor  is  also  essential  to  devel- 
opment, and  excessive  heat  is  opposed  to  labor.  Labor, 
moreover,  in  order  to  produce  leisure  must  be  remu- 
1  lative,  and  excessive  cold  is  opposed  to  accumulation. 
It  appears,  therefore,  that  an  excess  of  I'ibor  and  an 
excess  of  leisure  are  alike  detrimental  to  Improvement. 
Again,  heat  and  moisture  are  essential  to  an  abundant 
supply   of  wxidized  food.     But  heat    and  moisture. 

Vol.  II.    4 


60 


SA^'^AGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


especially  in  tropical  climates,  act  as  a  stimulant  upon 
other  rank  productions,  engendering  dense  forests, 
tangled  brush-wood,  and  poisonous  shrubs,  and  tilling 
miasmatic  marshes  with  noxious  reptiles.  These  ene- 
mies to  human  progres  i  the  weaponless  savage  is  unable 
to  overcome. 

It  is,  therefore,  neither  in  hot  and  humid  countries, 
nor  in  excesrfively  cold  climates,  that  we  are  to  look  for 
a  primitie  civilization;  for  in  the  latter  nature  lies 
dormant,  while  in  the  former  the  redundancy  of  nature 
becomes  unmanageable.  It  is  true  that  in  the  trop- 
ics of  America  and  Asia  are  found  the  seats  of  many 
ancient  civilizations,  but  if  we  examine  them  one 
after  the  other,  we  shall  see,  in  nearly  eveiy  in- 
stance, some  opposite  or  counteracting  agency.  Thus, 
the  Aztecs,  though  choosing  a  low  latitude  in  prox- 
imity to  both  oceans,  occupied  an  elevated  table-land, 
in  a  cool,  dry  atmosphere,  seven  or  eight  thousand 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  The  river  Nile,  by 
its  periodic  inundations,  forced  the  ancient  Egypt- 
ians to  lay  by  a  store  of  food,  which  is  the  very  first 
step  toward  wealth.  The  rivers  of  India  are,  some  of 
them,  subject  to  like  overflowings,  while  the  more 
elevated  parts  are  dry  and  fertile. 

Egypt  was  the  cradle  of  European  development. 
Long  before  the  advent  of  Christianity,  the  fertile 
banks  of  the  Nile,  for  their  pyramidal  tombs,  their 
colossi,  their  obelisks  and  catacombs  and  sphinxes  and 
temples,  were  regarded  by  surrounding  barbarians  as 
a  land  of  miracles  and  marvels.  Thence  Greece  de- 
rived her  earliest  arts  and  maxims.  The  climate  of 
Egypt  was  unchangeable,  and  the  inundations  of  the 
Nile  offered  a  less  uncertain  water-8Ui)ply  than  the 
rains  of  many  other  districts,  and  thus  agriculture, 
while  offering  to  the  laborer  the  greater  part  of  the 
year  for  leisure,  was  almost  certain  to  be  remunerative. 
Common  instincts  and  common  efforts,  uniformity  of 
climate  and  identity  of  interests  produced  a  homoge- 
neous people,  and  forty  centuries  of  such  changeless 


MR  BUCKLE'S  THEORY. 


.61 


coming  and  going  could  not  fail  to  result  in  improve- 
ment. 

Mr  Buckle,  in  his  attempt  to  establish  a  universal 
theory  that  heat  and  moisture  inevitably  engender 
civilization,  and  that  without  those  combined  agencies 
no  civilization  can  arise,  somewhat  overreaches  him- 
self. "  In  America,  as  in  Asia  and  Africa,"  he  says, 
"all  the  original  civilizations  were  seated  in  hot  coun- 
tries; the  whole  of  Peru,  proper,  being  within  the 
southern  tropic,  the  whole  of  Central  America  and 
Mexico  within  the  northern  tropic."  The  fact  is,  that 
Cuzco,  the  capital  city  of  the  Incas,  is  in  the  Cordil- 
leras, three  hundred  miles  from  and  eleven  thousand 
feet  above  the  sea.  For  the  latitude  the  climate  is 
both  cold  and  dry.  The  valley  of  Mexico  is  warmer 
and  moister,  but  cannot  be  called  hot  and  humid. 
Palenque  and  Copan  approach  nearer  Mr  Buckle's 
ideal  than  Cuzco  or  Mexico,  being  above  the  tierra 
caliente  proper,  and  yet  in  a  truly  hot  and  humid 
climate. 

The  Hawaiian  Islands, — an  isolated  group  of  lava 
piles,  thrown  up  into  the  trade  winds  on  the  twentieth 
parallel,  and  by  these  winds  deluged  on  one  side  with 
rain,  while  the  other  is  left  almost  dry,  with  but  little 
alluvial  soil,  and  that  little  exceedingly  fertile, — at  the 
time  of  their  discovery  by  Captain  Cook  appeared  to 
have  made  no  inconsiderable  advance  toward  feudal- 
ism. Systems  of  land  tenure  alid  vassalage  were  in 
oi)erati()n,  and  some  works  for  the  public  we.il  had 
been  constructed.  Here  were  the  essentials  for  a  low 
order  of  improvement  such  as  was  found  there,  but 
which  never,  in  all  probability,  would  have  risen  much 
higher. 

Again,  Mr  Buckle  declares  that,  "owing  to  the 
presence  of  physical  phenomena,  the  civilization  of 
America  was,  of  necessity,  confined  to  those  parts 
where  alone  it  was  found  by  the  discoverers  of  the  New 
World."  An  apparently  safe  postulate;  but,  upon 
any  conceivable    hypothesis,   there    are   very   many 


' 


'■ 


52 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


places  as  well  adapted  to  development  as  those  in  which 
it  was  found.  Once  more:  "The  two  great  conditions 
of  fertility  have  not  been  united  in  any  part  of  the 
continent  north  of  Mexico."  When  we  consider  what 
it  is,  namely,  heat  and  humidity,  upon  which  Mr  Buckle 
makes  intellectual  evolution  dependent,  and  that  not 
only  the  Mexican  plateau  lacked  both  these  essentials, 
in  the  full  meaning  of  the  term,  but  that  both  are 
found  in  many  places  northward,  as  for  instance,  in 
some  parts  of  Texas  arid  in  Louisiana,  a  discrepancy  in 
his  theory  becomes  apparent.  "The  peculiar  config- 
uration of  the  land,"  he  continues,  "secured  a  very 
large  amount  of  coast,  and  thus  gave  to  the  southern 
part  of  North  America  the  character  of  an  island. "  An 
island,  yes,  but,  as  M.  Guyot  terms  it,  an  "aerial 
island;"  bordered  on  either  side  by  sea-coast,  but  by 
such  sea-coast  as  formed  an  almost  impassable  barrier 
between  the  table-land  and  the  ocean. 

"While,  therefore,"  adds  Mr  Buckle,  "the  position 
of  Mexico  near  the  equator  gave  it  heat,  the  shape  of 
the  land  gave  it  humidtty ;  and  this  being  the  only  part 
of  North  America  in  which  these  two  conditions  were 
united  it  was  likewise  the  only  part  which  was  at  all 
civilized.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  that  if  the  sandy 
plains  of  California  and  Southern  Columbia,  instead  of 
being  scorched  into  sterility,  had  been  irrigated  by  the 
rivers  of  the  east,  or  if  the  rivers  of  the  east  had  been 
accompanied  by  the  heat  of  the  west,  the  result  of  either 
combination  would  have  been  that  exuberance  of  soil, 
by  which,  as  the  history  of  the  world  decisively  proves, 
every  early  civilization  was  preceded.  But  inasmuch 
as,  of  the  two  elements  of  fertility,  one  was  deficient  in 
every  part  of  America  north  of  the  twentieth  parallel, 
it  followed  that,  until  that  line  was  passed,  civilization 
could  gain  no  resting  place;  and  there  never  has  been 
found,  and  we  may  confidently  assert  never  will  be 
found,  any  evidence  tiiat  even  a  single  ancient  nation, 
in  the  whole  of  that  enormous  continent,  was  able  to 
make  much  progress  in  the  arts  of  life,  or  organize 


WHY  WERE  CALIFORNIANS  NOT  CIVILIZED? 


53 


organize 


itself  into  a  fixed  and  permanent  society."  This  is  a 
broad  statement  embodying  precipitate  deductions 
from  false  premises,  and  one  which  betrays  singular 
ignorance  of  the  country  and  its  climate.  These  same 
"sandy  plains  of  California"  so  far  from  being  "scorched 
into  sterility,"  are  to-day  sending  their  cereals  in  every 
direction — ^to  the  east  and  to  the  west — and  are  capable 
of  feeding  <tl)  Europe. 

I  have  often  wondered  why  California  was  not  the 
seat  of  a  primitive  civilization;  why,  upon  every  con- 
verging line  the  race  deteriorates  as  this  centre  is 
u})proached;  why,  with  a  cool,  salubrious  seaboard,  a 
hot  and  healthful  interior,  with  alternate  rainy  and 
dry  seasons,  alternate  seasons  of  labor  and  leisure 
which  encourage  producing  and  hoarding  and  which 
are  the  primary  incentives  to  accumulation  and  wealth, 
in  this  hot  and  cool,  moist  and  dry,  and  invigorating 
atmosphere,  with  a  fertile  soil,  a  climate  which  in  no 
part  of  the  year  can  be  called  cold  or  inhospitable, 
should  be  found  one  of  the  lowest  phases  of  humanity 
on  the  North  American  continent.  The  cause  must  be 
sought  in  periods  more  remote,  in  the  convulsions  of 
nature  now  stilled;  in  the  tumults  of  nations  whose 
history  lies  forgotten,  forever  buried  in  the  past.  The- 
ories never  will  solve  the  mystery.  Indeed,  there  is 
no  reason  why  the  foundations  of  the  Aztec  and 
Maya-Quiche  civilizations  may  not  have  been  laid 
north  of  the  thirty-fifth  parallel,  although  no  archi- 
tectural remains  have  been  discovered  there,  nor  other 
proof  of  such  an  origin;  but  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Gila,  the  Colorado,  and  the  Rio  Grande,  in  Chihuahua, 
and  on  the  hot  dry  plains  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico, 
far  beyond  the  limits  of  Mr  Buckle's  territory  where 
"there  never  has  been  found,  and  we  may  confidently 
assert  never  will  be  found"  any  evidence  of  progress, 
are  to-day  walled  towns  inhabited  by  an  industrial  and 
agricultural  people,  whose  existence  we  can  trace  back 
for  more  than  three  centuries,  besidoy  ruins  of  massive 
buildings  of  whose  history  nothing  is  known. 


' 


I 


u 


SAVAGISM  ANH  CIVILIZATION. 


Thus,  that  California  and  many  other  part^  of  North 
America  could  not  have  been  the  seat  of  a  primitive 
civilization,  cannot  be  proved  upon  the  baais  of  any 
physical  hypothesis;  and,  indeed,  in  our  attempt  to 
elucidate  the  principles  of  universal  progress,  where 
the  mysterious  and  antagonistic  activities  of  humanity 
have  been  fermenting  all  unseen  for  thousands  of  ages, 
unknown  and  unknowable,  among  peoples  of  whom  our 
utmost  knowledge  can  be  only  such  as  is  derived  from 
a  transient  glimpse  of  a  disappearing  race,  it  is  w  ith 
the  utmost  difficulty  that  satisfactory  conclusions  can 
in  any  instance  be  reached. 

It  is  in  a  temperate  climate,  therefore,  that  man 
attains  the  highest  development.  On  the  peninsulas 
of  Greece  and  Italy,  where  the  Mediterranean  invites 
intercourse ;  in  Iran  and  Armenia,  where  the  climate 
is  cold  enough  to  stimulate  labor,  but  not  so  cold  as  to 
require  the  use  of  all  the  energies  of  body  and  mind  in 
order  to  acquire  a  bare  subsistence ;  warm  enough  to 
make  leisure  possible,  but  not  so  wann  as  to  enervate 
and  prostrate  the  faculties;  with  a  soil  of  sufficient 
fertility  to  yield  a  surplus  and  promote  the  accumulation 
of  wealth,  without  producing  such  a  redundancy  of 
vegetation  as  to  be  unmanageable  by  unskilled,  priliii- 
tive  man — there  it  is  that  we  find  the  highest  intel- 
lectual culture. 

It  sometimes  happens  that,  in  those  climates  which 
are  too  vigorous  for  the  unfolding  of  the  tender  germ, 
cultivation  is  stimulated  into  greater  activity  than  in 
its  original  seats.  It  sometimes  happens  that,  when 
the  shell  of  savagism  is  once  fairly  broken,  a  people 
may  overcome  a  domineering  vegetation,  and  flourish 
in  a  climate  where  by  no  possibility  could  their  de- 
velopment have  originated.  Even  in  the  frozen  regions 
of  the  north,  as  in  Scandanavia,  man,  by  the  intensity 
of  his  nature,  was  enabled  to  surmount  the  difficul- 
ties of  climate  and  attain  a  fierce,  rude  cultivation. 
The  regions  of  Northern  Europe  and  Northern  Amer- 
ica, notwithstanding  their  original  opposition  to  man, 


ASSOCIATION  AN  ELEMENT  OF  PROGRESS. 


55 


aro  to-day  the  most  fruitful  of  all  lands  in  industrial 
discoveries  and  intellectual  activities,  but  'in  the  polar 
regions,  as  in  the  equatorial,  the  highest  development 
never  can  be  reached. 

The  conditions  which  encourage  indigenous  civiliza- 
tion are  not  always  those  that  encourage  permanent 
development,  and  vice  versa.  Thus,  Great  Britain  in 
her  insulation,  remained  barbarous  long  after  Greece 
and  Italy  had  attained  a  high  degree  of  cultivation, 
yet  when  once  the  seed  took  rooi,,  that  very  insulation 
acted  as  a  wall  of  defense,  within  which  a  mighty 
power  germinated  and  with  its  influence  overspread 
the  whole  earth. 

Thus  we  have  seen  that  a  combination  of  physical 
conditions  is  essential  to  intellectual  development. 
Without  leisure,  there  can  be  no  culture,  without 
wealth  no  leisure,  without  labor  no  wealth,  and  with- 
out a  suitable  soil  and  climate  no  remunerative  labor. 

Now,  throughout  the  material  universe,  there  is  no 
object  or  element  which  holds  its  place,  whether  at 
rest  or  in  motion,  except  under  fixed  laws ;  no  atom  of 
matter  nor  subtle  mysterious  force,  no  breath  of  air, 
nor  cloudy  vapor  nor  streak  of  light,  but  in  existing 
obeys  a  law.  The  Almighty  fiat:  Be  fruitful  and  mul- 
tiply, fruitful  in  increase,  intellectual  as  well  as  physi- 
cal, was  given  alike  to  all  mankind ;  seeds  of  progress 
were  sown  broadcast  throughout  all  the  races  human; 
some  fell  on  stony  places,  others  were  choked  with 
weeds,  others  found  good  soil.  When  we  see  a  people 
in  the  full  enjoyment  of  all  these  physical  essentials  to 
progress  yet  in  a  state  of  savagism,  we  may  be  sure 
that  elements  detrimental  to  progress  have,  at  some 
period  of  their  history,  interposed  to  prevent  natural 
growth.  War,  famine,  pestilence,  convulsions  of  nature, 
have  nipped  in  the  bud  many  an  incipient  civilization, 
whose  history  lies  deep  buried  in  the.  unrecorded  past. 

The  obvious  necessity  of  association  as  a  primary 
condition  of  development  leaves  little  to  be  said  on 


56 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


that  subject.  To  the  manifestation  of  this  Soul  of 
Progress  a  body  social  is  requisite,  as  without  an  indi- 
vidual body  there  can  be  no  manifestation  of  an  indi- 
vidual soul.  This  body  social,  like  the  body  individual, 
is  composed  of  numberless  organs,  each  having  its 
special  functions  to  perform,  each  acting  on  the  others, 
and  all  under  the  general  government  of  the  progres- 
sional  idea.  Civilization  is  not  an  individual  attribute, 
and  though  the  atom,  man,  may  be  charged  with  stored 
energy,  yet  progress  constitutes  no  part  of  individual 
nature ;  it  is  something  that  lies  between  men  and  not 
within  them ;  it  belongs  to  society  and  not  to  the  indi- 
vidual; man,  the  molecule  of  society,  isolate,  is  inert 
and  forceless.  The  isolated  man,  as  I  have  said,  never 
can  become  cultivated,  never  can  form  a  language, 
does  not  possess  in  its  fullness  the  faculty  of  abstrac- 
tion, nor  can  his  mind  enter  the  realm  of  higher 
thought.  All  those  characteristics  which  distinguish 
mankind  from  animal-kind  become  almost  inoperative. 
Without  association  there  is  no  speech,  for  speech  is  but 
the  conductor  of  thought  between  two  or  more  indi- 
viduals; without  words  abstract  thought  cannot  flow, 
for  words,  or  some  other  form  of  expression,  are  the 
channels  of  thought,  and  with  the  absence  of  words  the 
fountain  of  thought  is  in  a  measure  sealed. 

At  the  very  threshold  of  progress  social  crystalliza- 
tion sets  in;  something  there  is  in  every  man  that 
draws  him  to  other  men.  In  the  relationship  of  the 
sexes,  this  principle  of  human  attraction  reaches  its 
height,  where  the  husband  and  wife,  as  it  were,  coalesce, 
like  the  union  of  one  drop  of  water  with  another,  form- 
ing one  globule.  As  unconsciously  and  as  positively 
are  men  constrained  to  band  together  into  societies  as 
are  particles  forced  to  unite  and  form  crystals.  And 
herein  is  a  law  as  palpaple  and  as  fixed  as  any  law  in 
nature ;  a  law,  which  if  unfulfilled,  would  result  in  the 
extermination  of  the  race.  But  the  law  of  human 
attraction  is  not  perfect,  does  not  fulfill  its  purpose 
apart  from  the  law  of  human  repulsion,  for  as  we  have 


COOPERATION  AND  THE  DIVISION  OF  LABOR. 


67 


seen,  until  war  and  despotism  and  superstition  and 
other  dire  evils  come,  there  is  no  progress.  Solitude 
is  insupportable,  even  beasts  will  not  live  alone;  and 
men  are  more  dependent  on  each  other  than  beasts. 
Solitude  carries  with  it  a  sense  of  inferiority  and 
insufficiency ;  the  faculties  are  stinted,  lacking  com- 
pleteness, whereas  volume  is  added  to  every  individual 
faculty  by  union. 

But  association  simply,  is  not  enough;  nothing 
materially  great  can  be  accomplished  without  union 
and  cooperation.  It  is  only  when  aggregations  of 
families  intermingle  with  other  aggregations,  each 
contributing  its  quota  of  original  knowledge  to  the 
other;  when  the  individual  gives  up  some  portion  of 
his  individual  will  and  property  for  the  better  protec- 
tion of  other  rights  and  property ;  when  he  entrusts 
society  with  the  vindication  of  his  rights;  when  he 
depends  upon  the  banded  arm  of  the  nation,  and  not 
alone  upon  his  own  arm  for  redress  of  grievances,  that 
progress  is  truly  made.  And  with  union  and  cooper- 
ation comes  the  division  of  labor  by  which  means  each, 
in  some  special  department,  is  enabled  to  excel.  By 
fixing  the  mind  wholly  upon  one  thing,  by  constant 
repetition  and  practice,  the  father  hands  down  his 
art  to  the  son,  who  likewise,  improves  it  for  his  de- 
scendants. It  is  only  by  doing  a  new  thing,  or  by 
doing  an  old  thing  better  than  it  has  ever  l)een  done 
before,  that  progress  is  made.  Under  the  regime  of 
universal  mediocrity  the  nation  does  not  advance ;  it 
is  to  the  great  men, — great  in  things  great  or  small, 
that  progress  is  due ;  it  is  to  the  few  who  think,  to  the 
few  who  dare  to  face  the  infinite  universe  of  things  and 
step,  if  need  be,  outside  an  old-time  boundary,  that 
the  world  owes  most. 

Originally  implanted  is  the  germ  of  intelligence,  at 
the  first  but  little  more  than  brute  instinct.  This 
germ  in  unfolding  undergoes  a  double  process;  it 
throws  off  its  own  intuitions  and  receives  in  return 
those  of  another.    By  an  interchange  of  ideas,  the  expe- 


88  SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

riences  of  one  are  made  known  for  the  benefit  of  another, 
the  inventions  of  one  are  added  to  the  inventions  of 
another ;  without  intercommunication  of  ideas  the  in- 
tellect must  lie  dormant.  Thus  it  is  with  individuals, 
and  with  societies  it  is  the  same.  Acquisitions  are 
eminentlv  reciprocal.  In  society,  wealth,  art,  litera- 
ture, polity,  and  religion  act  and  react  on  each  other; 
•in  science  a  fusion  of  antagonistic  hypotheses  is  sure 
to  result  in  important  developments.  Before  much 
progress  can  be  made,  there  must  be  established  a 
commerce  between  nations  for  the  interchange  of 
aggregated  human  experiences,  so  that  the  arts  and 
industries  acquired  by  each  may  become  the  property 
of  all  the  rest,  and  thus  knowledge  become  scattered 
by  exchange,  in  place  of  each  having  to  work  out  every 
problem  for  himself.  Thus  viewed,  civilization  is  a 
partnership  entered  into  for  mutual  improvement; 
a  joint  stock  operation,  in  which  the  product  of  every 
brain  contributes  to  a  general  fund  for  the  benefit 
of  all.  No  one  can  add  to  his  own  store  of  knowledge 
without  adding  to  the  general  store ;  every  invention 
and  discovery,  however  insignificant,  is  a  contribution 
to  civilization. 

In  savagism,  union  and  cooperation  are  imperfectly 
displayed.  The  warriors  of  one  tribe  unite  against 
the  warriors  of  another;  a  band  will  cooperate  in  pur- 
suing a  herd  of  buffalo ;  even  one  nation  will  sometimes 
unite  with  another  nation  against  a  third,  but  such 
combinations  are  temporary,  and  no  sooner  is  the  par- 
ticular object  accomplished  than  the  confederation 
disbands,  and  every  man  is  again  his  own  master.  The 
moment  two  or  more  persons  unite  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  some  purpose  which  shall  tend  permanently 
to  meliorate  the  condition  of  themselves  and  others, 
that  moment  progress  begins.  The  wild  beasts  of  the 
forest,  acting  in  unison,  were  physically  able  to  rise  up 
and  extirpate  primitive  man,  but  could  beasts  in  reality 
confederate  and  do  this,  such  confederation  of  wild 
beasts  could  become  civilized. 


,;iiil 


THE  SAVAGE  HATES  CIVILIZATION. 


BO 


But  why  does  primitive  man  desire  to  abandon  his 
original  state  and  set  out  upon  an  arduous  never-end- 
ing journey?  Why  does  he  wish  to  change  his  mild 
paternal  government,  to  relinquish  his  title  to  lands  as 
broad  as  his  arm  can  defend,  with  all  therein  contained, 
the  common  property  of  his  people?  Why  does  he 
wish  to  give  up  his  wild  freedom,  his  native  independ- 
ence, and  place  upon  his  limbs  the  fetters  of  a  social 
and  political  despotism?  He  does  not.  The  savage 
hates  civilization  as  he  hates  his  deadliest  foe;  its 
choicest  benefits  he  hates  more  than  the  direst  ills  of 
his  own  unfettered  life.  He  is  driven  to  it ;  driven  to 
it  by  extraneous  influences,  without  his  knowledge 
and  against  his  will ;  he  is  driven  to  it  by  this  Soul  of 
Progress.  It  is  here  that  this  progressional  phenome- 
non again  appears  outside  of  man  and  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  the  will  of  man ;  it  is  here  that  the  principle 
of  evil  again  comes  in  and  stirs  men  up  to  the  accom- 
plishment of  a  higher  destiny.  By  it  Adam,  the  first 
of  recorded  savages,  was  driven  from  Eden,  where 
otherwise  he  would  have  remained  forever,  and  re- 
mained uncivilized.  By  it  our  ancestors  were  impelled 
to  abandon  their  simi)le  state,  and  organize  more 
heterogeneous  complex  forms  of  social  life.  And  it  is 
a  problem  for  each  nation  to  work  out  for  itself  Mil- 
lions of  money  are  expended  for  merely  proselyting 
purposes,  when  if  the  first  principles  of  civilization 
were  well  understood,  a  more  liberal  manner  of  teach- 
ing would  prevail. 

Every  civilization  has  its  peculiarities,  its  idiosyn- 
crasies. Two  individuals  attempting  the  same  thinij 
diner  m  the  performance;  so  civilization  evolving  under 
incidental  and  extraneous  causes  takes  an  individuality 
in  every  instance.  This  is  why  civilizations  will  not 
coalesce;  this  is  why  the  Spaniards  could  make  the 
Aztecs  accept  their  civilization  only  at  the  point  of  the 
sword.  Development  engendered  by  one  set  of  phe- 
nomena will  not  suit  the  developments  of  other  cir- 
cumstances.    The  government,  religion,  and  customs 


I 


60 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


of  one  people  will  not  fit  another  people  any  more  than 
the  coat  of  one  person  will  suit  the  fonn  of  another. 
Thought  runs  in  diffei'ent  channels;  the  happiness  of 
one  is  not  the  happiness  of  another;  development 
springs  from  inherent  necessity,  and  one  species  cannot 
be   engrafted   on  another. 

Let  us  now  examine  the  phenomena  of  government 
and  religion  in  their  application  to  the  evolution  of 
societies,  and  we  shall  better  understand  how  the 
wheels  of  progress  are  first  set  in  motion,  —  and  by 
religion  I  do  not  mean  creed  or  credulity,  but  that 
natural  cultus  inherent  in  humanity,  which  is  a  very 
different  thing.  Government  is  early  felt  to  be  a  neea 
of  society ;  the  enforcement  of  laws  which  shall  bring 
order  out  of  social  chaos;  laws  which  shall  restrain  the 
vicious,  protect  the  innocent,  and  punish  the  guilty; 
which  shall  act  as  a  shield  to  inherent  budding  moral- 
ity. But  before  government,  there  must  arise  some 
influence  which  will  band  men  together.  An  early  evil 
to  which  civilization  is  indebted  is  war;  the  propensity 
of  man — unhappily  not  yet  entirely  overcome — for  kill- 
ing his  fellow-man. 

The  human  race  has  not  yet  attained  that  state  of 
homogeneous  felicity  which  we  sometimes  imagine; 
upon  the  surface,  we  yet  bear  many  of  the  relics  of 
barbarism ;  under  cover  of  manners,  we  hide  still  more. 
War  is  a  barbarism  which  civilization  only  intensifies, 
as  indeed  civilization  intensifies  evenr  barbarism  which 
it  does  not  eradicate  or  cover  up.  The  right  of  every 
individual  to  act  as  his  own  avenger ;  trial  by  combat ; 
justice  dependent  upon  the  passion  or  caprice  of  the 
judge  or  ruler  and  not  upon  fixed  law;  hereditary  feuds 
and  migratory  skirmishes;  these  and  the  like  are 
deemed  barbarous,  while  every  nation  of  the  civilized 
world  maintains  a  standing  army,  applies  all  the  arts 
and  inventions  of  civilization  to  the  science  of  killing, 
and  upon  sufficient  provocation,  as  a  disputed  boundary 
or  a  fancied  insult,  no  greater  nor  more  important  than 


GOVERNMENT  AND  RELIGION. 


ei 


that  which  moved  our  savage  ancestors  to  like  conduct, 
falls  to,  and  after  a  respectable  civilized  butchery  of 
fifty  or  a  hundred  thousand  men,  ceases  fighting,  and 
returns,  perhaps,  to  right  and  reason  as  a  basis  for  the 
settlement  of  the  difficulty.  War,  like  other  evils 
which  have  proved  instruments  of  good,  should  by 
this  time  have  had  its  day,  should  have  served  its 
purpose.  Standing  armies,  whose  formation  was  one 
of  the  first  and  most  important  steps  in  association  and 
partition  of  labor,  are  but  the  manifestation  of  a  linger- 
nig  necessity  for  the  use  of  brute  force  in  place  of 
moral  force  in  the  settlement  of  national  disputes. 
Surely,  rational  beings  who  retain  the  most  irrational 

fjractices  conceniing  the  simplest  principles  of  social 
ife  cannot  boast  of  a  very  high  order  of  what  we  are 
pleased  to  call  civilization.  Morality,  commerce,  lit- 
erature, and  industry,  all  that  tends  toward  elevation  of 
intellect,  is  directly  opposed  to  the  warlike  spirit.  As 
intellectual  activity  mcreases,  the  taste  for  war 
decreases,  for  an  appeal  to  war  in  the  settlement  of 
difficulties  is  an  appeal  from  the  intellectual  to  the 
physical,  from  reason  to  brute  force. 

Despotism  is  an  evil,  but  despotism  is  as  essential 
to  progress  as  any  good.  In  some  form  despotism  is 
an  inseparable  adjunct  of  war.  An  individual  or  an 
idea  may  be  the  despot,  but  without  cohesion,  without 
a  strong  central  power,  real  or  imaginary,  there  can  be 
no  unity,  and  without  unity  no  protracted  warfare. 
In  the  first  stages  of  government  despotism  is  aa 
essential  as  in  the  last  it  is  noxious.  It  holds  society 
together  when  nothing  else  would  hold  it,  and  at  a  time 
when  its  very  existence  depends  upon  its  being  so  held. 
And  not  until  a  moral  inherent  strength  arises  suffi- 
cient to  burst  the  fetters  of  despotism,  is  a  people  fit 
for  a  better  or  milder  form  of  government ;  for  not  until 
this  inherent  power  is  manifest  is  there  sufficient  cohe- 
sive force  in  society  to  hold  it  together  without  being 
hooped  by  some  such  band  as  despotism.  Besides  thus 
cementing  society,  war  generates  many  virtues,  such 


8AVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


fi 


as  couraj,'e,  discipline,  obedience,  chivalrous  bearing, 
noble  thought ;  and  the  virtues  of  war,  as  well  as  its 
vices,  help  to  mould  national  character. 

Slavery  to  the  present  day  has  its  defenders,  and 
from  the  first  it  has  been  a  preventive  of  a  worse 
evil, — slaughter.  Savages  make  slaves  of  their  pris- 
oners of  war,  and  if  they  do  not  preserve  them  for 
slaves  they  kill  them.  The  origin  of  the  word,  semis, 
from  servare,  to  preserve,  denotes  humane  thought 
rather  than  cruelty.  Discipline  is  always  necessary  to 
development,  and  slavery  is  another  form  of  savage 
disciplme.  Then,  by  systems  of  slavery,  great  works 
were  accomplished,  which,  in  the  absence  of  arts  and 
inventions,  would  not  have  been  possible  without  slavery. 
And  again,  in  early  societies  where  leisure  is  so  neces- 
sary to  mental  cultivation  and  so  difficult  to  obtain, 
slavery,  by  promoting  leisure,  aids  elevation  and  refine- 
ment. Slaves  constitute  a  distinct  class,  devoted 
wholly  to  labor,  thereby  enabling  another  class  to  live 
without  labor,  or  to  labor  with  the  intellect  rather 
than  with  the  hands. 

Primordially,  society  was  an  aggregation  of  nomadic 
families,  every  head  of  a  family  having  equal  rights, 
and  every  individual  such  power  and  influence  as  he 
could  acquire  and  maintain.  In  all  the  ordinary  avo- 
cations of  savage  life  this  was  sufllicient;  there  was 
room  for  all,  and  the  widest  liberty  was  possessed  by 
each.  And  in  this  happy  state  does  mankind  ever 
remain  until  forced  out  of  it.  In  unity  and  coopera- 
tion alone  can  great  things  be  accomplished;  but  men 
will  not  unite  until  forced  to  it.  Now  in  times  of  war 
— and  with  savages  >^'ar  is  the  rule  and  not  the  excep- 
tion— some  closer  union  is  necessary  to  avoid  extinction ; 
for  other  things  being  equal,  the  people  who  are  most 
firmly  united  and  most  strongly  ruled  are  sure  to  pre- 
vail in  war.  The  idea  of  unity  in  order  to  be  effectual 
must  be  embodied  in  a  unit ;  some  one  must  be  made 
chief,  and  the  others  must  obey,  as  in  a  band  of  wild 
beasts  that  follow  the  one  most  conspicuous  for  its 


GOVERNMENT  FORCED  UPON  MAN. 


6» 


prowess  and  cunning.  But  the  military  principle  alone 
would  never  lay  the  foundation  of  a  strong  government, 
for  with  every  cessation  from  hostilities  tnere  would  be 
a  corre8|X)ndmg  relaxation  of  government. 

Another  necessity  for  goveniment  here  arises,  but 
which  likewise  is  not  the  cause  of  government,  for 
government  springs  from  force  and  not  from  utility. 
These  men  do  not  want  government,  they  do  not  want 
culture ;  how  then  is  an  arm  to  be  found  sufficiently 
strong  to  bridle  their  wild  passions?  In  reason  they 
are  children,  in  passion  men;  to  restrain  the  strong 
passions  of  strong  non-reasoning  men  requires  a  power; 
whence  is  this  power  to  come?  It  is  in  the  earlier 
stage  of  government  that  des[)otism  assumes  its  most 
intense  fonns.  The  more  passionate,  and  lawless,  and- 
cruel  the  people,  the  more  completely  do  they  submit  to 
a  passionate,  lawless,  ana  cruel  prince ;  the  more  un- 
governable their  nature,  the  more  slavish  are  they  in 
their  submission  to  government;  the  stronger  the 
element  to  be  governed,  the  stronger  must  be  the  gov- 
ernment. 

Tile  primitive  man,  whoever  or  whatever  thai  may 
be,  lives  in  harmony  with  nature;  that  is,  he  ii /es  as 
other  animals  live,  drawing  his  supplies  immediately 
from  the  general  storehouse  of  nature.  His  food  he 
plucks  from  a  sheltering  tree,  or  draws  from  a  spark- 
ling stream,  or  captures  from  a  prolific  forest.  The 
remnants  of  his  capture,  unfit  for  fixxi,  supply  his 
other  wants;  with  the  skin  he  clothes  himself,  and 
with  the  bones  makes  implements  and  points  his 
weapons.  I  n  this  there  are  no  antagonisms,  no  opposing 
principles  of  good  and  evil;  animals  are  kilted  not 
with  a  view  of  extermination,  but  through  necessity, 
as  animals  kill  animals  in  order  to  supply  actual  wants. 
But  no  sooner  does  the  leaven  of  progress  begin  to  work 
than  war  is  declared  between  man  and  nature.  To 
make  room  for  denser  populations  and  increasing  com- 
forts, forests  must  be  hewn  down,  their  primeval 
inhabitants  extirpated  or  domesticated,  and  the  soil 


64 


.  SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


laid  under  more  direct  cor.tribution.  Union  and  coop- 
eration spring  up  for  purposes  of  protection  and  aggres- 
sion, for  the  acconiplishnient  of  purj)oses  l)eyond  the 
capacity  of  the  individual.  Gradually  manufactures 
and  commerce  increase;  th**  products  of  one  IxKly  of 
laborers  are  exchanged  for  the  i)roducts  of  another,  and 
thus  the  aggregate  comforts  produced  are  doubled  to 
each.  Absolute  power  is  taken  from  the  luuids  of  the 
many  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  one,  who  becoL  38  the 
representative  power  of  all.  Men  are  no  longer  de- 
pendent upon  the  chase  for  a  daily  supply  of  fcKHl ;  even 
agriculture  no  longer  is  a  necessity  which  each  must 
follow  for  himself,  for  the  intellectual  [iroductn  of  one 
perst)n  or  people  may  be  exchanged  for  the  agricultural 
•products  of  another.  With  these  changes  of  occuj)a- 
tion  new  institutions  spring  up,  new  ideax  originate, 
and  new  habits  are  fonned.  Human  lift  ceases  to  l)e 
a  purely  material  existence;  another  element  finds 
exercise,  the  other  part  of  man  is  permitted  to  grow. 
The  energies  of  society  now  assume  a  differetit  shape ; 
hitherto  the  daily  struggle  was  for  daily  necessities, 
now  the  accumulation  of  wealth  constitutes  the  chief 
inrentivo  to  labor.  Wealth  becomes  a  power  and 
absorbs  all  other  powers.  The  possessor  <*f  unlimited 
wealth  connuaiids  the  j)roducts  of  every  other  man's 
labor. 

But  ill  time,  and  to  a  certain  extent,  a  chiss  arises 
already  ])()ssosst!<l  of  wealth  sufficient  to  satisfy  even 
the  deniiuids  of  avarice,  and  something  still  better, 
some  greater  good  is  yet  sought  for.  Money -getting 
gives  way  before  intellectual  cravings.  The  self-de- 
ni  lis  and  labor  necessary  to  the  acquisition  of  wealth 
are  abandoned  for  the  enjoyment  of  wealth  alrejuly 
accjuired  and  the  arcjuisitiou  of  a  yet  higher  good. 
Sensual  })leasure  yields  in  a  measure  to  intellectual 
pleasure,  the  a^tjuisition  of  money  to  the  accjuisition 
of  learning. 

Where  brute  intelligeuLe  is  the  order  of  the  day, 
man  retjuires  no  more  governing  than  brutes,  but  when 


TIIK  SUPEUNATUHAL  IN  CIVILIZATION. 


65 


lands  are  divided,  and  the  soil  cultivated,  when  wealth 
boffins  to  aoeuniulato  and  commerce  and  industry  to 
flourinh,  then  protection  and  lawful  punishment  liecome 
necessary.  Like  the  wild  horse,  leave  him  free,  and 
he  will  take  care  of  himself;  but  catch  him  and  curb 
him,  and  the  wilder  and  stronjjfer  he  is  the  stronjj^er 
must  be  tlie  curb  until  he  is  subdued  and  trained,  and 
then  he  is  lyfuided  by  a  lijifht  rein.  The  kind  of  govern- 
ment makes  little  difference  so  that  it  be  stronjf  enoi  irh. 

fJrantetl  that  it  is  absolutely  essential  to  the  first 
stej)  toward  culture  that  society  sliould  Ins  stronj^ly 
fifoverned,  how  is  the  first  government  to  be  accom- 
plished; how  is  one  member  of  a  i>assionate,  unbridled 
hetero«(eneous  connnunity  to  obtain  dominion  absolute 
over  all  the  others?  Here  comes  in  an<>*)u)r  evil  to 
the  assistiuicc  of  the  former  evils,  all  for  future  j;^(mm1, — 
Superstition.  Never  <'ould  physical  force  alone  com- 
press and  hold  the  necessary  power  with  whicli  to  burst 
the  shell  of  savai>ism.  The  ^overmnent  is  but  a  reflex 
of  the  governed.  Not  \mtil  one  man  is  ]»hysically  or 
intellectually  stronu^i-r  than  ten  thousand,  will  an  inde- 
jH'iulent  people  submit  to  a  tyraimiial  «>^overnment,  or 
a  humane  people  submit  to  a  cruel  jj^overnment,  or  a 
p»'oplc  accustomed  to  free  discussion  to  an  intolerant 
pricstliot»(l. 

At  tht!  outset,  if  man  is  to  be  l  'Vcrned  at  all,  there 
nuist  be  no  <livision  of  (j^overnmentul  force.  The  cause 
{'or  fear  arisin;^^  from  botli  ihe  ]»hysical  and  the  super- 
njitunil  must  bo  unittnl  in  one  individual.  In  the  al)- 
simce  of  th«'  moral  sentiment  tlie  fear  of  lot^'-al  and  that 
of  siiiritual  punishments  are  identical,  for  the  spiritual 
is  feared  only  as  it  works  tenjjxmil  or  corporal  evil. 
Freedom  of  thou<rl)t  at  this  staj^e  is  incompatible  with 
pro»ifre.ss,  for  thou,«,^ht  without  expt.'rience  is  <lan<(erous, 
tendin<;  towards  anarchy.  Before  men  can  {rovern 
themselves  they  must  be  subjected  to  the  sternest  dis- 
ci|)line  of  {jfovernmont,  and  whether  this  jrovermnent 
be  just  or  humane  or  pleasant  is  of  small  ctmseiiuence 

Vol.  U.      S  ' 


66 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


SO  that  it  be  only  stronfi^  enoucyh.  As  with  pK)Hty  so 
with  moraHty  and  rehjfion ;  conjointly  with  despotism 
there  nuist  he  an  arbitrary  central  clunvh  (j^overnnient, 
or  moral  anarchy  is  the  inevitable  con.>-e<iuence.  At 
th(!  outset  it  is  not  for  man  to  rule  but  to  obey;  it  is 
not  for  savaui^es,  who  are  children  in  intellect  to  think 
and  reason,  but  to  believe. 

And  thus  we  see  how  wonderfully  man  is  jirovidcd 
with  the  essentials  of  jLi^rowth.  This  tender  j>erm  of 
proji^ress  is  ])reserved  in  hard  shells  and  prickly  cover- 
inu^s,  which,  wiien  they  have  served  their  |)urpose  are 
thrown  jiside  as  not  only  useless  but  detrimental  to 
further  develo])ment.  We  know  not  what  will  come 
hereafter,  but  u])  to  the  j)resent  time  a  state  of  bondage 
appears  to  be  the  normal  state  of  humanity ;  Inrndage, 
at  first  severe  and  irrational,  ttien  ever  loosening, 
and  expanding  into  a  broader  freedom.  As  mankind 
progresses,  moral  anarchy  no  more  follows  freedom  of 
thought  than  does  political  anar<'by  follow  freedom  of 
action.  In  Germany,  in  England,  m  America,  wher- 
ever secular  power  has  in  any  measure  cut  l<x>sc  from 
ecclesiastical  jjower  and  thrown  religi<;fi  \m<'k  u]>on 
public  sentiment  for  support,  a  moral  a*i  well  as  an 
intellectual  advance  has  always  followed.  Wliat  the 
mild  and  persuasive  teachings  and  la.x  discij)hne  of 
the  ])resent  epoch  would  have  been  to  the  (  hristians 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  the  free  and  lax  government 
of  republican  America  would  have  been  to  republican 
Rome.  Therefore,  let  us  learn  to  l<K)k  charitably  \\\y(>n 
the  past,  and  not  forget  iiow  nuich  we  owe  to  evils 
which  we  now  so  justly  hate;  while  we  rejoice  at  <tur 
release  from  the  bigotry  and  fanaticism  of  mediunal 
times,  let  us  not  forget  the  debt  which  civilization  owes 
to  the  tyranni(;s  of  Church  and  State. 

Christianity ,  by  itsexalted  un-utilitarian  morality  and 
philanthro])v,  has  greatly  aided  civilization.  Indeed 
HO  marked  lias  been  the  effect  in  Europe,  so  great  the 
contrast  between  ( 'hristianity  and  Islamism  and  the 
polytheistic  creeds  in  general,  that  Churchmen  claim 


V 

!    I 


MORALITY  AND  CUBED. 


67 


civilization  as  the  offspriiiii^  of  their  reUij^ion.  But 
reH<»"ion  and  morality  ninst  not  he  confounded  with 
civilization.  All  these  and  many  other  activities  act 
and  react  on  e.ach  other  as  ])roximate  principles  in  the 
social  oi'^anisin,  hut  they  do  not,  any  or  all  of  them, 
constitute  the  life  of  the  oriifanisni.  L*>n,i^  hefore  mo- 
rality is  reliifion,  and  lonjj^  after  morality  relijj^ion  sends 
the  j)ious  dehauchee  to  his  knees.  Relit^ious  culture 
IS  a  j:i^reat  assistant  to  moral  culture  as  intellectual 
traininjjf  promotes  the  industrial  arts,  hut  morality  is 
no  more  reli*,''ion  than  is  industry  intellect.  When 
Christianity,  as  in  Spain  durin«(  the  foui-teenth  cen- 
tury, joins  itself  to  hlind  hi»(otry  and  stands  u]>  in 
(h^adly  anta;:unism  to  liherty,  then  Christianity  is  a 
dra<i^  upon  civilization;  and  therefore  we  may  conclude 
that  ill  so  far  as  (Jhristianity  ijrafts  on  its  code  of  pure 
morality  tlu!  j)rinciple  of  intellectual  freedom,  in  so  far 
is  c;  i;!/!«tion  promoted  hy  Christianity,  hut  when 
Chri  ty  eny^enders  superstition   and   persecution, 

civilization  is  r4-4Hrded  therohy. 

Then  PrZ-estantism  sets  u|>  a  claim  to  the  authorship 
of  fiviliijiition,  jxMnts  to  S|)ain  and  then  to  Eni>^lana, 
coiiipiirc*  Italy  and  Switzerland,  C-atholic  America 
and  Puritan  Am»rica,  d<.*<-laros  that  the  intellect  can 
nt'vor  attain  (Mijx'riority  while  under  tin;  dominion  of 
the  ('hurcli  of  itome;  in  other  words,  that  civilization 
is  J'rotcMtantism.  It  is  true  that  }»rotestation  ajjfainst 
irrational  do;.;mas,  or  any  other  action  that  tends 
toward  tin-  emancipation  of  the  intellect,  is  a  lifreat 
stej)  in  a(!  -^.n^e;  hut  r(;li«;^ious  helief  has  notliin<.(  what- 
ever to  do  wjf\i  intellectual  culture.  lieli<jion  from  iia 
very  nature  i^^  Keyond  the  limits  of  reason;  it  is  emo- 
tional rather  than  intellectual,  a.n  instinct  and  not  an 
acfjuisition.  Ji  !tw»;('n  reasim  and  reliyfion  lies  a  domain 
of  ( «nnmon  j^'iound  upon  which  lK»th  may  im  et  and  join 
hands,  hut  heyond  the  houndaries  of  which  neither 
may  pass.  The  moment  the  intellect  atteinj)t.-'  to  pene- 
trate the  domain  of  the  Supernatural  all  intelK  .Luality 
vanishes,  and  emotion  and  ima<^ination  till   its  place. 


68 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


There  can  be  no  real  conflict  between  the  two,  for 
neither,  by  any  possibiUty,  can  pass  this  neutral  ground. 
Before  the  mind  can  receive  Christianity,  or  Mahom- 
etanism,  or  any  other  creed,  it  must  be  ready  to  accept 
dogmas  in  the  analysis  of  which  human  reason  is  power- 
less. Among  the  most  brilliant  intellects  are  found 
Protestants,  Komanists,  Unitarians,  Deists,  and  Athe- 
ists; judging  from  the  experiences  of  mankind  in  ages 
past,  creeds  and  formulas,  orthodoxy  and  lieterodoxy, 
have  no  inherent  power  to  advance  or  retard  the  intel- 
lect. Some  claim,  indeed,  that  strong  doctrinal  bias 
stifles  thought,  fosters  superstition,  and  fetters  the 
intellect;  still  religious  thought,  in  some  form,  is  insep- 
arable from  the  human  mind,  and  it  would  be  very 
difficult  to  prt)ve  that  belief  is  more  debasing  than 
non-belief 


Religion  at  first  is  a  gross  fetichism,  which  endows 
every  wonder  with  a  concrete  personality.  Within 
every  appearance  is  a  several  personal  cause,  and  to 
embody  this  personal  cause  in  some  material  form  is 
the  first  effort  of  the  savage  mind.  Hence,  images  are 
made  in  representaion  of  these  imaginary  su})ernatural 
powers.  Man,  of  necessity,  must  clothe  these  super- 
natural powers  in  the  elements  of  some  lower  form. 
The  imagination  cannot  grasp  an  object  or  an  idea  be- 
yond the  realms  of  human  experience.  Unheard-of 
combinations  of  character  may  be  made,  but  the  con- 
stituent parts  must,  at  some  time  and  in  some  form, 
have  had  an  existence  in  order  to  be  conceivable.  It 
is  impossible  for  the  human  mind  to  array  in  forms  of 
thought  anything  wholly  and  absolutely  new.  This 
state  is  the  farthest  remove  possible  from  a  recogni- 
tion of  those  universal  laws  of  causation  toward  which 
every  department  of  knowledge  is  now  so  rapidly  tend- 
ing. Gods  110  made  in  the  likeness  of  man  and  beast, 
endowed  with  earthly  passions,  and  a  sensual  i)oly- 
theism,  in  which  blind  fate  is  a  prominent  element,  be- 
comes the  religious  ideal.     Religious  conceptions  are 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  RELIGIOUS  IDEAL. 


69 


essentially  material;  all  punishments  and  rewards  are 
such  as  effect  man  as  a  material  being;  morality,  the 
innate  sense  of  right  and  wrong,  lies  stifled,  almost 
donnant. 

Thrown  wholly  upon  himself,  without  experience  to 
guide  him,  the  savage  must,  of  necessity,  invest  nature 
with  his  own  qualities,  for  his  mind  can  grasp  none 
other.  But  when  experience  dispels  the  nearer  illu- 
sions, objects  more  remote  are  made  gods;  in  the  sun 
and  stars  he  sees  his  controlling  destinies ;  the  number 
of  his  gods  is  lessened  until  at  last  all  merge  into  one 
God,  the  author  of  all  law,  the  great  and  only  ruler  of 
the  universe.  In  every  mythology  we  see  this  imper- 
sonation of  natural  j)henomena;  frost  and  fire,  earth 
and  air  and  water,  in  their  displays  of  mysterious 
powers,  are  at  once  deified  and  humanized.  These 
emlMxlinients  of  i>hysical  force  are  then  naturally  fonned 
into  families,  and  their  supposed  descendants  worshiped 
as  children  of  the  gods.  Thus,  in  the  childhcjod  of  so- 
ciety, when  incipient  thought  takes  up  its  lodgment 
in  old  men's  brains,  shadows  of  departed  heroes  min- 
gle with  shallows  of  mysterious  nature,  and  admiration 
turns  to  adoration. 

Next  arises  the  desire  to  propitiate  these  unseen 
powers,  to  accomplish  which  some  means  of  conimuni- 
tion  nuist  be  opened  up  between  n)an  and  his  deities. 
Now,  as  man  in  his  gods  rei)ro(hu'('s  himself,  as  all  his 
conceptions  of  supernatural  ]H)\vt'r  must,  of  necessity, 
be  formed  on  the  skeleton  of  human  powtn-,  naturally  it 
follows  that  the  strongest  and  most  cunning  of  the 
tribe,  he  upon  whom  leatlership  most  naturally  falls, 
comes  to  be  regarded  as  specially  favorrd  i>f  the  gods. 
Powei-s  supernatural  are  joineil  to  powei-s  temporal, 
and  embodied  in  tlu-  chieftain  of  the  nation.  A  grate- 
ful posterity  reveres  and  propitiates  departed  ancestors. 
The  earlier  rulers  are  made  gods,  and  their  descend- 
ants lesser  di\  iiiiti»>s:  the  founder  of  a  dynasty.  i)er- 
haps,  the  supreme  ifml.  his  pntgeny  subordinate  deities, 
riie   priesthoLKl    vttid    kingship    thus    become  united; 


70 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


rellpfion  and  civil  government  join  forces  to  press  man- 
kind t  ),u;ether,  and  the  loose  sands  of  the  new  strata 
cohere  into  the  firm  rock,  that  shall  one  day  bear 
alone  the  wash  of  time  and  tide. 

Hence  arise  divine  kinjj^ship,  and  the  divine  rij^ht 
of  kings,  and  with  the  desire  to  win  tlio  favor  of  this 
divine  king,  arise  the  courtesies  of  society,  the  first 
step  toward  polish  of  manners.  Titles  of  respect  and 
worship  are  given  him,  some  of  which  are  subsequently 
applied  to  the  Deity,  while  others  drop  down  into  the 
common-place  compliments  of  every -day  life. 

Hero  then,  we  have  as  one  of  the  first  essentials  of 
progress  the  union  of  Church  and  State,  of  supersti- 
tion and  despotism,  a  union  still  necessarily  kej)t  up 
in  some  of  the  more  backward  civilizations.  Excessive 
loyalty  and  blind  faith  ever  march  hand  in  hand,  The 
very  basis  of  association  is  credulity,  blind  loyalty  to 
political  powers  and  blind  faith  in  sacerdotal  terrors. 
In  all  mythologies  at  some  stage  temporal  and  spirit- 
ual government  are  united,  tlie  supernatural  {)ower 
being  incarnated  in  the  temj>oral  chief;  political  des- 
potism and  an  awful  sanguinary  religion, — a  government 
and  a  belief,  to  disobey  which  was  never  so  much  as 
thouglit  possible. 

See  how  every  one  of  these  primary  essentials  of 
civilization  bet-omes,  as  man  advances,  a  drag  u[)on 
his  progress;  see  how  he  now  struggles  to  IVee  himself 
from  what,  at  the  outset,  he  was  led  by  ways  he  knew 
not  to  endure  so  patiently.  (Jovernment,  in  early 
stages  always  strong  and  despotic,  whether  monarchi- 
cal, oligarchical,  or  republican,  holding  mankind  under 
the  dominion  of  caste,  ])lacing  restrictions  upon  com- 
merce and  manufactures,  regulating  social  customs, 
food,  dress,  -how  men  have  fought  to  break  bxise 
these  bonds!  Uelifion,  not  that  natural  cultus  in- 
stinctive in  humanity,  the  bond  of  union  as  well  under 
its  most  disgusting  form  of  fetichism,  as  under  its 
latest,  loveliest  form  of  C'liristianity ;  but  those  forms 
and  dogmas  of  sect  and   creed   which  stifle   thought 


RELATION  OF  GOVERNMENT  TO  CIVILIZATION. 


71 


and  fetter  intellect, — how  men  have  lived  lives  of  sac- 
ritiee  Jind  self-denial  as  well  as  died  for  the  right  to 
free  themselves  from  unwelcome  belief! 

In  primeval  ages,  government  and  religion  lay  lightly 
on  the  human  race;  ethnology,  as  well  as  history, 
discloses  the  patriarchal  as  the  earliest  fonn  of  govern- 
ment, and  a  rude  materialism  as  the  earliest  religious 
ideal;  these  two  simple  elements,  under  the  form  of 
monsters,  liecame  huge  alK)rtions,  begotten  of  ignorance, 
that  lield  the  intellect  in  abject  slavery  for  thousands 
of  years,  and  from  these  we,  of  this  generation,  more 
than  any  other,  are  granted  emancipation.  Even 
wealth,  kind  giver  of  grateful  leisure,  m  the  guise  of 
avarice  becomes  a  hideous  thing,  which  he  who  would 
attain  the  higher  intellectual  life,  nmst  learn  to  despise. 

Government,  as  we  have  seen,  is  not  an  essential 
element  of  collective  humanity.  Civilization  must 
first  l)e  awakened,  must  even  luive  passed  the  primary 
stages  before  government  appears.  Despotism,  feudal- 
ism, divine  kingship,  .slavery,  war,  superstition,  each 
marks  certain  stages  of  development,  and  as  civiliza- 
tion advances  alil  tend  to  disappear;  and,  as  in  the 
early  history  »rf*  nations  the  state  antedates  the  gov- 
ernment, so  tht  time  may  come  in  the  progress  of 
mankind  when  govrrmnent  will  be  no  hmger  necessary, 
(iovemment  alwavs  irrows  out  of  necessitv;  the  inten- 
sity  ot"  government  inevitably  following  neeessity.  The 
form  of  government  is  a  natural  selection;  its  several 
])hasi's  always  the  survival  of  the  fittest.  When  the 
federali.st  says  to  the  monarchist,  or  the  monan-liist  to 
the  federalist:  My  government  is  U'tter  than  yours, 
it  is  as  if  the  Eskimo  xixd  to  the  Kafhr:  My  coat,  my 
house,  my  fcMxl,  is  better  than  youiu 

Tiie  government  is  made  for  the  man,  and  not  the 
man  for  tlie  govt- rmneiit.  ( iovemment  is  as  tlie  prop 
for  the  growiu},'  jilant ;  at  Hrst  the  y<  >ung  shoot  stands 
alone,  then  in  its  rapid  advancement  for  a  time  it 
retjuires  support,  after  whicli  it  is  ai.le  again  to  stand 


72 


8AVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


alone.     What  we  .term  the  evils  of  government  arc 
rather  its  necessities,  and  are,  indeed,  no  evils  at  all. 
The  heavy  l)it  which  ccmtrols  the  mouth  of  an  un- 
tamed horse  is  to  that  horse  an  evil,  yet  to  the  driver  a 
necessity  which  may  he  laid  aside  as  the  temper  of  the 
animal  is  suhdued.     So  despotism,  feudalism,  slavery, 
are  evils  to  those  under  their  dominion,  yet  are  they 
as  necessary  for  the  prevention  of  anarchy,  for  the 
restraint  of  unbridled  passions,  as  the  powerful  hit 
to  the  horse,  and  will  as  surely  be  laid  aside  when  no 
longer  re(iuired.     Shallow-minded  politicians  talk  of 
kingcrail,   arbitrary  nde,  tyrants,  the   down-trodden 
masses,  the  withholding  of  just  rights;  as  though  the 
goveniment  was  some  independent,  adverse  element, 
wholly   foreign   to   the  character  of  the   pet)ple;   as 
though  one  man  was  stronger  than  ten  thousand;  as 
though,  if  these  j)hases  of  society  were  not  the  fittest, 
they  would  bo  tolerated  for  a  moment.     The  days  of 
rigorous  rule  were  ever  the  Ijost  (hiys  of  France  and 
Spain,    and    so    it    will   be  until  the    peojile   become 
stronger  than  tlie  stniigth  of  rulers.     lve|nil)licanism 
is  as  unfit  for  stupid  and  unintellectual  populations, 
as  despotism  would  be  for  tlie  advanced  ideas  and  lil)- 
eral  institutions  of  Anglo-Saxon  America.     The  sub- 
ject of  a  liberal  rule  sneeringly  crying  down  to  the 
subject  of  an  absolute  rule  his  form  of  government,  is 
like  the  ass  crying  to  the  tiger:  Leave  l>lo<»d  and  meat; 
feed  on  grass  and  tliistles,  t!ie  only  diet  fit  for  civilized 
beasts!     Our  federal  government  is  the  very  best  f«)r 
our  people,  when  it  is  not  so  it  will  speedily  change; 
it  fits  the  tenjper  of  American  intelligence,  but  before 
it  can  be  planted  in  Japan  or  China  the  traditions  and 
temper  of  the  Asiatics  must  change. 

We  of  to-day  are  undergoing  an  important  epoch  in 
the  history  of  civilization.  Feudalism,  despotism,  and 
fanaticism  have  luul  each  its  day,  have  each  accom- 
plished its  necessary  purpose,  and  are  fast  fading  away. 
Ours  is  the  age  of  democracy,  of  scientific  investiga- 
tion, and  freedom  of  religious  thought;  what  these  may 


LATTER-DAY  PROGKESSION. 


78 


cnt  arc 
»  at  all. 

an  uii- 
drivcr  a 
sr  of  the 
slavery, 
iro  they 

for  the 
irful  bit 
kvlien  no 

talk  of 
■trodden 
>u^]\  the 
element, 
)j)le;  as 
)and;  as 
L'  fittest, 

days  of 
nee  and 

boCflllK! 

lioanisni 
dations, 
and  lil)- 
le  suh- 
to  the 
lent,  is 
1  meat ; 
ivilizcd 
)est  for 
hangc; 
before 
Ions  and 

loc'h  in 
ni,  and 
aeeoni- 
away. 
,'estiga- 
;se  may 


accomplish  for  the  advancing  intellect  remains  to  he 
seen.  Our  ancestors  loved  to  dwell  upon  the  past,  now 
we  all  UM)k  toward  the  future. 

The  sea  of  ice,  over  which  our  forefathers  glided  so 
serenely  in  their  trustful  reliance,  is  breaking  up. 
One  after  another  traditions  evaporate;  in  their  appli- 
cation to  proximate  events  they  fail  us,  history  ceases 
to  repeat  itself  as  in  times  past.  Old  things  are  pass- 
ing away,  all  things  are  becoming  new ;  new  philoso- 
phies, new  religions,  new  sciences;  the  industrial  spirit 
springs  up  and  overturns  time-honored  customs; 
theories  of  government  must  be  reconstructed.  Thus, 
says  experience,  republicanism,  as  a  form  of  govern- 
ment, can  exist  only  in  small  states;  but  steam  and 
electricity  step  in  and  annihilate  time  and  space.  The 
Honian  rei)ublic,  from  a  lack  of  cohesive  energy,  from 
failure  of  central  vital  power  sufficient  to  send  the 
blood  of  the  nation  from  the  heart  to  the  extremities, 
died  a  natural  death.  The  American  republic,  cover- 
iiii(  nearly  twice  the  territory  of  republican  Rome  in 
liur  p.ihniost  days,  is  endowed  with  a  different  8i)ecies 
of  ()r^'Jlllisln  ;  in  its  phj'siological  system  is  found  a  new 
series  of  veins  and  arteries,  the  railway,  the  telegraph, 
a!i(l  the  daily  press,  -  through  which  pulsates  the  life's 
bI(K»(l  of  the  nation,  millions  inhaling  and  exhaling 
intelligence  as  one  man.  By  means  of  these  inven- 
tions all  the  world,  once  every  day,  are  brought 
tojfether.  By  telegraphic  wires  and  railroad  iron 
men  are  now  bound  as  in  times  past  they  were  bound 
by  war,  di'spotism,  and  superstition,  ^fhe  remotest 
corners  of  the  largest  republics  of  to-day,  are  brought 
into  closer  communication  than  were  the  adjoining 
states  of  the  smallest  confederations  of  anti(juity.  A 
united  (lernuuiy,  from  its  past  history  held  to  be  an 
imp(»ssibility,  is,  with  the  present  facilities  of  com- 
munifation,  an  accomplished  fact.  England  could 
as  easily  have  possessed  colonies  in  the  moon,  as 
have  held  her  present  possessions,  three  hundred  years 
ago.     Practically,  San  Francisco  is  nearer  Washing- 


J 


74 


8AVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


ton  than  was  Philadelphia  when  the  foundations  of 
the  Capitol  were  laid.  What  m  to  prevent  republics 
from  jjfrowinj^,  ho  lon«f  as  intelli<fencQ  keeps  pace  with 
extension  ?  The  general  of  an  army  may  now  sit  be- 
fore his  maps,  and  manoeuvre  half  a  score  of  annies  a 
hundred  or  a  thousand  miles  apart,  know  hourly  the 
situation  of  every  division,  the  success  of  every  battle, 
order  an  advance  or  a  retreat,  lay  plots  and  make  com- 
binations, with  more  exactness  than  was  once  possible 
in  the  conduct  of  an  ordinary  campaign. 

A  few  words  about  morals,  manners,  and  fashion, 
will  further  illustrate  how  man  is  played  upon  by  his 
environment,  which  here  takes  the  shape  of  habit.  In 
their  l)earing  on  civilization,  these  phenomena  all 
come  under  the  same  category;  and  this,  without 
regard  to  the  rival  theories  of  intuition  and  utility  in 
morals.  Experience  teaches,  blindly  at  first  yet  daily 
with  clearer  vision,  that  right  conduct  is  beneficial, 
and  wrong  conduct  detrimental ;  that  the  consequences 
of  sin  invariably  rest  on  the  evil-doer;  that  for  an 
unjust  act,  though  the  knowledge  of  it  be  forever 
locked  in  the  bosom  of  the  offender,  punishment  is 
sure  to  follow;  yet  there  are  those  who  question  the 
existence  of  innate  moral  perceptions,  and  call  it  all 
custom  and  training.  And  if  we  look  alone  to  primi- 
tive people  for  innate  ideas  of  morality  and  justice  I 
fear  we  shall  meet  with  disappointment.  Some  we  find 
who  value  female  chastity  only  before  marriage,  others 
only  after  marriage, — that  is,  after  the  woman  and 
her  chastity  both  alike  become  the  tangible  property 
of  somebcjdy.  Some  kindly  kill  their  aged  parents, 
others  their  female  infants;  the  successful  Apache 
horse-thief  is  the  darling  of  his  mother,  and  the  hero 
of  the  tribe;  often  these  American  Arabs  will  remain 
from  home  half-starved  for  weeks,  rather  than  suffer 
the  ignominy  of  returning  empty-handed.  Good,  in  the 
mind  of  the  savage,  is  when  he  steals  wives ;  bad,  is  when 
his  own  wives  are  stolen.     Where  it  is  that  inherent 


MORALS,  MANNERS,  AND  FASHION. 


76 


morality  in  savajyos  first  makes  its  appearance,  and  in 
what  manner,  it  is  often  difficult  to  Hay;  the  most 
hideous  vices  are  everywhere  practiced  with  unblunhing 
ertr(»ntery. 

Take  the  phenomena  of  Shame.  Go  back  to  the 
childhood  of  our  race,  or  even  to  our  own  cluldluKxl, 
and  it  will  be  hard  to  discover  any  inherent  (juality 
which  make  men  ashamed  of  one  thin^;  more  than 
another.  Nor  can  the  wisest  of  us  jj;ive  any  jj^jkkI  and 
sufficient  reason  why  we  should  be  ashamed  of  our 
b(Kly  any  more  than  of  our  face.  The  whole  man  was 
fashioned  by  one  Creator,  and  all  parts  ecjually  are 
perfect  and  alike  honorable.  We  cover  our  pei*son 
with  drai)ery,  and  think  thereby  to  hide  our  faults 
frtun  ourselves  and  others,  as  the  ostrich  hides  its 
hujid  under  a  leaf,  and  fancies  its  Ixnly  concealed 
from  the  hunter.  What  is  this  quality  of  shame  if  '*, 
be  not  habit?  A  female  savaj^e  will  stand  unb'ush- 
inj^ly  before  you  naked,  but  strip  her  of  her  ornaments 
and  she  will  manifest  the  same  appearance  of  shame, 
thouifh  not  perhaps  so  jjfreat  in  de«free,  that  a  Euro- 
j)ean  woman  will  manifest  if  strijiped  of  her  clothes. 
It  is  well  known  how  civilized  and  semi-civilized 
nations  rei^ard  this  quality  of  propriety.  C/Ustom, 
conventional  usat»'e,  dress  and  behavior,  are  inHuences 
as  subtle  and  as  stron<|f  as  any  that  jjovern  us,  weav- 
ing,' their  net-work  round  man  more  and  more  as  he 
throws  off  allegiance  to  other  powers;  and  we  know 
but  little  more  of  their  orij^i-in  and  nature  than  we  do 
of  the  orit^in  and  nature  of  time  and  space,  of  life  and 
death,  of  orijjfin  and  end. 

Every  a«^e  and  every  society  has  its  own  standard 
of  morality,  holds  u})  some  certain  conduct  or  (puility 
as  a  model,  sayinj^  to  all  Do  this,  and  receive  the  much- 
coveted  praise  of  your  fellows.  ( )ften  what  one  j)eo- 
ple  deem  virtue  is  to  another  vice ;  what  to  one  n^o  is 
religion  is  to  another  superstition ;  but  underlying  all 
this  are  living  fires,  kindled  by  Omnipotence,  and  des- 
tined to  burn  throughout  all  time.     In  the  Si)artan 


..^... 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


2.8 


I.I 


11 

If  1^ 


2.5 

III 
2.0 

m 


ys  _u 

III  '-^ 

II— 

^ 

6"     — 

► 

^ 


/y 


V 


y 


Hiotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


^>' 


23  WIST  MAIN  STKEIT 

WEBSTIR.N.Y.  141?.r: 
(716)  S73-4S03 


? 


^J 


76 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


and  Roman  republics  the  moral  ideal  was  patriot- 
ism; among  mediaeval  Churchmen  it  took  the  form 
of  asceticism  and  self-flagellations;  after  the  eleva- 
tion of  woman  the  central  idea  was  female  chastity. 

In  this  national  morality,  which  is  the  cohesive 
force  of  the  body  social,  we  find  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciple of  the  progressional  impulse,  and  herein  is  the 
most  hopeful  feature  of  humanity ;  mankind  must  pro- 
gress, and  progress  in  the  right  direction.  There  is 
no  help  for  it  until  God  changes  the  universal  order  of 
things;  man  must  become  better  in  spite  of  himself; 
it  is  the  good  in  us  that  grows  and  ultimately  prevails. 

As  a  race  we  are  yet  in  our  nonage;  fearful  of  the 
freedom  given  us  by  progress  we  cling  tenaciously  to 
our  leading-strings;  hugging  our  mother,  Custom,  we 
refuse  to  be  left  alone.  Liberty  and  high  attainments 
must  be  meted  out  to  us  as  we  are  able  to  receive 
them,  for  social  retchings  and  vomitings  inevitably 
follow  over-feedings.  Hence  it  is,  that  we  find  our- 
selves escaped  from  primeval  and  mediaeval  tyrannies 
only  to  fall  under  greater  ones ;  society  is  none  the  less 
inexorable  in  her  d<.ipotisni8  because  of  the  sophistry 
which  gives  her  victims  fancied  freedom.  For  do  we 
not  now  set  up  forms  and  fashions,  the  works  of  our 
own  hands,  and  bow  down  to  them  as  reverently  as 
ever  our  heathen  ancestors  did  to  their  gods  of  wood 
and  stone?  Who  made  us?  is  not  the  first  question 
of  our  catechism,  but  What  will  people  say  ? 

Of  all  tyrannies,  the  tyranny  of  fashion  is  the  most 
implacable;  of  all  slaveries  the  slavery  to  fashion  is 
the  most  abject;  of  all  fears  the  fear  of  our  fellows 
is  the  most  overwhelming;  of  all  tlie  influences  that 
surround  and  govern  man  the  forms  and  customs  which 
he  encounters  in  society  are  the  most  domineering. 
It  is  the  old  story,  only  another  turn  of  the  wheel 
that  grinds  and  sharpens  and  polishes  humanity, — at 
the  first  a  benefit,  now  a  drag.  Forms  and  fashions 
are  essential;  we  cannot  live  without  them.     If  we 


i' 


{I 


ORIGIN  AND  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  DRESS. 


77 


ie  most 
lion  is 
fellows 
3S  that 

which 
jering. 

wheel 
ty,~at 
Vshions 

If  we 


■M 


m 


have  worship,  government,  commerce,  or  clothes,  we 
must  have  forms;  or  if  we  have  them  not  we  still  must 
act  and  do  after  some  fashion ;  costume,  which  is  but 
another  word  for  custom,  we  must  have,  but  is  it 
necessary  to  make  the  form  the  chief  concern  of  our 
lives  while  we  pay  so  little  heed  to  the  substance  ?  and 
may  we  not  hope  while  rejoicing  over  our  past  eman- 
cipations, that  wo  shall  some  day  be  free  from  our 
present  despotisms  ? 

Dress  has  ever  exercised  a  powerful  influence  on 
morals  and  on  progress;  but  this  vesture-phenomenon 
is  a  thing  but  imperfectly  understood.  Clothes  serve 
as  a  covering  to  the  body  of  which  we  are  ashamed, 
and  protect  it  against  the  weather,  and  these,  we  infer, 
are  the  reasons  of  our  being  clothed.  But  the  fact  is, 
aboriginally,  except  in  extreme  cases,  dress  is  not 
essential  to  the  comfort  of  man  until  it  becomes  a 
habit,  and  as  for  shame,  until  told  of  his  nakedness, 
the  primitive  man  has  none.  The  origin  of  dress  lies 
behind  all  this;  it  is  found  in  one  of  the  most  deep- 
rooted  elements  of  our  nature,  namely,  in  our  love  of 
approbation.  Before  dress  is  decoration.  The  suc- 
cessful warrior,  proud  of  his  achievement,  besmears 
his  face  and  body  with  the  blood  of  the  slain,  and 
straightway  imitators,  who  also  would  be  thought 
strong  and  brave,  daub  themselves  in  like  manner ;  and 
80  painting  and  tatooing  become  fashionable,  and  [)ig- 
ments  supply  the  place  of  blood.  The  naked,  houseless 
Californian  would  undergo  every  hardship,  travel  a 
hundred  miles,  and  light  a  round  with  every  opposing 
band  he  met,  in  order  to  obtain  cinnabar  from  the 
New  Almaden  quicksilver  mine.  So  when  the  hunter 
kills  a  wild  beast,  and  with  the  tail  or  skin  decorates 
his  Ixxly  as  a  trophy  of  his  prowess,  others  follow  his 
example,  and  soon  it  is  a  shame  to  that  savage  who 
has  neither  paint,  nor  belt,  nor  necklace  of  bears'  claws. 
And  so  follow  head-flattenings,  and  nose-piercings,  and 
lip-cuttings,  and,  later,  chignons,  and  breast-paddings, 
and  bustles.     Some  say  that  jealousy  prompted  the 


78 


SAVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


r 


I 


first  Benedicks  to  hide  their  wives'  charms  from  their 
rivals,  and  so  originated  female  dress,  which,  from  its 
being  so  common  to  all  aborigines,  is  usually  regarded 
as  the  result  of  innate  modesty.  But  whatever  gave 
us  dress,  dress  has  given  much  to  human  progress. 
Beneath  dress  arose  modesty  and  refinement,  like  the 
courtesies  that  chivalry  threw  over  feudalism,  covering 
the  coarse  brutality  of  the  barons,  and  paving  the  way 
to  real  politeness. 

From  the  artificial  grimaces  of  fashion  have  sprung 
many  of  the  natural  courtesies  of  life:  though  here, 
too,  we  are  sent  back  at  once  to  the  beginning  for  the 
cause.  From  the  ages  of  superetition  and  despotism 
have  descended  the  expressions  of  every-day  politeness. 
Thus  we  have  sir,  from. sieitr,  sire,  seigneur,  signifying 
ruler,  king,  lord,  and  aboriginally  father.  So  madam, 
ma  dame,  my  lady,  formerly  applied  only  to  women  of 
rank.  I  n  place  of  throwing  ourselves  upon  the  ground, 
as  before  a  god  or  prince,  we  only  partially  prostrate 
ourselves  in  bowing,  and  the  hat  which  we  touch  to  an 
acquaintance  we  take  off  on  entering  a  church  in  token 
of  our  humility.  Again,  the  captive  in  war  is  made 
a  slave,  and  as  such  is  required  to  do  obeisance  to  his 
master,  which  forms  of  servility  are  copied  by  the  peo- 
ple in  addressing  their  superiors,  and  finally  become 
the  established  usage  of  ordinary  intercourse.  Our 
daily  salutations  are  but  modified  acts  of  worship,  and 
our  parting  word  a  benediction;  and  from  blood,  toma- 
hawks, and  senseless  superstitions  we  turn  and  find  all 
the  world  of  humanity,  with  its  still  strong  passions 
and  subtle  cravings,  held  in  restraint  by  a  force  of 
which  its  victims  ai  "^  almost  wholly  unconscious, — 
and  this  force  is  Fashion.  In  tribunals  of  justice,  in 
court  and  camp  etiq;  ette,  everywhere  these  relics  of 
barbarism  remain  witu  us.  Even  we  of  this  latter-day 
American  republicanism,  elevate  one  of  our  fellows  to 
the  chieftainship  of  a  federation  or  state,  and  call  him 
Excellency;  we  set  a  man  upon  the  bench  and  plead 
our  cause  before  him ;  we  send  a  loafer  to  a  legislature. 


ETIQUETTE,  MORALITY,  LAWS.  79 

and  straightway  call  hira  Honorable, — such  divinity 
doth  hedge  all  semblance  of  power. 

Self-denial  and  abstinence  lie  at  the  bottom  of  eti- 
quette and  good  manners.  If  you  woidd  be  moral, 
says  Kant,  you  must  "act  always  so  that  the  imme- 
diate motive  of  thy  will  may  become  a  universal  rule 
for  all  intelligent  beings,"  and  Goethe  teaches  that, 
"there  is  no  outward  sign  of  courtesy  that  does  not 
rest  on  a  deep,  moral  foundation." 

Fine  manners,  though  but  the  shell  of  the  individ- 
ual, are,  to  society,  the  best  actions  of  the  best  men 
crystallized  into  a  mode;  not  only  the  best  thing,  but 
the  best  way  of  doing  the  best  thing.  Good  society 
is,  or  ought  to  be,  the  society  of  the  good ;  but  fashion 
is  more  than  good  society,  or  good  actions;  it  is  more 
than  wealth,  or  beauty,  or  genius,  and  so  arbitrary  in 
its  sway  that,  not  unfrequently,  the  form  absorbs  the 
substance,  and  a  breach  of  decorum  becomes  a  deadly 
sin. 

Thus  we  see  in  every  phase  of  development  the 
result  of  a  social  evolution;  we  see  men  coming  and  go- 
ing, receiving  their  leaven  from  the  society  into  which 
by  their  destiny  they  are  projected,  only  to  fling  it 
back  into  the  general  fund  interpenetrated  with  their 
own  quota  of  force.  Meanwhile,  this  aggregation  of 
human  experiences,  this  compounding  of  age  with  age, 
one  generation  heaping  up  knowledge  upon  another; 
this  begetting  of  knowledge  by  knowledge,  the  seed  so 
infinitesimal,  the  tree  now  so  rapidly  sending  forth  its 
branches,  whither  does  it  tend?  Running  the  eye 
along  the  line  of  progress,  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end,  the  measure  of  our  knowledge  seems  nearly  full ; 
resolving  the  matter,  experience  assures  us  that,  as 
compared  with  those  who  shall  come  after  us,  we 
are  the  veriest  barbarians.  The  end  is  not  yet;  not 
until  infinity  is  spanned  and  eternity  brought  to  an  end, 
will  mankind  cease  to  improve. 

Out  of  this  conglomeration-  of  interminable  relation- 


80 


8AVAGISM  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


ships  concordant  and  antagonistic  laws  are  ever 
evolving  themselves.  Like  all  other  progressional 
phenomena,  they  wait  not  upon  man;  they  are  self- 
creative,  and  force  themselves  upon  the  mind  age 
after  age,  slowly  but  surely,  as  the  intellect  is  able 
to  receive  them;  laws  without  law,  laws  unto  them- 
selves, gradually  appearing  as  from  behind  the  mists 
of  eternity.  At  first,  man  and  his  universe  appear 
to  be  regulated  by  arbitrary  volitions,  by  a  multitude 
of  individual  minds;  each  governs  absolutely  his 
own  actions ;  every  phenemenon  of  jiature  is  but  the 
expression  of  some  single  will.  As  these  phenomena, 
one  after  another,  become  stripped  of  their  mystery, 
there  stands  revealed  not  a  god,  but  a  law ;  seasons 
come  and  go,  and  never  fail ;  sunshine  follows  rain, 
not  because  a  pacified  deity  smiles,  but  because  the 
rain-clouds  have  fallen  and  the  sun  cannot  help  shin- 
ing. Proximate  events  first  are  thus  made  godless, 
then  the  whole  host  of  deities  is  driven  farther  and 
farther  back.  Finally  the  actions  of  man  himself  are 
found  to  be  subject  to  laws.  Left  to  his  own  will,  he 
wills  to  do  like  things  under  like  conditions. 

As  to  the  nature  of  these  laws,  the  subtle  workings 
of  which  we  see  manifest  in  every  phase  of  society, 
1  cannot  even  so  much  as  speak.  An  infinite  ocean 
of  phenomena  awaits  the  inquirer;  an  ocean  bottom- 
less, over  wr.ose  surface  spreads  an  eternity  of  pro- 
gress, and  beneath  whose  glittering  waves  the  keenest 
intellect  can  scarcely  hope  to  penetrate  far.  The  uni- 
verse of  man  and  matter  must  be  anatomized;  the 
functions  of  innumerable  and  complex  organs  studied ; 
the  exercise  and  influence  of  every  part  on  every  other 
part  ascertained,  and  events  apparently  the  most  ca- 
pricious traced  to  natural  causes ;  then,  when  we  know 
all,  when  we  know  as  God  knoweth,  shall  we  under- 
stand what  it  is,  this  Soul  of  Progress. 


CHAPTER   II. 


GENERAL   VIEW   OP   THE    CIVILIZED   NATIONS. 

The  American  Civilization  of  the  Sixte  jnth  Century— Its  Disap- 
pearance—The Past,  a  New  Element— Dividing  line  between 
Savage  and  Civilized  Tribes  — Bounds  of  American  Civiliza- 
tion—Physical Features  of  the  Country— Maya  and  Nahua 
Branches  of  Aboriginal  Culture  — The  Nahua  Civilization- 
The  Aztecs  its  Representatives— Limits  of  the  Aztec  Empire- 
Ancient  History  ok  AnAhuac  in  Outline— The  Toltec  Era— The 
Chichimec  Era— The  Aztec  Era— Extent  of  the  Aztec  Language 
—  Civilized  Peoples  outside  of  AnAhuac  — Ckntral  American 
Nations— The  Maya  Culture— The  Primitive  Maya  Empire— 
Nahua  Influence  in  the  South— Yucatan  and  the  Mayas— The 
Nations  of  Chiapas— The  Quiche  Empire  in  Guatemala— The 
Nahuas  in  Nicaragua  and  Salvador— Etymology  of  Names. 


In  the  preceding  volume  I  have  had  occasion  sev- 
eral times  to  remark  that,  in  the  delineation  of  the 
Wild  Tribes  of  the  Pacific  States,  no  attempt  is 
made  to  follow  them  in  their  rapid  decline,  no  at- 
tempt to  penetrate  their  past  or  prophesy  a  possible 
future,  no  profitless  lingerings  over  those  misfortunes 
that  wrought  among  them  such  swift  destruction.  To 
us  the  savage  nations  of  America  have  neither  past 
nor  future;  only  a  brief  present,  from  which  indeed 
we  may  judge  somewhat  of  their  past;  for  the  rest, 
foreign  avarice  and  interference,  European  piety  and 
greed,  saltpetre,  steel,  small-pox,  and  syphilis,  tell  a 
speedy  tale.  Swifter  still  must  be  the  hand  that 
sketches  the  incipient  civilization  of  the  Mexican  and 


Vol.  II. 


82 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


Central  Anierican  table-lands.  For  although  here  we 
have  more  past,  there  is  still  less  present,  and  scarcely 
any  future.  Those  nations  raised  the  highest  by  their 
wealth  and  culture,  were  the  first  to  fall  before  the 
invader,  their  superior  attainments  offering  a  more 
shining  mark  to  a  rapacious  foe;  and  falling,  they 
were  the  soonest  lost, — absorbed  by  the  conquering 
race,  or  disappearing  in  the  surrounding  darkness. 
Although  the  savage  nations  were  rapidly  annihil- 
ated, traces  of  savagism  lingered,  and  yet  linger;  but 
the  higher  American  culture,  a  plant  of  more  deli- 
cate growth  and  more  sensitive  nature,  withered  at 
the  first  rude  touch  of  foreign  interference.  Instead 
of  being  left  to  its  own  intuitive  unfoldings,  or  instead 
of  being  fostered  by  the  new-comers,  who  might  have 
elevated  by  interfusion  both  their  own  culture  and 
that  of  the  conquered  race,  the  spirit  of  progress  was 
effectually  stifled  on  both  sides  by  fanatical  attempts 
to  substitute  by  force  foreign  creeds  and  polities  for 
those  of  indigenous  origin  and  growth.  And  now  be- 
hold them  both,  the  descendants  of  conquerors  and  of 
conquered,  the  one  scarcely  less  denaturalized  than 
the  other,  the  curse  inflicted  by  the  invaders  on  a 
flourishing  empire  returning  and  resting  with  crush- 
ing weight  on  their  own  head.  Scarce  four  centuries 
ago  the  empire  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  and  the  empire 
of  Montezuma  the  Second,  were  brought  by  the  force 
of  progress  most  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  face  to 
face;  the  one  then  the  grandest  and  strongest  of  the 
old  world  as  was  the  other  of  the  new.  Since  which 
time  the  fierce  fanaticism  that  overwhelmed  the  New 
World  empire,  has  pressed  like  an  incubus  upon  the 
dominant  race,  and  held  it  fast  while  all  the  world 
around  were  making  the  most  rapid  strides  forward. 
No  indigenous  civilization  exists  in  America  to-day, 
yet  the  efiects  of  a  fonner  culture  are  not  altogether 
absent.  The  descendant  of  the  Aztec,  Maya,  and  Qui- 
che, is  still  of  superior  mind  and  haughtier  spirit  than  his 
roving  brother  who  boasts  of  none  but  a  savage  ances- 


THE  PAST,  A  NEW  ELEMENT.  88 

try.  Still,  so  complete  has  been  the  substitution  of  for- 
eign civil  and  ecclesiastical  polities,  and  so  far-reaching 
their  influence  on  native  character  and  conduct;  so  inti- 
mate the  association  for  three  and  more  centuries  with 
the  Spanish  element;  so  closely  guarded  from  foreign 
gaze  has  been  every  manifestation  of  the  few  surviv- 
ing sparks  of  aboriginal  modes  of  thought,  that  a  study 
of  the  native  condition  in  modern  times  yields,  by  it- 
self, few  satisfactory  results.  This  study,  however,  as 
part  of  an  investigation  of  their  original  or  normal 
condition,  should  by  no  means  be  neglected,  since  it 
may  furnish  illustrative  material  of  no  little  value. 

Back  of  all  this  lies  another  element  which  lends  to 
our  subject  yet  grander  proportions.  Scattered  over 
the  southern  plateaux  are  heaps  of  architectural  re- 
mains and  monumental  piles.  Furthermore,  native 
traditions,  both  orally  transmitted  and  hieroglyph- 
ically  recorded  by  means  of  legible  picture-writings, 
aftbrd  us  a  tolerably  clear  view  of  the  civilized  na- 
tions during  a  period  of  several  centuries  preceding 
the  Spanish  conquest,  together  with  passing  glances, 
through  momentary  clearings  in  the  mythologic  clouds, 
at  historical  epochs  much  more  remote.  Here  we 
have  as  aids  to  this  analysis, — aids  almost  wholly 
wanting  among  the  so-called  savage  tribes,  antiqui- 
ties, tradition,  history,  carrying  the  student  far  back 
into  the  mysterious  New  World  past;  and  hence  it 
is  that  from  its  simultaneous  revelation  and  eclipse, 
American  civilization  would  otherwise  offer  a  more 
limited  field  for  investijjation  than  American  savag- 
ism,  yet  by  the  introduction  of  this  new  element  the 
field  is  widely  extended. 

Nor  have  we  even  yet  reached  the  limits  of  our  re- 
sources for  the  investigation  of  this  New  World  civil- 
ization. In  these  relics  of  architecture  and  literature, 
of  mythology  and  tradition,  there  are  clear  indications 
of  an  older  and  higher  type  of  culture  than  that  brought 
immediately  to  the  knowledge  of  the  invaders;  of  a  type 
that  had  temporarily  deteriorated,  perhaps  through  the 


M 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


influence  of  long-continued  and  bloody  conflicts,  civil 
and  foreign,  by  which  the  more  warlike  rather  than  the 
more  higlily  cultured  nations  had  been  brought  into 
prominence  and  power.  But  this  anterior  and  superior 
civilization,  resting  largely  as  it  does  on  vague  tradi- 
tion, and  preserved  to  our  knowledge  in  general  allu- 
sions rather  than  in  detail,  may,  like  the  native  con- 
dition since  the  conquest,  be  utilized  to  the  best 
advantage  here  as  illustrative  of  the  later  and  bet- 
ter-known, if  somewhat  inferior  civilization  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  described  by  the  conqueror,  the 
missionary,  and  the  Spanish  historian. 

Antique  remains  of  native  skill,  which  have  been 
preserved  for  our  examination,  may  also  be  largely 
used  in  illustration  of  more  modern  art,  whose  products 
have  disappeared.  These  relics  of  the  past  are  also 
of  the  highest  value  as  confirming  the  truth  of  the 
reports  made  by  Spanish  writers,  very  many,  or  per- 
haps most,  of  whose  statements  respecting  the  wonder- 
ful phenomena  of  the  New  World,  without  this  incon- 
trovertible material  proof,  would  find  few  believers 
among  the  sceptical  students  of  the  present  day. 
These  remains  of  antiquity,  however,  being  fully  de- 
scribed in  another  volume  of  this  work,  may  be  referred 
to  in  very  general  terms  for  present  purposes. 

Of  '  Ivilization  in  general,  the  nature  of  its  phe- 
nomena, the  causes  and  processes  by  which  it  is 
evolved  from  savagism,  I  have  spoken  sufficiently  in 
the  foregoing  chapter.  As  for  the  many  theories  re- 
specting the  American  civilization  in  particular,  its 
origin  and  growth,  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  discuss 
them  in  this  volume.  No  theory  on  these  questions 
could  be  of  any  practical  value  in  the  elucidation  of 
the  subject,  save  one  that  should  stand  out  among  the 
rest  so  preeminently  well-founded  as  to  be  generally  ac- 
cepted among  scientific  men,  and  no  one  of  all  the  mul- 
titude proposed  has  acquired  any  such  preeminence. 
A  complete  resume  of  all  the  theories  on  the  subject, 
with  the  foundations  which  support  them,  is  given  else- 


OUIfilN  OF  AMERICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


85 


where  in  connection  with  the  ancient  traditionary  his- 
tory of  the  aboriginal  nations.  It  is  well,  however, 
to  remark  that  our  lack  of  definite  knowledge  about 
the  origin  ©f  this  civilization  is  not  practically  so  im- 

{)ortant  as  might  appear  at  first  thought.  True,  we 
aiow  not  for  certain  wliether  it  is  indigenous  or  exotic; 
and  if  the  former,  whether  to  ascribe  its  cradle  to  the 
north  or  south,  to  one  locality  or  many ;  or  if  the  lat- 
ter, whether  contact  with  the  old  world  was  effected 
at  one  or  many  points,  on  one  occasion  or  at  divers 
epochs,  through  the  agency  of  migrating  peoples  or 
by  the  advent  of  individual  civilizers  and  teachers. 
Yet  the  tendency  of  modern  research  is  to  prove  the 
great  antiquity  of  the  American  civilization  as  well  as 
of  the  American  people;  and  if  either  was  drawn 
from  a  foreign  source,  it  was  at  a  time  probably  so 
remote  as  to  antedate  any  old-world  culture  now  ex- 
isting, and  to  prevent  any  light  being  thrown  on  the 
offspring  by  a  study  of  the  parent  stock;  while  if  in- 
digenous, little  hope  is  afforded  of,  following  rationally 
their  development  through  the  political  convulsions  of 
tlio  distant  past  down  to  even  a  traditionally  historic 
epoch. 

1  may  then  dispense  with  theories  of  origin  and  de- 
tails of  past  history  as  confusing  rather  than  aiding 
my  present  purpose,  and  as  being  fully  treated  else- 
where in  this  work.  Neither  am  I  required  in  this 
treatment  of  the  civilized  races  to  make  an  accurate 
division  between  them  and  their  more  savage  neigh- 
bors, to  determine  the  exact  standard  by  which  savag- 
ism  and  civilization  are  to  be  measured,  or  to  vindicate 
the  use  of  the  word  civilized  as  applied  to  the  Ameri- 
can nations  in  preference  to  that  of  semi-civilized,  pre- 
ferred by  many  writers.  We  have  seen  that  civilization 
is  at  best  only  a  comparative  tenn,  applied  to  some  of 
the  ever-shifting  phases  of  human  progress.  In  many 
of  the  Wild  Tribes  already  described  some  of  its  charac- 
teristics have  been  observed,  and  the  opposite  elements 
of  savagism  will  not  be  wanting  among  what  I  proceed 


86 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


to  describe  as  the  Civilized  Nations.  There  is  not  a  sav- 
age people  between  Anslhuac  and  Nicaragua  that  has 
not  Deen  influenced  in  its  institutions  by  intercourse, 
warlike,  social,  or  commercial,  with  neighbors  of  higher 
culture,  and  has  not  exerted  in  its  turn  a  reflex  influence 
on  the  latter.  The  difliculty  of  drawing  division-lines 
between  nations  thus  mutually  acting  on  each  other  is 
further  increased  in  America  by  the  fact  that  two  or 
three  nations  constitute  the  central  figure  of  nearly 
all  that  has  been  observed  or  written  by  the  few  that 
canie  in  actual  contact  with  the  natives.  This  volume 
will,  therefore,  deal  rather  with  the  native  civilization 
than  with  the  nations  that  possessed  it. 

While,  however,  details  on  all  the  points  mentioned, 
outside  of  actual  institutions  found  existing  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  would  tend  to  confusion  rather  than 
to  clearness,  besides  leading  in  many  cases  to  endless 
repetition,  yet  a  general  view  of  the  whole  subject,  of 
the  number,  extent,  location,  and  mutual  relations  of 
the  nations  occupying  the  central  portions  of  the  con- 
tinent at  its  discovery,  as  well  as  of  their  relations  to 
those  of  the  more  immediate  past,  a])pears  necessary 
to  an  intelligent  perusal  of  the  following  pages.  In 
this  general  view  I  shall  avoid  all  discussion  of  dis- 
puted questions,  reserving  arguments  and  details  for 
future  volumes  on  antiquities  and  aboriginal  history. 

That  portion  of  what  we  call  the  Pacific  States  a  .lich 
was  the  home  of  American  civilization  within  historic  or 
traditionally  historic  times,  extends  along  the  continent 
from  north-west  to  south-east,  between  latitudes  22° 
and  1 1".  On  the  Atlantic  side  the  territory  stretches 
from  Tamaulipas  to  Honduras,  on  the  Pacific  from  Co- 
lima  to  Nicaragua.  Not  that  these  are  definitely  drawn 
bouudaries,  but  outside  of  these  limits,  disregarding  the 
New  Mexican  Pueblo  culture,  this  civilization  had  left 
little  for  Europeans  to  observe,  while  v/ithin  them 
lived  i'ow  tribes  uninfluenced  or  unimproved  by  con- 
tact with  it.     No  portion  of  the  globe,  perhaps,  era- 


HOME  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CULTURE. 


87 


braces  within  equal  latitudinal  limits  so  {^eat  a  variety 
of  climate,  soil,  and  vegetation;  a  variety  whose  im- 
portant bearing  on  the  native  development  can  be  un- 
derstood in  some  degree,  and  which  would  doubtless 
account  satisfaqtorily  for  most  of  the  conn)lications  of 
progressional  phenomena  observed  within  the  terri- 
tory, were  the  connection  between  environment  and 
progress  fully  within  the  grasp  of  our  knowledge.    All 
the  gradations  from  a  torrid  to  a  temperate  clime  are 
here  found  in  a  region  that  lies  wholly  within  the 
northern  tropic,  altitudinal  variations  taking  the  place 
of  and  j»rt)duoing  all  the  effects  elsewhere  attributable 
to  latitude  alone.     These  variations  result  from  the 
toiX)grapliy  of  the  country  as  determined  by  the  con- 
formation given  to  the  contitv  nt  by  the  central  Cordil- 
lera.   The  Sierra  Madre  enters  this  territory  from  the 
north  in  two  princi;.  1  ranges,  one  stretching  along  the 
coast  of  the  Pacific,  while  the  other  and  more  lofty 
range  trends  nearer  the  Atlantic,  the  two  again  unit- 
ing before  reaching  the  isthnms  of  Tehuantepec.    This 
eastern  branch  between  18°  40'  and  20°  30'  opens  out 
into  a  table-land  of  some  seventy-five  by  two  hundred 
miles  area,  with  an  altitude  of  from  six  to  eight  thou- 
sand feet  above  the  sea  level.     This  broad  plateau  or 
series  of  plateaux  is  known  as  the  tierra  fria,  while  the 
lower  valleys,  with  a  band  of  the  surrounding  slopes, 
at  an  elevation  of  from  three  to  five  thousand  feet,  in- 
cluding large  portions  of  the  western  lands  of  Micho- 
acan,  Guerrero,  and  Oajaca,  between  the  two  mountain 
branches,  constitute  the  tierra  templada.     From  the 
surface  of  the  upper  table-land  rise  sierras  and  isolated 
peaks  of  volcanic  origin,  the  highest  in  North  America, 
their  summits  covered  with  eternal  snow,  which  shel- 
ter, temper,  and  protect  the  fertile  plateaux  lying  at 
their  base.     Centrally  located  on  this  table-land,  sur- 
rounded by  a  wall  of  lofty  volcanic  cliffs  and  peaks,  is 
the  most  famous  of  all  the  valley  plateaux,  something 
more  than  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  in  circuit,  the 
valley  of  Mexico,  Anahuac,  that  is  to  say,  'country  by 


i' 


M.ii 


hi 


88 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


the  waters,'  taking  its  name  from  the  lakes  that  form- 
erly occupied  one  tenth  of  its  area.  Andhuac,  with  an 
elevation  of  7,500  feet,  may  be  taken  as  representative 
of  the  tierra  fria.  It  has  a  mean  temperature  of  62°,  a 
climate  much  like  that  of  southern  Europe,  although 
dryer,  and  to  which  the  term  'cold'  can  only  be  com- 
paratively applied.  The  soil  is  fertile  and  productive, 
though  now  generally  presenting  a  bare  and  parched 
surface,  by  reason  of  the  excessiv^e  evaporation  on  lofty 
plains  exposed  to  the  full  force  of  a  tropical  sun,  its 
natural  forest-covering  having  been  removed  since  the 
Spanish  conquest,  chiefly,  it  is  believed,  through  arti- 
ficial agencies.  Oak  and  pine  are  prominent  features 
of  the  native  forest-growth,  while  wheat,  barley,  and 
all  the  European  cereals  and  fruits  flourish  side  by  side 
with  plantations  of  the  indigenous  maize,  maguey,  and 
cactus.  From  May  to  October  of  each  year,  corres- 
ponding nearly  with  the  hot  season  of  the  coast,  rains 
or  showers  are  frequent,  but  rarely  occur  during  the 
remaining  months.  Trees  retain  their  foliage  for  ten 
months  in  the  year,  and  indeed  their  fading  is  scarcely 
noticeable.  Southward  of  18^,  as  the  continent  nar- 
rows, this  eastern  table-land  contracts  into  a  mountain 
range  proper,  presenting  a  succession  of  smaller  ter- 
races, valleys,  and  sierras,  in  place  of  the  broader 
plateaux  of  the  region  about  Andhuac.  Trending 
south-eastward  toward  the  Pacific,  and  uniting  with 
the  western  Sierra  Madre,  the  chain  crosses  the 
isthmus  of  Tehuantepec  at  a  diminished  altitude, 
only  to  rise  again  and  expand  laterally  into  the 
lofty  Guatemalan  ranges  which  stretch  still  south- 
eastward to  Lake  Nicaragua,  where  for  the  second 
time  a  break  occurs  in  the  continental  Cordillera  at 
the  southern  limit  of  the  territory  now  under  con- 
sideration. From  this  central  cordillera  lateral  sub- 
ordinate branches  jut  out  at  right  angles  north  and 
south  toward  either  ocean.  As  we  go  southward  the 
vegetation  becomes  more  dense,  and  the  temperature 
higher  at  equal  altitudes,  but  the  same  gradations  of 


THE  TIERRA  CALIENTE. 


89 


'fria'  and  'templada'  are  continued,  blending  into  each 
other  at  a  height  of  5,000  to  6,000  feet.  The  charac- 
teristics of  the  Cordillera  south  of  the  Mexican  table- 
land are  lofty  volcanic  peaks  whose  lower  bases  are 
clothed  with  dense  forests,  fertile  plateaux  bounded  by 
precipitous  cliffs,  vertical  fissures  or  ravines  of  immense 
depth  torn  in  the  solid  rock  by  volcanic  action,  and 
mountain  torrents  flowing  in  deep  beds  of  porphyry 
and  forming  picturesque  lakes  in  the  lower  valleys. 
Indeed,  in  Guatemala,  where  more  than  twenty  vol- 
canoes are  in  active  operation,  all  these  characteristic 
features  appear  to  unite  in  their  highest  degree  of 
perfection.  One  of  the  lateral  ranges  extends  north- 
eastward from  the  continental  chain,  forming  with  a 
comparatively  slight  elevation  the  back-bone  of  the 
peninsula  of  Yucatan. 

At  the  bases  of  the  central  continental  heights,  on 
the  shores  of  either  ocean,  is  the  tierra  caliente,  a  name 
applied  to  all  the  coast  region  with  an  elevation  of  less 
than  1,500  feet,  and  also  by  the  inhabitants  to  many 
interior  valleys  of  high  temperature.  So  abruptly  do 
the  mountains  rise  on  the  Pacific  side  that  the  western 
torrid  band  does  not  perhaps  exceed  twenty  miles  in 
average  width  for  its  whole  length,  and  has  exerted 
comparatively  little  influence  on  the  history  and  de- 
velopment of  the  native  races.  But  on  the  Atlantic 
or  gulf  coast  is  a  broad  tract  of  level  i)lain  and  marsh, 
and  farther  inland  a  more  gradual  ascent  to  the  inte- 
rior heiglits.  This  region  presents  all  the  features  of 
an  extreme  tropical  climate  and  vegetation.  In  the 
latitude  of  Vera  Cruz  barren  and  sandy  tracts  are  seen; 
elsewhere  the  tierra  caliente  is  covered  with  the  dens- 
est tropical  growth  of  trees,  shrubs,  vines,  and  flowers, 
forming  in  their  natural  state  an  almost  impenetrable 
tliicket.  Cocoa,  cotton,  cacao,  sugar-cane,  indigo,  va- 
nilla, bananas,  and  the  various  palms  are  prominent 
among  the  flora;  while  the  fauna  include  birds  in  infi- 
nite variety  of  brilliant  plumage,  with  myrijids  of  tor- 
menting and  deadly  insects  and  reptiles.     The  atmos- 


90 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


phere  is  deadly  to  all  but  natives.  The  moist  soil,  en- 
riched by  the  decay  of  vegetable  suKstances,  breathes 
pestilence  and  malaria  from  every  pore,  except  during 
the  winter  months  of  inct^sant  winds,  which  blow  from 
October  to  March.  Southern  Vera  Cruz  and  Tabasco, 
the  tierra  caliente  par  excellence,  exhibit  the  most  luxu- 
riant display  of  nature's  prodigality.  Of  alluvial  and 
comparatively  recent  fonnation  this  region  is  traversed 
by  the  Goazacoalco,  Alvarado,  Usumacinta,  and  other 
noble  rivers,  which  rise  in  the  mountains  of  Guatemala, 
Chiapas,  and  Tehuantepec.  River-banks  are  crowded 
with  magnificent  forest-trees,  and  the  broad  savanas 
farther  back  marked  off  into  natural  plantations  of  the 
valuable  dye-woods  which  abound  there,  by  a  network 
of  branch  streams  and  canals,  which  serve  both  for 
inigation  and  as  a  medium  of  transj)ort  for  the  native 
products  that  play  no  unimportant  role  in  the  world's 
commerce.  Each  year  inundations  are  expected  be- 
tween June  and  October,  and  these  transform  the 
whole  system  of  lagoons  into  a  broad  lake.  Farther 
up  the  course  of  the  rivers  on  the  foothills  of  the  Cor- 
dillera, are  extensive  forests  of  cedar,  mahogany,  za- 
pote,  Brazil,  and  other  precious  woods,  together  with 
a  variety  of  medicinal  plants  and  aromatic  resins. 

The  whole  of  Yucatan  may,  by  reason  of  its  tem- 
jierature  and  elevation  above  the  sea,  be  included  in 
the  tierra  caliente,  but  its  climate  is  one  of  the  most 
healthful  in  all  tropical  America.  The  whole  north 
and  west  of  the  })eninsula  are  of  fossil  shell  forma- 
tion, Bhowing  that  at  no  very  distant  date  this  region 
was  covered  by  the  waters  of  the  sea.  There  are  no 
rivers  that  do  not  dry  up  in  winter,  but  by  a  wonder- 
ful system  of  small  ponds  and  natural  wells  the  country 
is  supplied  with  water,  the  soil  being  moreover  always 
moist,  and  supporting  a  rich  and  vigorous  vegetation. 

Notwithstanding  evident  marks  of  similarity  in 
nearly  all  the  manifestations  of  the  progressional  spirit 
in  aboriginal  America,  in  art,  thought,  and  religion, 


i 


THE  NAHUA  AND  MAYA  ELEMENTS, 


91 


there  is  much  reason  for  and  convenience  in  referring 
all  the  native  civilization  to  two  branches,  the  Maya 
and  the  Nahua,  the  former  the  more  ancient,  the  latter 
the  more  recent  and  wide-spread.  It  is  important, 
however,  to  understand  the  nature  and  extent  of  this 
division,  and  just  how  far  it  may  be  considered  real 
and  how  far  ideal.  Of  all  the  languages  spoken  among 
these  nations,  the  two  named  are  the  most  wide-spread, 
and  are  likewise  entirely  distinct.  In  their  traditional 
history,  their  material  relics,  and,  above  all,  in  their 
methods  of  recording  events  by  hieroglyphics,  as  well 
as  in  their  several  lesser  characteristics,  these  two 
stocks  show  so  many  and  so  clear  points  of  difference 
standing  prominently  out  from  their  many  resem- 
blances, as  to  indicate  either  a  separate  culture  from 
the  beginning,  or  what  is  more  probable  and  for  us 
practically  the  same  thing,  a  progress  in  different 
paths  for  a  long  time  prior  to  the  coming  of  the  Eu- 
ropeans. A^ery  many  of  the  nations  not  clearly  affili- 
ated with  either  branch  show  evident  traces  of  both 
cultures,  and  may  be  reasonably  supposed  to  have  de- 
veloped their  condition  from  contact  and  intermixture 
of  the  parent  stocks  with  each  other,  and  with  the  neigh- 
boring savage  tribes.  It  is  only,  however,  in  a  very  gen- 
eral sense  that  this  classification  can  be  accepted,  and 
then  only  for  practical  convenience  in  elucidating  the 
subject;  since  there  are  several  nations  that  nmst  bo 
ranked  among  our  civilized  peoples,  which,  particularly 
in  the  matter  of  language,  show  no  Maya  nor  Nahua 
affinities.  Nor  is  too  much  importance  to  be  attached 
to  the  names  Maya  and  Nahua  by  which  I  designate 
these  parallel  civilizations.  The  former  is  adopted  for 
the  reason  that  the  Maya  people  and  tongue  are  com- 
monly regarded  as  among  the  most  ancient  in  all  the 
Central  American  region,  a  region  where  fonuerly 
flourished  the  civilization  that  left  such  wonderful 
remains  at  Palenquo,  IJxmal,  and  Copan;  the  latter 
as  being  an  older  desi<^nation  than  either  Aztec  or 
Toltec,  both  of  which  stocks  the  race  Nahua  include.s. 


'3       1 

*i 

^'ii 

i; 

1    1   :i 

i 

1 

III 

Ij. 

92 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


The  civilization  of  what  is  now  the  Mexican  Repubhc, 
north  of  Tehuantepec,  belonged  to  the  Nahiia  branch, 
both  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  and  throughout  the 
historic  period  precedin;^.  Very  few  traces  of  the 
Maya  element  occur  north  of  Chiapas,  and  these  are 
chiefly  linguistic,  appearing  in  two  or  three  nations 
dwelling  along  the  shores  of  the  Mexican  gulf  In 
published  works  upon  the  subject  the  Aztecs  are  the 
representatives  of  the  Naliua  element;  indeed,  what 
is  known  of  the  Aztecs  has  furnished  material  for  nine 
tenths  of  all  that  has  been  written  on  the  American 
civilized  nations  in  general.  The  truth  of  the  matter 
is  that  the  Aztecs  were  only  the  most  powerful  of  a 
league  or  confederation  of  three  nations,  which  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  from  their  capitals  in  the  valley, 
ruled  central  Mexico.  This  confederation,  moreover, 
was  of  comparatively  recent  date.  These  three  nations 
were  the  Acolhuas,  the  Aztecs,  and  the  Tepanecs,  and 
tlioir  respective  capitals,  Tezcuco,  Mexico,  and  Tlaco- 

E;in  (Tacuba)  were  located  near  each  other  on  the  lake 
orders,  where,  except  Mexico,  they  still  are  found  in 
a  sad  state  of  dilapidation.  Within  the  valley,  in  gen- 
eral terms,  the  eastern  section  belonged  to  Tezcuco, 
the  southern  and  western  to  Mexico,  and  a  limited 
territory  in  the  north-west  to  Tlacopan.  At  the  time 
when  the  confederation  was  formed,  which  was  about 
one  hundred  years  before  the  advent  of  the  Spaniards, 
Tezcuco  was  the  most  advanced  and  powerful  of  the 
allies,  maintaining  her  precedence  nearly  to  the  end  of 
the  fifteenth  century.  Tlacopan  was  far  inferior  to 
the  other  two.  Her  possessions  were  small,  and  ac- 
cording to  the  terms  of  the  compact,  which  seem 
always  to  have  been  strictly  observed,  she  received 
but  one  fifth  of  the  spoils  obtained  by  successful  war. 
While  keeping  Avithin  the  boundaries  of  their  respect- 
ive provinces,  so  far  as  tlic  valley  of  Mexico  was  con- 
cerned, these  three  chief  powers  united  their  forces  to 
extend  their  conquests  be^'ond  the  limits  of  the  valley 
in  every  direction.    Thus  under  the  leadership  of  a  line 


I 


THE  AZTECS  THE  NAHUA  REPRESENTATIVES. 


93 


of  warlike  kings  Mexico  extended  her  domain  to  the 
shores  of  either  ocean,  and  rendered  the  tribes  therein 
tributary  to  her.  Durinj^  this  period  of  foreign  con- 
quest, the  Aztec  kings,  more  energetic,  ambitious,  war- 
like, a'  '  unscrupulous  than  their  allies,  acquired  a 
decided  preponderance  in  the  confederate  councils  and 
possessions;  so  that,  originally  but  a  small  tribe,  one  of 
the  many  which  had  settled  in  the  valley  of  Andhuac, 
by  its  valor  and  success  in  war,  by  the  comparatively 
broad  extent  of  its  domain,  by  the  magnificence  of  its 
capital,  the  only  aboriginal  town  in  America  rebuilt 
by  the  conquerors  in  anything  like  its  pristine  splen- 
dor, and  especially  by  being  the  people  that  came  di- 
rectly into  contact  with  the  invaders  in  the  desperate 
struggles  of  the  conquest,  the  Aztecs  became  to  Eu- 
ropeans, and  to  the  whole  modern  world,  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  American  civilized  peoples.  Hence, 
in  the  observations  of  those  who  were  personally  ac- 
(juainted  with  these  people,  little  or  no  distinction  is 
made  between  the  many  different  nations  of  Central 
Mexico,  all  being  described  as  Aztecs.  Indeed,  many 
of  the  lesser  nations  favored  this  error,  being  proud  to 
claim  identity  with  the  brave  and  powerful  peo])le  to 
wliose  valor  they  had  been  forced  to  succumb.  While 
this  state  of  things  doubtless  creates  some  confusion 
by  failing  to  show  clearly  the  slight  tribal  differences 
that  existed,  yet  the  difficulty  is  not  a  serious  one, 
from  the  fact  that  very  many  of  these  nations  were 
unquestionably  of  the  same  blood  as  the  Aztecs,  and 
that  all  drew  what  civilization  they  possessed  from 
the  same  Nahua  sou  "'^  I  may  therefore  continue  to 
speak  of  the  Aztecs  .a  their  representative  character, 
including  directly  in  this  term  all  the  nations  perma- 
nently subjected  to  the  three  ruling  powers  in  And- 
huac, due  care  being  taken  to  point  out  such  differ- 
ences as  may  have  been  noticed  and  recorded. 

To  fix  the  limits  of  the  Aztec  Empire  with  any  ap- 

Kroximation  to  accuracy  is  exceedingly  difficult,  both 
y  reason  of  conflicting  statements,  and  because  the 


3i:i  ■ 


?    ;'        ' 

' 

TV: 
i  5^  ;. 

||i 

i 

' 

;i-  :;       i'. 

:     tii 

i  'i 

if    F 

1 

1 

94 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


boundaries  were  constantly  changing  as  new  tribes 
were  brought  under  Aztec  rule,  or  by  successful  revolt 
threw  off  the  Mexican  yoke.  Clavigero,  followed  by 
Prescott,  gives  to  the  empire  the  territory  from  18° 
to  21°  on  the  Atlantic,  and  14°  to  19°  on  the  Pacific, 
exclusive,  according  to  the  latter  author,  of  the  posses- 
sions of  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan.  But  this  extent  of 
territory,  estimated  at  nearly  twice  that  of  the  state 
of  California,  gives  an  exaggerated  idea  of  Anahuac, 
even  when  that  term  is  applied  to  the  conquered  ter- 
ritory of  the  Avhole  confederacy.  The  limits  men- 
tioned are  in  reality  the  extreme  points  reached  by 
the  allied  armies  in  their  successful  wars,  or  rather, 
raids,  during  the  most  palmy  days  of  Aztec  rule. 
Within  these  bounds  were  several  nations  that  were 
never  conquered,  even  temporarily,  by  the  arms  of 
Anahuac,  as  for  example  the  Tlascaltecs,  the  Taras- 
cos,  and  the  Chiapanecs.  Many  nations,  indeed  most 
of  those  whose  home  was  far  from  the  central  capitals, 
were  simply  forced  on  different  occasions  by  the  pres- 
ence of  a  conquering  army  to  pay  tribute  and  allegi- 
ance to  the  Aztec  kings,  an  allegiance  which  they  were 
not  slow  to  throw  off  as  soon  as  the  invaders  had  with- 
drawn. Such  were  the  nations  of  northern  Guate- 
mala and  Soconusco,  whose  conquest  was  in  reality 
but  a  successful  raid  for  plunder  and  captives;  such 
the  nations  of  Tehuantepec,  such  the  Miztecs  and  Za- 
potecs  of  Oajaca,  the  latter  having  completely  regained 
their  independence  and  driven  the  Aztecs  from  their  soil 
before  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards.  Other  nations 
were  conquered  only  in  the  years  immediately  preced- 
ing theSpanish  conquest;  instance  the Matlaltzincas  just 
westof  Andhuac,and  the  Huastecs  and  Totonacsof  Vera 
Cruz.  By  their  successful  raids  among  these  latter 
peoples,  the  Aztecs  only  sealed  their  own  doom,  mak- 
ing inveterate  foes  of  the  coast  iiations,  whose  services 
would  have  been  most  efficacious  in  resisting  the  fatal 
progress  of  the  Castilian  arms.  But  other  tribes  less 
warlike  and  powerful,  or  nearer  the  strongholds  of 


EXTENT  OF  THE  AZTEC  EMPIRE. 


95 


their  conquerors,  were,  by  means  of  frequent  military 
expeditions  made  to  check  outbreaking  rebellion,  kept 
nominally  subject  to  the  Aztecs  durinij  fifty  years, 
more  or  less,  preceding  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards, 
paying  their   annual   tribute   with   some   regularity. 
Outside  the  rocky  barriers  of  their  valley,  the  Mexi- 
cans  maintained   their   supremacy  only  by  constant 
war;  and  oven  within  the  valley  their  sway  was  far 
from  undisputed,  since  several  tribes,  notably  the  Chal- 
cas  on  the  southern  lake,  broke  out  in  open  rebellion 
whenever  the  imperial  armies  were  elsewhere  occupied. 
The  Aztec  empire  proper,  not  restricting  it  to  its 
original  seat  in  the  valley  of  Mexico,  nor  including 
within  its  limits  all  the  nations  which  were  by  the 
fortunes  of  war  forced  at  one  time  or  another  to  pay  • 
tribute,  may  then  be  said  to  have  extended  from  the 
valley  of  Mexico  and  its  immediate  environs,  over  the 
territories  comprised  in  the  present  States  of  ^lexico 
(with  its  modern  subdivisions  of  Hidalgo  and  More- 
los),  Puebla,  southern  Vera  Cruz,  and  Guerrero.     Of 
all  the  nations  that  occupied  this  territory,  most  of 
them,  as  I  have  said,  were  of  one  blood  and  language 
with  their  masters,  and  all,  by  their  character  and  in- 
stitutions, possessed  in  greater  or  less  degree  the  Na- 
hua  culture.     Of  many  of  the  multitudinous  nations 
occuj)ying  the  vast  territory  surrounding  the  valley  of 
Mexico,  nothing  is  known  beyond  their  names  and 
their  likeness,  near  or  remote,  to  the  Aztecs.     For  a 
statement  of  their  names  and  localities  in  detail,  the 
reader  is  referred  to  the  Tribal  Boundaries  following 
the  clia])ter  on  the  Central  Mexicans  in  the  first  vol- 
ume of  this  work.     Let  it  be  understood,  therefore, 
that  the  description  of  Aztec  institutions  contained  in 
this  volume  applies  to  all  the  nations  of  the  empire  as 
^)ounded  above,  except  where  special  limitation  is  in- 
dicated; besides  which  it  has  a  general  application  to 
a  much  wider  region,  in  fact  to  the  whole  country 
north  of  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec. 

In  this  connection,  and  before  attempting  a  descrip- 


96 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


!! 


t  :  *! 


tion  of  the  Mexican  nations  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
empire,  nations  more  or  less  independent  of  Aztec 
sway,  a  glance  at  ancient  Mexican  history  seems  ne- 
cessary, as  well  to  throw  light  on  the  mutual  relations 
of  the  peoples  of  Andhuac,  as  to  partially  explain  the 
broad  extent  of  the  Nahua  civilization  and  of  the  Az- 
tec idiom.  The  old-time  story,  how  the  Toltecs  in 
the  sixth  century  appeared  on  the  Mexican  table-land, 
how  they  were  driven  out  and  scattered  in  the  elev- 
enth century,  how  after  a  brief  interval  the  Chichimecs 
followed  their  footsteps,  and  how  these  last  were  suc- 
ceeded by  the  Aztecs  who  were  found  in  possession, — 
the  last  two,  and  probably  the  first,  migrating  in  im- 
mense hordes  from  the  far  north-west, — all  this  is 
sufficiently  familiar  to  readers  of  Mexican  history,  and 
is  furthermore  fully  set  forth  in  the  fifth  volume  of 
this  work.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  this  account, 
accurate  to  a  certain  degree,  has  been  by  many  writers 
too  literally  construed;  since  the  once  popular  theory 
of  wholesale  national  migrations  of  American  peoples 
within  historic  times,  and  particularly  of  such  migra- 
tions from  the  north-west,  may  now  be  regarded  as 
practically  unfounded.  The  sixth  century  is  the  most 
remote  period  to  which  we  are  carried  in  the  annals  of 
Anahuac  by  traditions  sufficiently  definite  to  be  con-  . 
sidered  in  any  proper  sense  as  historic  records.  At 
this  period  we  find  the  Nahua  civilization  and  insti- 
tutions established  on  the  table-land,  occupied  then  as 
at  every  subsequent  time  by  many  tribes  more  or  less 
distinct  from  each  other.  And  there  this  culture  re- 
mained witliout  intermixture  of  essentially  foreign  ele- 
ments down  to  the  sixteenth  century;  there  the  suc- 
cessive phases  of  its  development  appeared,  and  there 
the  progressional  spirit  continued  to  ferment  for  a 
period  of  ten  centuries,  which  fermentation  constitutes 
the  ancient  Mexican  history.  During  the  course  of 
these  ten  centuries  we  may  follow  now  definitely  now 
vaguely  the  social,  religious,  and  political  convulsions 
through  which  these  aboriginals  were  doomed  to  pass. 


THE  NAHUAS  IN  ANAHUAC. 


97 


J  of  the 
'  Aztec 
Bins  ne- 
•elations 
)lain  the 
the  Az- 
)ltec8  in 
ble-land, 
he  elev- 
lichnnecs 
vere  suc- 
ession, — 
ig  in  im- 
il  this  is 
tory,  and 
'olume  of 
3  account, 
[\j  writers 
iar  theory 
tn  peoples 
Ich  migra- 
[trarded  as 
the  most 
annals  of 
;o  be  con- 
jrds.     At 
and  insti- 
sd  then  as 
ire  or  less 
;ulture  re- 
jreign  ele- 
|e  the  suc- 
and  there 
tent  for  a 
;onstitute8 
course  of 
litely  now 
mvulsions 
to  pass. 


From  small  beginnings  we  see  mighty  political  powers 
evolved,  and  these  overturned  and  thrown  into  ob- 
scurity l)y  other  and  rival  unfoldings.  Religious  sects 
in  like  manner  we  see  succeed  each  other,  coloring 
tlit'ir  progress  with  frequent  persecutions  and  reforma- 
tions, not  unworthy  of  old-world  medijBval  fanaticism, 
as  partisans  of  rival  deities  shape  the  poj)ular  suj)ersti- 
tion  in  conformity  with  their  creeds.  Wars,  long  and 
bloody,  are  waged  for  j)lunder,  for  territory,  and  for 
souls;  now,  to  quell  the  insurrection  of  a  tributary 
prince,  now  to  repel  the  invasion  of  outer  barbarian 
hordes.  Leaders,  pt)litical  and  religious,  rising  to 
power  with  their  nation,  faction,  city,  or  sect,  are 
driven  at  their  fall  into  exile,  and  thereby  forced  to 
seek  their  fortunes  and  introduce  their  culture  among 
distant  tribes.  Outside  bands,  more  or  less  barbarous, 
but  brave  and  powerful,  come  to  settle  in  Andhuac, 
and  to  receive,  voluntarily  or  involuntarily,  the  ben- 
efits of  its  arts  and  science. 

1  have  no  disposition  unduly  to  magnify  the  New 
World  civilization,  nor  to  under-rate  old  world  culture, 
but  during  these  ten  centuries  of  almost  universal 
mediaeval  gloom,  the  difference  between  the  two  civil- 
izations was  less  than  most  people  imagine.  On  both 
sides  of  the  Dark  Sea  humanity  lay  floundering  in  be- 
sotted ignorance;  the  respective  qualities  of  that  ig- 
norance it  is  hardly  profitable  to  analyze.  The  history 
of  all  these  complicated  changes,  so  far  as  it  may  be 
traced,  separates  naturally  into  three  chronologic  ])e- 
riods,  corresponding  with  what  are  known  as  the  Tol- 
tec,  the  Chichimec,  and  the  Aztec  empires.  Prior  to 
the  sixth  century  doubtless  there  were  other  periods 
of  Nahua  greatness,  for  there  is  little  evidence  to  in- 
dicate that  this  was  the  first  appearance  in  Mexico  of 
this  progressive  people,  but  previous  developments  can 
not  be  definitely  followed,  although  affording  occa- 
sional glimpses  which  furnish  interesting  matter  for 
antiquarian  speculation. 

At  the  opening  then,  of  the  historic  times,  we  find 


Voi,.  II.    7 


98 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


the  Toltecs  in  possession  of  Andhuac  and  the  sur- 
rounding country.  Though  the  civilization  was  old, 
the  name  was  new,  derived  probably,  although  not  so 
regarded  by  all,  from  Tollan,  a  capital  city  of  the  em- 
pire, but  afterward  becoming  synonymous  Avith  all  that 
18  excellent  in  art  and  high  culture.  Tradition  im- 
putes to  the  Toltecs  a  higher  civilization  than  that 
found  among  the  Aztecs,  who  had  degenerated  with 
the  growth  of  the  warlike  spirit,  and  especially  by  the 
introduction  of  more  cruel  and  sanguinary  religious 
rites.  But  this  superiority,  in  some  respects  not  im- 
probable, rests  on  no  very  strong  eviden  e,  since  this 
people  left  no  relics  of  that  artistic  skill  which  gave 
them  so  great  traditional  fame:  there  is,  however,  much 
reason  to  ascribe  the  construction  of  the  pyramids  at 
Teotihuacan  and  Cholula  to  the  Toltec  or  a  still  earlier 
period.  Among  the  civilized  peoples  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  however,  and  among  their  descendants  down 
to  the  present  day,  nearly  every  ancient  relic  of  archi- 
tecture or  sculpture  is  accredited  to  the  Toltecs,  from 
whom  all  claim  descent.  In  fact  the  term  Toltec  be- 
came synonymous  in  later  times  with  all  that  was 
w^onderful  or  mysterious  in  the  past;  and  so  confus- 
ing has  been  the  effect  of  this  universal  reference  of 
all  traditional  events  to  a  Toltec  source,  that,  while 
we  can  not  doubt  the  actual  existence  of  this  great 
empire,  the  details  of  its  history,  into  which  the  super- 
natural so  largely  enters,  must  be  regarded  as  to  a 
great  extent  mythical. 

There  are  no  data  for  fixing  accurately  the  bounds 
of  the  Toltec  domain,  particularly  in  the  south. 
There  is,  very  little,  however,  to  indicate  that  it  was 
more  extensive  in  this  direction  than  that  of  the  Az- 
tecs in  later  times,  although  it  seems  to  have  extended 
somewhat  farther  northward.  On  the  west  there  is 
some  evidence  that  it  included  the  territory  of  Micho- 
acan,  never  subdued  by  the  Aztecs;  and  it  probably 
stretched  eastward  to  the  Atlantic,  including  the  To- 
tonac  territory  of  Vera  Cruz.     Of  the  tribes  or  nations 


THE  TOLTEC  EM  PIKE. 


99 


that  made  up  the  empire  none  can  be  positively  iden- 
tified by  name  with  any  of  the  hiter  peoples  found  in 
Anilhuac,  thoujjfh  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  several 
of  the  latter  were  descended  directly  from  the  Toltecs 
and  contemporary  tribes;  and  indeed  it  is  believed 
with  much  reason  that  the  semi-barbarous  Otomfs  of 
Anilhuac,  and  several  nations  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  valley,  may  date  their  tribal  history  back  to  a  pe- 
riod even  preceding  the  Toltec  era.  During  the  most 
flourishing  period  of  its  traditional  five  centuries  of 
duration,  the  Toltec  empire  was  ruled  l)y  a  confed- 
eracy similar  in  some  respects  to  the  alliance  of  later 
date  between  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan.  The 
capitals  were  Culhuacan,  Utompan,  and  Tollan,  the 
two  former  corresponding  somewhat  in  territory  with 
Mexico  and  Tezcuco,  while  the  latter  was  just  beyond 
the  limits  of  the  valley  toward  the  north-west.  Each 
of  these  capital  cities  became  in  turn  the  leading  pow- 
er in  the  confederacy.  Tollan  reached  the  highest 
eminence  in  culture,  splendor,  and  fame,  and  Culhua- 
can was  the  only  one  of  the  three  to  survive  by  name 
the  bloody  convulsions  by  which  the  empire  was  at 
last  overthrown,  and  retain  anything  of  her  former 
greatness. 

Long-continued  civil  wars,  arising  chiefly  from  dis- 
sensions between  rival  religious  factions,  resulting  nat- 
urally in  pestilence  and  famine,  which  in  the  aboriginal 
annals  are  attributed  to  the  direct  interposition  of  irate 
deities,  gradually  undermine  the  imperial  thrones. 
Cities  and  nations  previously  held  in  subjection  or 
overshadowed  by  the  splendor  and  power  of  Tollan, 
take  advantage  of  her  civil  troubles  to  enlarge  their 
respective  domains  and  to  establish  independent  pow- 
ers. Distant  tribes,  more  or  less  barbarous,  but  strong 
and  warlike,  come  and  establish  themselves  in  de- 
sirable localities  within  the  limits  of  an  empire  whose 
rulers  are  now  powerless  to  repel  invasion.  So  the 
kings  of  Tollan,  Culhuacan,  and  (^)tompan  lose,  year 
by  year,  their  prestige,  and  finally,  in  the  middle  of 


100 


(JKNEKAI.  VIEW  OF  THK  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


y 


/ 


the  eleventh  contuiy,  are  completely  overthrown,  leav- 
ing; the  Mexican  tahle-land  to  be  ruled  by  new  conihi- 
nationH  of  risinjjf  powers.  Tluus  ends  the  Toltec  period 
of  ancient  Aiuihuac  history. 

The  popular  account  pictures  the  whole  Toltec  pop- 
ulation, or  such  part  of  it  as  had  been  spared  by  war, 
pestilence,  and  famine,  as  niijjfratinjj^  en  nuisse  south- 
ward, and  leaving  Anilhuac  desolate  and  unpeopled 
I'or  nearly  a  half  century,  to  be  settled  anew  by  tribes 
that  crowded  in  from  the  north-west  when  they  learned 
that  this  fair  land  had  been  so  stran«j^ely  abandoned. 
This  account,  like  all  other  national  mijjfration-narra- 
tives  pertaining  to  the  Americans,  has  little  founda- 
tion in  fact  or  in  probability. 

The  royal  families  and  religious  leaders  of  the  Tol- 
tecs  were  doubtless  driven  into  perpetual  exile,  and 
were  accompanied  by  such  of  the  nobility  as  i)re- 
ferred,  rather  than  content  themselves  with  subordi- 
nate positions  at  home,  to  try  their  fortunes  in  new 
lands,  some  of  which  were  j)erhaps  included  in  the 
southern  parts  of  the  empire  concerning  which  so  little 
is  known.  That  tiiere  was  any  essential  or  imme- 
diate change  in  the  population  of  the  table-land  be- 
yond the  irruption  of  a  few  tribes,  is  highly  im- 
probable. The  exiled  princes  and  priests,  as  I  have 
said,  went  southward,  where  doubtless  they  played 
an  important  part  in  the  subsequent  history  of  the 
Maya-Quiche  nations  of  Central  America,  a  history 
less  fully  recorded  than  that  of  Aiuihuac.  Tliat  thf  se 
exiles  were  the  founders  of  the  Centr;  1  American  civil- 
ization, a  popular  belief  supported  v  many  writers, 
I  cannot  but  regard  as  another  pin  3  of  that  tend- 
ency above-mentioned  to  attribute  u  that  is  unde- 
fined and  ill-understood  to  the  great  nd  wonderful 
Toltecs;  nor  do  J  believe  that  the  evi*  snce  warrants 
such  an  hypothesis.  If  the  pioneer  ci  ilizers  of  the 
south,  the  builders  of  Palenque,  Cop<in,  and  other 
cities  of  the  more  ancient  type,  were  imbued  with  or 
influenced  by  the  Nahua  culture,  as  is  not  improbable, 


THE  (•IIICIIIMEC  EMIMUE. 


101 


it  certainly  was  not  that  culture  hh  carried  south- 
ward in  the  eleventh  century,  hut  a  development  or 
jihase  of  it  lon<if  preocdin*''  that  which  to(»k  the  name 
of  Toltec  on  the  Mexican  plateaux.  With  the  de- 
struction of  the  empire  the  term  Toltec,  as  applied  to 
an  existinjif  people,  dinafipeared.  TIuh  disappearance 
of  the  name  while  the  institutions  of  the  nation  ct"»- 
tinued  to  Hourish,  may  indicate  that  the  desiijfnati(.n 
of  the  people — or  possihly  of  the  rulinu;  family  of 
ToUan,  was  not  applied  contemporaneously  to  the 
whole  empire,  and  that  in  the  traditions  and  records 
of  later  times,  it  has  incident;'My  accpiired  a  fictitious 
importance.  Of  the  Toltec  cities,  Culhuacan,  on  the 
lake  horder,  recovered  under  the  new  political  combi- 
nations somethin*^  of  her  old  jmaninence;  the  name 
Culhuas  applied  to  its  people  appears  much  more 
ancient  than  that  of  Toltecs,  and  indeed  the  Mexican 
civilization  as  a  whole  mijjfht  perhaps  as  appropriately 
he  termed  Culhua  as  Nahua. 

The  new  era  succeedini^  the  Toltec  rule  is  that  of 
the  Chichimec  empire,  which  endured  with  some  vari- 
ations down  to  the  coming  ol  Cortes.  The  ordinary 
version  of  the  early  annals  has  it,  that  the  Chichimecs, 
a  wild  tribe  living  far  in  the  north-west,  learning  that 
the  fertile  regions  of  Central  Mexico  had  been  aban- 
doned by  the  Toltecs,  came  down  in  immense  hordes 
to  occupy  the  land.  Numerous  other  tribes  came 
after  them  at  short  intervals,  were  kindly  received 
and  granted  lands  for  settlement,  and  tlie  more  pow- 
erful of  the  new  comers,  in  confederation  with  the 
original  Chichimec  settlers,  developed  into  the  so- 
called  empire.  Now,  although  this  ("j;cupation  of  the 
central  table-lands  by  successive  migrations  of  foreign 
tribes  cannot  l>e  accepterl  by  the  sober  historian,  and 
alciio.?gh  we  m^sX  conclude  that  very  many  of  the  so- 
ctilled  new  comers  were  tribes  that  had  occupied  the 
country  during  the  Toltec  period, — their  names  now 
coming  into  notice  with  their  increasing  importance 
and  power, — yet  it  is  probable  that  some  new  tribes, 


102 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


sufficiently  powerful  to  exercise  a  great  if  not  a  con- 
trolling influence  in  building  up  the  new  empire,  did 
at  this  time  enter  Andhuac  from  the  immediately 
bordering  regions,  and  play  a  prominent  part,  in  con- 
junction witli  the  rising  nations  within  the  valley,  in 
the  overthrow  of  the  kings  of  Tollan.  These  in-com- 
ing nations,  by  alliance  with  the  original  inhabitants, 
infused  fresh  life  and  vigor  into  the  worn-out  mon- 
arcliies,  furnishing  the  strength  by  which  new  powers 
were  built  up  on  the  ruins  of  the  old,  and  receiving 
on  the  other  hand  the  advantages  of  the  more  j)erfect 
Nahua  culture. 

If  one,  and  the  most  powerful,  of  these  new  nations 
was,  {IS  the  annals  state,  called  the  Chichimec,  noth- 
ing whatever  is  known  of  its  race  or  lamjuaij-e.  The 
Chichimecs,  their  identity,  their  idiom,  and  their  insti- 
tutions, if  any  such  there  were,  their  name  even,  as  a 
national  appellation,  were  merged  into  those  of  the 
Nahua  nations  that  accompanied  or  followed  them, 
and  were  there  lost.  The  ease  and  rapidity  with 
which  this  tribal  fusion  of  tongue  and  culture  is  rep- 
resented to  have  been  accomplished  would  indicate  at 
least  that  the  Chichimecs,  if  a  separate  tribe,  were  of 
the  same  race  and  language  as  the  Toltecs;  but  how- 
ever this  may  be,  it  must  be  conceded  that,  while  they 
can  not  have  been  the  wild  cave-dwellinjj  barbarians 
painted  by  some  of  the  historians,  they  did  not  intro- 
duce into  Anahuac  any  new  element  of  civilization. 

The  name  Chichimec  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish 
conquest,  and  subsequentlj%  was  used  with  two  sig- 
nifications, first,  as  applied  to  the  line  of  kings  that 
reigned  at  Tezcuco,  and  second,  to  all  the  wild  hunt- 
ing tribes,  particularly  in  the  broad  and  little-known 
regions  of  the  north.  Traditionally  or  historically  the 
name  has  been  applied  to  nearly  every  people  men- 
tioned in  the  ancient  liistory  of  America.  Tiiis  has 
caused  the  greatest  confusion  among  writers  on  the 
subject,  a  confusion  which  I  believe  can  only  be  cleared 
up  by  the  supposition  that  the  name  Chichimec,  like 


NO  SUCH  NATION  AS  THE  CHICHIMEC. 


103 


that  of  Toltec,  never  was  applied  as  a  tribal  or  na- 
tional desijjfnation  proper  to  any  j)eople,  wliile  such 
j)eopIe  were  living.  It  seems  probable  that  among 
the  Nahua  peoples  that  occupied  the  country  from  the 
sixth  to  the  eleventh  centuries,  a  few  of  the  leading 
powers  appropriated  to  themselves  the  title  Toltecs, 
which  had  been  at  first  employed  by  the  inhabitants 
of  Tollan,  whose  artistic  excellence  scwm  rendered  it 
a  designation  of  honor.  To  the  other  Nahua  peo- 
j)les,  by  whom  these  leading  powers  were  surrounded, 
whose  institutions  were  identical  but  whose  polish  and 
elegance  of  manner  were  dee'.ied  by  those  self-consti- 
tuted autocrats  somewhat  inferior,  the  term  Chichi- 
mecs,  barbarians,  etymologically  'dogs,'  was  applied. 
After  the  convulsions  that  overthrew  Tollan  and  re- 
versed the  condition  of  the  Nahua  nations,  the  'dogs' 
in  their  turn  assumed  an  air  of  superiority  .and  re- 
tained their  designation  Chichimecs  as  a  title  of  honor 
and  nobility. 

The  names  of  the  tribes  represented  as  entering  And- 
huac  after  the  Chichimecs,  but  respecting  the  order  of 
whose  coming  there  is  little  agreement  among  authors, 
are  the  following:  Matlaltzincas,  Tepanecs,  Acolhuas, 
Teo-Chichimecs  (Tlascaltecs),  Malinalcas,  Cholultocs, 
Xcchimilcas,  Chalcas,  Huexotzincas,  Cuitlahuacs,  Cui- 
catecs,  Mizquicas,  Tlahuicafc.,  Cohuixcas,  and  Aztecs. 
Some  of  these,  as  I  have  said,  may  have  entered  the 
valley  from  the  immediate  north.  Which  these  were 
I  shall  not  attempt  to  decide,  but  they  were  nearly 
all  of  the  same  race  and  language,  all  lived  under 
Nahua  institutions,  and  their  descendant-^  were  found 
living  on  and  about  the  Aztec  plateau  in  the  six- 
teeiith  century,  speaking,  with  one  or  two  exceptions, 
the  \ztec  tonsjue. 

In  the  new  era  of  prosperity  that  now  dawned  on 
Anahuac,  Culhuacan,  where  some  remnants  even  of 
the  Toltec  nobility  remained,  under  Chichimec  ausj)i- 
ces  regained  to  a  great  extent  its  old  position  as  a 
centre  of  crlture  and  power.     Among  the  new  na- 


104 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


tions  whose  name  now  first  appears  in  history,  the 
Acolhuas  and  Tepanecs  soon  rose  to  poHtical  promi- 
nence in  the  valley.  The  Acolhuas  were  the  Chi- 
chimecs  par  excellence,  or,  as  tradition  has  it,  the 
Chichimec  nation  was  absorbed  by  them,  giving  up 
its  name,  language,  and  institutions.  The  capitals 
which  ruled  the  destinies  of  Andhuac  down  to  the 
fifteenth  century,  besides  Culhuacan,  were  Tenayo- 
can,  Xaltocan,  Coatlychan,  Tezcuco,and  Azcapuzalco. 
These  capitals  being  governed  for  the  most  part  by 
branches  of  the  same  royal  Chichimec  family,  the  era 
was  one  of  civil  intrigue  for  the  balance  of  power  and 
for  succession  to  tlie  throne,  rather  than  one  of  foreign 
conquest.  During  the  latter  part  of  the  period,  Tez- 
cuco,  the  Acolhua  capital  under  the  Chichimec  kings 
proper,  Azcapuzalco  the  capital  of  the  Tepanecs,  and 
Culhuacan  held  the  country  under  their  sway,  some- 
times allied  to  meet  the  forces  of  foreign  foes,  but 
oftener  plotting  against  each  other,  each,  by  alliance 
with  a  second  against  the  third,  aiming  at  universal 
dominion.  At  last  in  this  series  of  political  manoeu- 
vres Culhuacan  was  permanently  overthrown,  and 
the  Chichimec  ruler  at  Tezcuco  was  driven  from  his 
possessions  by  the  warlike  chief  of  the  Tepanecs, 
who  thus  for  a  short  time  was  absolute  master  of 
Anjihuac. 

But  with  the  decadence  of  the  Culhua  power  at 
Culhuacan,  another  of  the  tribes  that  came  into  notice 
in  the  valley  after  the  fall  of  the  Toltecs,  had  been 
gradually  gaining  a  position  among  the  nations.  This 
rising  power  was  the  Aztecs,  a  people  traditionally 
from  the  far  north-west,  whose  wanderings  are  de- 
scribed in  picture-writings  shown  in  another  part  of 
this  volume.  Their  migration  is  more  definitely  de- 
scribed than  that  of  any  other  of  the  many  who  are 
said  to  have  come  from  the  same  direction,  and  has 
been  considered  by  different  writers  to  be  a  migra- 
tion from  California,  New  Mexico,  or  Asia.  Later 
researches   indicate  that  the  pictured  annals  are  in- 


4; 


.al-'-l 


THE  AZTEC  ERA. 


lOS 


tended  simply  as  a  record  of  the  Aztec  wanderings  in 
the  valley  of  Mexico  and  its  vicinity.  Whatever  their 
origin,  by  their  fierce  and  warlike  nature  and  bloody 
religious  rites,  from  the  first  they  made  themselves  the 
pests  of  Andhuac,  and  later  its  tyrants.  For  some  cen- 
turies they  acquired  no  national  influence,  but  were 
often  conquered,  enslaved,  and  driven  from  place  to 
]>lace,  until  early  in  the  fourteenth  century,  when 
Mexico  or  Tenochtitlan  was  founded,  and  under  a  line 
of  able  warlike  kinofs  started  forward  in  its  career  of 
prosperity  unecpialed  in  the  annals  of  aboriginal  Ameri- 
ca. At  the  fall  of  Culhuacan,  Mexico  ranked  next  to 
Tezcuco  and  Azca{)uzalco,  and  when  the  armies  of  the 
latter  prevailed  against  the  former,  Mexico  was  the 
most  powerful  of  all  the  nations  that  sprang  to  arms, 
and  j)ressed  forward  to  Iwmble  the  Tepanec  tyrant, 
to  reinstate  the  Acolhua  monarch  on  his  throne,  and 
to  restore  Tezcuco  to  her  former  commanding  position. 
The  result  was  the  utter  defeat  of  the  Tepanecs,  and 
the  glory  of  Azcapuzalco  departed  forever. 

TIuis  ended  in  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  centu- 
ry the  Chichimec  empire, — that  is,  it  nominally  ended, 
for  the  Chichimec  kings  proper  lost  nothing  of  their 
j)ower,— and,  b}'^  the  establishment  of  the  confederacy 
already  described,  the  Aztec  empire  was  inaugurated. 
Under  the  new  dispensation  of  affairs,  Mexico,  by 
whose  aid  chiefiy  Azcapuzalco  had  been  humbled, 
received  rank  and  dominion  at  least  equal  to  that  of 
Tezcuco,  while  from  motives  of  policy,  and  in  order, 
so  far  as  possible,  to  conciliate  the  good  will  of  a 
strong  though  conquered  ])eople,  Tlacopan,  under  a 
l)ranch  of  the  Tepanecs,  with  a  less  extensive  domain, 
was  admitted  to  the  alliance.  The  terms  of  the  con- 
federacy seem,  as  I  have  said,  never  to  have  been 
(ipenly  violated;  but  in  the  first  years  of  the  six- 
teenth century  the  Aztecs  had  not  only  excited  the 
hatred  of  the  most  powerful  nations  outside  the 
bounds  of  Anilhuac  by  their  foreign  raids,  but  by  their 
arrogant  overbearing  spirit  had  made  themselves  ob- 


ii 

ii 


'Vi 


106         GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 

noxious  at  home.  Their  aim  at  supreme  power  was 
apparent,  and  both  Tezcuco  and  the  independent  re- 
public of  Tlascala  began  to  tremble  at  the  dangerous 
progress  of  their  mighty  neighbor,  A  desperate  strug- 
gle was  imminent,  in  which  the  Aztecs,  pitted  against 
all  central  Mexico,  by  victory  would  have  grasped  the 
coveted  prize  of  imperial  power,  or  crushed  as  were 
the  Tepanecs  before  them  by  a  coalition  of  nations, 
would  have  yielded  their  place  in  the  confederacy  to 
some  less  dangerous  rival.  At  this  juncture  Cortes 
appeared.  This  renowned  chieftain  aided  Montezu- 
ma's foes  to  triumph,  and  in  turn  fastened  the  shackles 
of  European  "despotism  on  all  alike,  with  a  partial  ex- 
ception in  favor  of  brave  Tlascala.  The  nations  which 
formed  the  Aztec  empire  proper,  were  the  tribes  for 
the  most  part  that  have  beeti  named  as  springing  into 
existence  or  notice  in  Anahuac  early  in  the  Chichimec 
period,  and  the  names  of  most  of  them  have  been 
preserved  in  the  names  of  modem  localities.  It  will 
be  seen,  in  treating  of  the  languages  of  the  Pacific 
States,  that  the  Aztec  tongue,  in  a  pure  state,  in  dis- 
tinct verbal  or  grammatical  traces,  and  in  names  of 
places,  is  spread  over  a  much  wider  extent  of  territory 
than  can  be  supposed  to  have  ever  been  brought  under 
subjection  to  Andhuac  during  either  the  Toltec,  Chi- 
chimec, or  Aztec  phases  of  the  Nahua  domination. 
To  account  for  this  we  have  the  commercial  connec- 
tions of  the  Aztecs,  whose  traders  are  known  to  have 
pushed  their  mercantile  ventures  far  beyond  the  re- 
gions subjected  by  foi  ;e  of  arms;  colonies  which,  both 
in  Toltec  and  Aztec  times,  may  be  reasonably  sup- 
posed to  have  sought  new  homes;  the  exile  of  nobles 
and  priests  at  the  fall  of  the  Toltec  empire,  and  other 
probable  migrations,  voluntary  and  involuntary,  of 
princes  and  teachers;  the  large  detachments  of  Aztecs 
who  accompanied  the  Spaniards  in  the  expeditions  by 
which  the  continent  was  brought  under  subjection; 
and  finally,  if  all  these  are  not  sufficient,  the  unknown 


THE  TARASCOS  OF  MICHOACAN. 


107 


history  and  migrations  of  the  Nahua  peoples  during 
the  centuries  preceding  the  Toltec  era. 

I  will  now  briefly  notice  the  civilized  nations  beyond 
the  limits  of  Andhuac,  and  more  or  less  independent 
of  the  Aztec  rule,  concerning  whose  institutions  and 
history  comparatively  little  or  nothing  is  known,  ex- 
cept what  is  drawn  from  the  Aztec  annals,  with  some 
very  general  observations  on  their  condition  made  by 
their  Spanish  conquerors.  Westward  of  the  Mexican 
valley  was  the  flourishing  independent  kingdom  of 
Michoacan,  in  possession  of  the  Tarascos,  whose  cap- 
ital was  Tzintzuntzan  on  Lake  Patzcuaro.  Their 
country,  lying  for  the  most  part  between  the  rivers 
Mexcala  and  Tololotlan,  is  by  its  altitude  chiefly  in  the 
tierra  templada,  and  enjoys  all  the  advantages  of  a 
tropical  climate,  soil,  and  vegetation.  Topographically 
it  presents  a  surface  of  undulating  plains,  intersected 
by  frequent  mountain  chains  and  by  the  characteristic 
ravines,  and  well  watered  by  many  streams  and  beauti- 
ful lakes;  hence  the  name  Michoacan,  which  signifies 
'land  abounding  in  fish.'  The  lake  region  of  Patzcu- 
aro, the  seat  of  the  Tarasco  kings,  is  described  as  un- 
surpassed in  picturesque  beauty,  while  in  the  variety 
of  its  agricultural  products  and  in  its  yield  of  mineral 
wealth,  Michoacan  was  equaled  by  few  of  the  states  of 
New  Spain. 

If  we  may  credit  the  general  statements  of  early  au- 
thors, who  give  us  but  few  details,  in  their  institutions, 
their  manners,  wealth,  and  power,  the  Tarascos  were  at 
least  fully  the  equals  of  the  Aztecs,  and  in  their  phy- 
sical development  were  even  superior.  That  they  suc- 
cessfully resisted  and  defeated  the  allied  armies  of 
Andhuac  is  sufficient  proof  of  their  military  prowess, 
although  they  yielded  almost  without  a  struggle  to 
the  Spaniards  after  the  fall  of  Mexico.  With  respect 
to  their  civilization  we  must  accept  the  statements  of 
their  superiority  as  the  probably  correct  impression  of 
those  who  came  first  in  contact  with  this  people,  not- 
withstanding which  1  find  no  architectural  or  artistic 


108 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


relics  of  a  high  culture  within  their  territory.  A  \  that 
is  known  on  the  subject  indicates  that  their  civilization 
was  of  the  Naliua  type,  although  tlie  language  is  al- 
together distinct  from  the  Aztec,  the  representative 
Nahua  tongue.  The  history  of  Michoacan,  in  the 
form  of  any  but  the  vaguest  traditions,  does  not  reach 
back  farther  than  the  thirteenth  century;  nevertheless, 
as  I  have  said,  there  is  some  reason  to  sup[)ose  that  it 
formed  part  of  the  Toltec  empire.  The  theory  has 
even  been  advanced  that  the  Tarascos,  forming  a  j)art 
of  that  emj)ire,  were  not  disturbed  by  its  fall,  and 
were  therefore  the  best  representatives  of  the  oldest 
Nahua  culture.  Their  reported  physical  superiority 
might  favor  this  view,  but  their  distinct  language  on 
the  contrary  would  render  it  improbable.  A  careful 
study  of  all  that  is  known  of  this  people  convinces  me 
that  they  had  long  been  settled  in  the  lands  where 
they  were  found,  but  leaves  on  the  mind  no  definite 
idea  of  their  earlier  history.  Their  later  annals  are 
made  up  of  tales,  partaking  largely  of  the  marvelous 
and  supernatural,  of  the  doings  of  certain  demi-gods 
or  priests,  and  of  wars  waged  against  the  omnipresent 
Chichimecs,  Branches  of  the  great  and  primitive 
Otomi  family  are  mentioned  as  having  their  homes  in 
the  mountains,  and  there  are  traditions  that  fragments 
of  the  Aztecs  and  other  tribes  which  followed  the  Chi- 
chimecs into  Andhuac,  lingered  on  the  route  of  their 
migration  and  settled  in  the  fertile  valleys  of  Micho- 
acan. Between  the  Tarascos  and  the  Aztecs,  speak- 
ing a  language  different  from  either  but  allied  more 
or  less  intimately  with  the  former,  were  the  Matlalt- 
zincas,  whose  capital  was  in  the  plateau  valley  of  To- 
luca,  just  outside  the  bounds  of  Andhuac.  This  was 
one  of  tlie  tribes  that  have  already  been  named  as 
coming  traditionally  from  the  north-west.  For  a  long 
time  they  maintained  tlieir  independence,  but  in  the 
li- .  •  .rter  of  the  fifteenth  century  were  forced  to 
'        ro  the  victorious  arms  of  Axayacatl,  the  Aztec 


WiVi  ,Mr  iving. 


MIZTECS  AND  ZAPOTECS. 


109 


Immediately  below  the  mouth  of  the  Mexcala,  on 
the  border  of  the  PaciHc,  were  the  lands  of  the  Cui- 
tlatecs,  and  also  the  province  or  kingdom  of  Zaeatollan, 
whose  capital  was  the  modern  Zacatula.  Uf  these  two 
peoples  absolutely  nothing  is  known,  save  that  they 
were  tributary  to  the  Aztec  empire,  the  latter  having 
been  added  to  the  domain  of  Tezcuco  in  the  very  last 
years  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

The  j>rovinces  that  extended  south-westward  from 
Anahuac  to  the  ocean,  belonging  chiefiy  to  the  modern 
state  of  Guerrero  and  included  in  what  1  have  de- 
scribed as  the  Aztec  empire  proper,  were  those  of  the 
TIahuicas,  whose  ca[)ital  was  Cuernavaca,  the  CoJmix- 
cas,  capital  at  Acapulco,  the  Yoppi  on  the  coast  south 
of  Acapulco,  and  the  province  of  Mazatlan  farther  in- 
land or  north-east.  The  name  Tlapanecs  is  also  rather 
indefinitely  applied  to  the  people  of  a  portion  of  this 
territory  in  the  south,  including  probably  the  Yoj)pi, 
Of  the  names  mentioned  we  have  met  those  of  the 
TIahuicas  and  Cohuixcas  among  the  tribes  newly 
springing  into  notice  at  the  begiiming  of  the  Chichi- 
mec  j)eriod.  It  is  j)robable  that  nearly  all  were  more 
or  less  closely  allied  in  race  and  language  to  their 
Mexican  masters,  their  political  subjection  to  whom 
dates  from  about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

The  western  slope  of  the  cordillera  still  farther 
south-west,  comprising  in  general  terms  the  modem 
state  of  Onjaca,  was  ruled  and  to  a  great  extent  in- 
habited by  the  Miztecs  and  Zapotecs,  two  powerful 
nati6ns  distinct  in  tongue  from  the  Aztecs  and  from 
each  other.  Western  Oajaca,  the  home  of  the  Miz- 
tecs, was  divided  into  Uj)per  and  Lower  Miztecapan, 
the  latter  toward  the  coast,  and  the  former  higher  up 
in  the  mountains,  and  sometimes  termed  Cohuaixtla- 
huacan.  The  Zapotecs  in  eastern  Oajaca,  when  first 
definitely  known  to  history,  liad  extended  their  jiower 
over  nearly  all  the  tribes  of  Tehuantepec,  besides  en- 
croaching somewhat  on  the  Miztec  boundaries.  The 
Miztecs,  notwithstandinof  the  foreign  aid  of  Tlascaltecs 


1 - 


i? 


no 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


and  other  eastern  foes  of  the  Aztec  king,  were  first 
defeated  by  the  allied  forces  of  Andhuac  about  1458; 
and  from  that  date  the  conquerors  succeeded  in  hold- 
ing their  stronger  towns  and  more  commanding  posi- 
tions down  to  the  conquest,  thus  enforcing  the  pay- 
ment of  tribute  and  controlling  the  commerce  of  the 
southern  coast,  which  was  their  primary  object.     Te- 
huantepec  and  Soconusco  yielded  some  years  after  to 
the  conquering  Axayacatl,  and  Zapotecapan  still  later 
to  his  successor  Ahuitzotl;  but  in  the  closing  years 
of  the  fifteenth  century  the  Zapotecs  recovered  their 
country  with  Tehuantepec,  leaving  Socunusco,  how- 
ever, permanently  in  Aztec  possession. '   The  history 
of  the  two  nations  takes  us  no  farther  back  than  the 
fourteenth  century,  when  they  first  came  into  contact 
with  the  peoples  of  Anilhuac;  it  gives  a  record  of  their 
rulers  and  their  deeds  of  valor  in  wars  waged  against 
each  other,  against  the  neighboring  tribes,  and  agamst 
the  Mexicans.     Prior  to  that  time  we  have  a  few  tra- 
ditions of  the  vaguest  character  preserved  by  Burgoa, 
the  historian  of  Oajaca.     These  picture  both  Miztecs 
and  Zapotecs  as  originally  wild,  but  civilized  by  the 
influence  of  teachers,  priests,  or  beings  of  supernatural 
powers,  who  came  among  them,  one  from  tiie  south, 
and  others  from  the  direction  of  Andhuac.     Their  civ- 
ilization, however  received,  was  surely  Nahua,  as  is 
shown  by  the  resemblances  which  their  institutions, 
and  particularly  their  religious  rites,  bear  to  those  of 
the  Aztecs.     Being  of  the  Nahua  type,  its  origin  has 
of  course  been  referred  to  that  inexhaustible  source, 
the  dispersion  of  the  Toltecs,  or  to  proselyting  teach- 
ers sent  southward  by  that  wonderful  people.     Indeed, 
the  Miztec  and  Zapotec  royal  families  claimed  a  direct 
Toltec  descent.     It  is  very  probable,  however,  that 
the  Nahua  element  here  was  at  least  contemporaneous 
in  its  introduction  with  the  same  element  known  as 
Toltec  in  Andhuac,  rather  than  implanted  in  Oajaca 
by  missionaries,  voluntaiy  or  involuntary,  from  Tol- 
lan.     I  have  already  remarked  that  the  presence  of 


NATIONS  OF  TEHUANTEPEC. 


Ill 


leir  civ- 


Nahua  institutions  in  different  regions  is  too  often 
attributed  to  the  Toltec  exiles,  and  too  seldom  to 
historical  eve  i its  preceding  the  sixth  century.  The 
(Jajacan  coast  region  or  tierra  caliente,  if  we  may 
credit  the  result  of  researches  by  the  Abbd  Brasseur 
de  Bourbourg,  was  sometimes  known  as  Andhuac  Ay- 
otlan,  as  the  opposite  coast  of  Tabasco  was  called 
Andhuac  Xicalanco.  Both  these  Andhuacs  were  in- 
habited by  enterprising  commercial  peoi)le8,  whose 
flourishing  centres  of  trade  were  located  at  short  in- 
tervals along  the  coast.  Material  relics  of  past  excel- 
lence in  architecture  and  other  arts  of  civilization 
abound  in  Oajaca,  chief  among  which  stand  the  re- 
markable structures  at  Mitla. 

Although  Tehuantepec  in  the  later  aboriginal  times 
was  subject  to  the  kings  of  Zapotecapan,  yet  within 
its  limits,  besides  the  Chontales, — a  name  resembling 
in  its  uncertainty  of  application  that  of  Chichimecs 
farther  north, — were  the  remnants  of  two  old  nations 
that  still  preserved  their  independence.  These  were 
the  Mijes,  living  chiefly  by  the  chase  in  the  mountain 
fastnesses  of  the  north,  and  thfe  Huaves,  who  held  a 
small  territory  on  the  coast  and  islands  of  the  lagoons 
just  east  of  the  city  of  Tehuantepec.  The  Mijes,  so 
far  as  the  vague  traditions  of  the  country  reveal  any- 
thing of  their  past,  were  once  the  possessors  of  Zapo- 
tecapan and  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  antedating  the 
Zapotecs  and  perhaps  the  Nahua  culture  in  this  region, 
being  affiliated,  as  some  believe,  in  institutions  and 
possibly  in  language,  with  the  Maya  element  of  Cen- 
tral America.  While  this  connection  must  be  regarded 
as  somewhat  conjectural,  we  may  nevertheless  accept 
as  probably  authentic  the  antiquity,  civilization,  and 
power  of  this  brave  people.  The  Huaves  were  tradi- 
tionally of  southern  origin,  having  come  to  Tehuante- 
pec by  sea  from  Nicaragua  or  a  point  still  farther  south. 
In  navigation  and  in  commerce  they  were  enterpris- 
ing, as  were  indeed  all  the  tribes  of  this  southern-coast 
Andhuac,  and  they  took  gradually  from  the  Mijes, 


112 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


: 
! 


whom  they  found  in  possession,  a  large  extent  of  terri- 
tory, which  as  we  have  seen  they  were  finally  forced 
to  yield  up  to  their  Zapotec  conquerors. 

Crossin«(  now  to  the  Atlantic  or  Gulf  shores  we  have 
from  the  past  nothinj^  but  a  confused  account  of  Ul- 
mecs,  Xicalancas,  and  Nonohualcas,  who  may  have 
l)een  distinct  peoples,  or  the  same  people  under  differ- 
ent names  at  different  ei)ochs,  and  who  at  some  time 
inhabited  the  lowlands  of  Tehuantepec  and  Vera  Cruz, 
as  well  us  those  of  Tabasco  farther  south.  At  tlie 
time  of  the  conquest  we  know  that  this  region  was 
thickly  inhabited  by  a  peoj)le  scarcely  less  advanced 
than  those  of  Andhuac,  and  dotted  with  flourishing 
towns  devoted  to  commerce.  But  neither  in  the  six- 
teenth nor  innnediately  preceding  centuries  cun  any 
one  civilized  nation  be  definitely  named  as  occupy- 
ing this  Aniihuac  Xicalanco.  We  know,  however,  that 
this  c(jimtry  north  of  the  Goazacoalco  River  formed  a 
portion  of  the  Aztec  empire,  and  that  its  inhabitants 
spoke  for  the  most  part  the  Aztec  tongue.  These 
provinces,  known  as  Cuetlachtlan  and  Goazacoalco, 
were  conquered,  chiefly  with  a  view  to  the  extension 
of  the  Aztec  commerce,  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the 
flfteenth  century,  notwithstanding  the  assistance  ren- 
dered by  the  armies  of  Tlascala. 

The  plateau  east  of  Aniihuac  sometimes  known  as 
Huitzilapan  was  found  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  independent  republics,  or  cities,  of  Tlas- 
cala, Huexotzinco,  and  Cholula.  The  people  who 
occupied  this  part  of  the  table-land  were  the  Teo-Chi- 
ehimecs,  of  the  same  language  and  of  the  same  tradi- 
tional north-western  origin  as  the  Aztecs,  whom  they 
preceded  in  Andhuac.  Late  in  the  thirteenth  century 
they  left  the  valley  of  Mexico,  and  in  several  detach- 
ments established  themselves  on  the  eastern  plateau, 
where  they  successfully  maintained  their  independence 
of  all  foreign  powers.  As  allies  of  the  Chichimec 
king  of  Tezcuco  they  aided  in  overturning  the  Tepanec 
tymnt  of  Azcapuzalco;  but  after  the  subsequent  dan- 


THE  TLASCALTECS. 


113 


lown  as 


jrerous  development  of  Aztec  ambition,  the  Tlascaltec 
armies  aided  in  nearly  every  attempt  of  other  nations 
to  arrest  the  j)rogreH8  of  the  Mexicans  toward  uni- 
versal don'iinion.  Their  assistance,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  unavailing  except  in  the  iinal  successful  alliance 
with  the  forces  of  Cortes;  for,  althoufi^h  secure  in  their 
small  domain  ai^ainst  foreij^n  invasion,  their  armies 
were  often  defeated  abroad.  Tlascala  has  retained 
very  nearly  its  ori<i^inal  Iwunds,  and  the  details  of  its 
history  from  the  foundation  of  the  city  are,  by  the 
writings  of  the  native  historian  Camarcco,  more  fully 
known  tlian  those  of  most  other  nations  outside  of 
Anjlhuac.  This  author,  however,  gives  us  the  annals 
of  his  own  and  the  surrounding  peoples  from  a  Tlas- 
caltec stand-point  only.  Before  the  Teo-Chichimec 
invasion  of  Huitzilapan,  Cholula  had  already  acquired 
great  prominence  as  a  Toltec  city,  and  as  the  residence 
of  the  great  Naliua  apostle  Quetzalcoatl,  of  which  era, 
or  a  preceding  one,  the  famous  pyramid  remains  as  a 
memento.  Outside  of  Cholula,  however,  the  ancient 
histor}'^  of  this  region  presents  but  a  blank  page,  or  one 
vaguely  filled  with  tales  of  giants,  its  first  reputed  in- 
habitants, and  of  the  mysterious  Olmecs,  from  some 
remaining  fragments  of  which  people  the  Tlascaltecs 
are  said  to  have  won  their  new  homes.  These  Olmecs 
seem  to  have  been  a  very  ancient  people  who  occupied 
the  whole  eastern  region,  bordering  on  or  mixed  with 
the  Xicalancas  in  the  south;  or  rather  the  name  Olmec 
seems  to  have  been  the  designation  of  a  ])hase  or  era 
of  the  Nahua  civilization  preceding  that  known  as 
the  Toltec.  It  is  impossible  to  detennine  accurately 
whether  the  Xicalancas  should  be  classed  with  the 
Nahua  or  Maya  element,  although  probably  with  the 
former. 

The  coast  region  east  of  Tlascala,  comprising  the 
northern  half  of  the  state  of  Vera  Cruz,  was  the  home 
of  the  Totonacs,  whose  capital  was  the  famous  Cem- 
poala,  and  who  were  conquered  by  the  Aztecs  at  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century.     They  were  probably 


Vol.  II.    8 


114 


GENKItAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  Nv^TIONS. 


one  of  the  ancient  pre-Toltec  peoples  like  the  Otomfs 
and  Olmecs,  and  they  claimed  to  have  occupied  in 
former  times  Andliuac  and  the  adjoinintr  territory, 
where  they  erected  the  pyramids  of  the  8un  and  moon 
at  Teotihuacan.  Their  inHtitutioim  when  first  observed 
by  Europeans  seem  to  have  been  essentially  Nahua, 
and  the  abundant  architectural  remains  found  in  To- 
tonac  territory,  as  at  Papantla,  Misantla,  and  Tusapan, 
show  no  well-defined  difterences  from  Aztec  construc- 
tions proper.  Whether  this  Nahua  culture  was  that 
orii^inally  possessed  by  them  or  was  introduced  at  a 
comparatively  late  period  throuj^h  the  intiuence  of  the 
Teo-Chichimecs,  with  whom  they  became  largely  con- 
solidated, is  uncertain.  The  Totonac  languajje  is, 
however,  distinct  from  the  Aztec,  and  is  thought  to 
have  some  affinity  with  the  Maya. 

North  of  the  Totonacs  on  the  gulf  coast,  in  the 
present  state  of  Tamaulipas,  lived  the  Huastecs,  con- 
cerning whose  early  history  nothing  whatever  is 
known.  Their  language  is  allied  to  the  IVIaya  dia- 
lects. They  were  a  brave  peoj)le,  looked  upon  by  the 
Mexicans  as  semi-barbarous,  but  were  defeated  and 
forced  to  pay  tribute  by  the  king  of  Tezcuco  in  the 
middle  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

The  difficulties  experienced  in  rendering  to  any  de- 
gree satisfactory  a  general  view  of  the  northern  na- 
tions, are  very  greatly  augmented  now  that  I  come  to 
treat  of  the  Central  American  tribes.  The  causes  of 
this  increased  difficulty  are  many.*  I  have  air  ady 
noticed  the  prominence  of  the  Aztecs  in  most  th-it  has 
been  recorded  of  American  civilization.  During  the 
conquest  of  the  central  portions  of  the  continent  fol- 
lowing that  of  Mexico,  the  Spaniards  found  an  ad- 
vanced culture,  great  cities,  magnificent  temples,  a 
complicated  system  of  religious  and  political  institu- 
tions; but  all  these  had  been  met  before  in  the  north, 
and  consequently  mere  mention  in  general  terms  of 
these  later  wonders  was  deemed  sufficient  by  the  con- 


NATIONS  OF  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 


11& 


querora,  who  were  a  class  of  men  not  disposed  to  make 
niinutu  obsorvations  or  Coinparisuns  respeetinjf  what 
Hconiod  to  them  unimportant  details.  Ah  to  the 
priests,  their  duty  was  cleivrly  to  destroy  rather  than 
to  closely  investiy-ate  these  institutions  of  the  devil. 
And  in  the  years  foUowiui,'  the  conquest,  the  associa- 
tion between  the  natives  and  the  conquerors  was  much 
less  intimate  than  in  Anilhuac.  These  nations  in  many 
instances  fought  until  'nearly  annihilated,  or  after  do- 
feat  retired  in  national  frajjments  to  the  inaccessible 
fastnesses  of  the  cordillera,  retaining  for  several  gen- 
erations— some  of  them  permanently — their  independ- 
ence, and  affording  the  Spaniards  little  opportunity  of 
becoming  acquainted  with  their  aboriginal  institutions. 
In  the  south,  as  in  Anilhuac,  native  Hvriters,  after  their 
language  had  been  fitted  to  the  Spanish  alphabet, 
wrote  more  or  less  fully  of  their  national  history;  but 
all  such  writinjjs  whose  existence  is  known  are  in  the 
possession  of  one  or  two  individuals,  and,  excepting 
the  Po})ol  Vuh  translated  by  Ximenes  as  well  as 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  and  the  Perez  Maya  manu- 
script, their  contents  are  only  vaguely  known  to  the 
public  through  the  writings  of  their  owners.  Another 
difficulty  respecting  these  writings  is  that  their  de- 
pendence on  any  original  authority  more  trustworthy 
than  that  of  orally  transmitted  traditions,  is  at  least 
doubtful.  The  key  to  the  hieroglyphics  engraved  on 
the  stones  of  Palenque  and  Copan,  and  painted  on  the 
pages  of  the  very  few  ancient  manuscripts  preserved, 
is  now  practically  lost;  that  it  was  possessed  by  the 
writers  referred  to  is,  although  not  impossible,  still  far 
from  proven.  Again,  chronology,  so  complicated  and 
uncertain  in  the  atmals  of  Andhuac,  is  here,  through 
the  absence  of  legible  written  records,  almost  entirely 
wanting,  so  that  it  is  in  many  cases  absolutely  imi)os- 
sible  to  fix  even  an  approximate  date  for  historical 
events  of  great  importance.  The  attempts  of  authors 
to  attach  some  of  these  events,  without  sufficient  data. 


116 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


i 
[ 


11 


t- 

■■;  ' 

i 


to  tliC  Nn'uia  chronology,  have  done  much  to  compli- 
cate the  matter  still  further. 

Tlie  only  author  who  has  attempted  to  treat  of  the 
subject  of  Central  American  civilization  and  antiquity 
com[)rehensively  as  a  whole  is  the  Abbe  Brasseur  do 
Bourbourg.  The  learned  ahh6,  liowever,  with  all  his 
research  and  undoubted  knowledge  of  the  subject,  and 
with  his  well-known  enthusiasm  and  tact  in  antiquari- 
an engineering,  by  wliich  he  is  wont  to  level  difficul- 
ties, a[)parently  insurmountable,  to  a  grade  which  offers 
no  obstruction  to  his  theoretical  construction-trains, 
has  been  forced  to  acknowledge  nt  many  points  liis 
inability  to  construct  a  perfect  whole  from  data  so 
mea<rre  and  conflicting.  Such  being  the  case,  the  fu- 
tility  nuist  be  apparent  of  attempting  here  any  outline 
of  history  v/hich  may  throw  light  on  the  institutions 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  I  must  be  content,  for  the 
purposes  of  this  cha})ter,  with  a  mention  of  the  civil- 
ized nations  found  in  ])ossession  of  the  country,  and  a 
brief  statement  of  such  prominent  points  in  their  past 
as  seem  well-authenticated  and  important. 

Closely  enveloped  in  the  dense  forests  of  Chiapas, 
Guatemala,  Yucatan,  and  Honduras,  the  ruins  of  sev- 
eral ancient  cities  have  been  discovered,  which  are  far 
superior  in  extent  and  magniticence  to  any  seen  in  Aztec 
territory,  and  of  which  a  detailed  descri[)tion  may  be 
found  in  the  fourth  volume  of  this  work.  Most  of  these 
cities  were  abandoned  and  more  or  less  unknown  at  the 
time  of  the  concjuest.  They  bear  hieroglyphic  inscrip- 
tions apparently  identical  in  character;  in  other  respects 
they  resemble  each  other  more  than  they  resemble  the 
Aztec  ruins— or  even  other  and  apparently  later  works 
in  Guatemala  and  Honduras.  All  these  remains  bear 
evident  marks  of  great  antiquity.  Their  existence 
and  similarity,  in  the  absence  of  any  evidence  to  the 
contrary,  would  indicate  the  occupation  of  the  whole 
country  at  some  remote  [)eriod  by  nations  far  advanced 
in  civilization,  and  closely  allied  in  manners  and  cus- 
toms, if  not  in  blood  and  language.     Furthermore,  the 


THE  ANCIENT  MAYA  EMPIRE. 


117 


traditions  of  several  of  the  most  advanced  nations 
point  to  a  wide-spread  civilization  introduced  among  a 
numerous  and  powerful  people  by  Votan  and  Zamnd, 
who,  or  their  successors,  built  the  cities  referred  to, 
and  founded  great  allied  empires  in  Chiapas,  Yucatan 
and  Guatemala;  and  moreover,  the  tradition  is  con- 
firmed by  the  imiversality  of  one  family  of  languages 
or  dialects  spoken  among  the  civilized  nations,  and 
among  their  descendants  to  this  day.  I  deem  the 
grounds  sufficient,  therefore,  for  accepting  this  Central 
American  civilization  of  the  past  as  a  fact,  referring 
it  not  to  an  extinct  ancient  race,  but  to  the  direct  an- 
cestors of  the  peoj)les  still  occupying  the  country  with 
the  Spaniards,  and  applying  to  it  the  name  Maya  as 
that  of  the  lansruaije  which  has  claims  as  strong  as 
any  to  be  considered  the  mother  tongue  of  the  hn- 
guistic  family  mentioned.  As  I  have  said  before,  the 
phenomena  of  civilization  in  North  America  may  be 
accounted  for  witli  tolerable  consistency  by  the  friction 
and  mixture  of  this  Maya  culture  and  people  with  the 
Nahua  element  of  the  north;  while  that  either,  by 
migrations  northward  or  southward,  can  have  been 
the  parent  of  the  other  within  the  traditionally  his- 
toric past,  I  regard  as  extremely  improbable.  That 
the  two  elements  were  identical  in  their  origin  and 
early  development  is  by  no  means  impossible;  all  that 
we  can  safely  presume  is  that  within  historic  times 
they  have  been  practically  distinct  in  th*  ir  workings. 
There  are  also  some  rather  vajjue  trad!Lit)ns  of  the 
first  appearance  of  the  Nahua  civiliz;itit)ii  in  the  re- 
gions of  Tabasco  and  Chiapas,  of  its  growth,  the  grad- 
ual establishment  of  a  power  rivalling  that  of  the 
po(>ple  I  call  Mayas,  and  of  a  struggle  by  whicli  the 
Naluias  were  scattered  in  ditterent  directions,  chielly 
northward,  to  rea})pear  ]n  history  some  centuries  later 
as  the  Toltecs  of  A*  -i  uac.  While  the  ])ositive  evi- 
dence in  favor  of  this  migration  from  the  south  is  very 
meagre,  it  must  be  admitted  that  a  southern  origin  of 
the  Nahua  culture  is  far  more  consistent  with  fact  and 


118 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


tradition  than  was  the  north-western  origin,  so  lo*^^ 
implicitly  accepted.  There  aie  no  data  by  which  to 
fix  the  period  of  the  original  Maya  empire,  or  its 
downfall  or  breaking-up  into  rival  factions  by  civil 
and  foreign  wars.  The  cities  of  Yucatan,  as  is  clearly 
shown  by  Mr  Stephens,  were,  many  of  them,  occupied 
by  the  descendants  of  the  builders  down  to  the  con- 
quest, and  contain  some  remnants  of  wood-work  still 
in  good  preservation,  although  some  of  the  structures 
appear  to  be  built  on  the  ruins  of  others  of  a  some- 
what different  type.  Palenque  and  Copan,  on  tlie 
contrary,  have  no  traces  of  wood  or  other  perishable 
material,  and  were  uninhabited  and  probably  unknown 
in  the  sixteenth  century.  The  loss  of  the  key  to  what 
must  have  been  an  advanced  system  of  hieroglyi)hics, 
while  the  spoken  language  survived,  is  also  an  indica- 
tion of  great  anticjuity,  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  the 
Quichd  structures  of  Guatemala  differed  materially 
from  those  of  the  inore  ancient  epoch.  It  is  not  likely 
that  the  Maya  empire  in  its  integrity  continued  later 
than  the  third  or  fourth  centurv,  although  its  cities 
may  have  been  inhabited  much  later,  and  I  should  fix 
the  epoch  of  its  highest  i)ower  at  a  date  preceding 
rather  than  following  the  Christian  era.  A  Maya 
manuscript  fixes  the  date  of  the  first  appearance  in 
Yucatan  of  the  Tutul  Xius  at  171  a.  d.  The  Abbd 
Brasseur  therefore  makes  this  the  date  of  the  Nahua 
dispersion,  believing,  on  apparently  very  slight  found- 
ation, the  Tutul  Xius  to  be  one  of  the  Nahua  frag- 
ments. With  the  breaking-up  of  this  empire  into 
separate  nations  at  an  unknown  date,  the  ancient  his- 
tory of  Central  America  as  a  whole  ceases,  and  down 
to  a  period  closely  preceding  the  con<juest  we  have 
oidy  ati  occasional  event  preserved  in  the  traditions  of 
two  o^  three  nations. 

Yucatan  was  occupied  in  the  sixteeiith  century  by 
the  Mayas  proper,  all  speaking  the  same  language, 
and  living  under  practically  the  same  institutions,  re- 
ligious and  political.     The  chief  divisions  were  the 


MAYA  NATIONS  OF  YUCATAN. 


119 


Cocomes,  Tutul  Xius,  Itzas,  and  Cheles,  which  seem 
to  have  been  originally  the  designations  of  royal  or 
priestly  families,  rather  than  tribal  names  proper  of 
the  peoples  over  whom  they  held  sway.  Each  of 
these  had  their  origin-traditions  of  immigrating  tribes 
r.  teachers  who  came  in  the  distant  past  to  seek  new 
homes,  escape  persecution,  or  introduce  new  religious 
ideas,  in  the  fertile  Maya  plains.  Some  of  these 
stranger  apostles  of  new  creeds  are  identified  by  au- 
thors with  Toltec  missionaries  or  exiles  from  Anilhuac. 
The  evidence  in  favor  of  this  identity  in  any  particular 
case  is  of  course  unsatisfactory,  but  that  it  was  well- 
four  .lo.  I  i.i  some  cases  is  both  probable,— connnercial 
iiilo  •('  Ki.  having  undoubtedly  made  the  two  peoples 
miuuilly  f.cquainted  with  each  other, — and  is  sup- 
ported by  the  presence  of  Nahua  names  of  rulers  and 
priests,  and  of  Nahua  elements  in  the  Yucatec  religion, 
the  same  remark  applying  to  all  Central  America.  The 
ancient  history  of  Yucatan  is  an  account  of  the  strug- 
gles, alliances,  and  successive  domination  of  the  fac- 
tions mentioned.  To  enumerate  here,  in  outline  even, 
these  successive  changes  so  vaguely  and  confusedly  re- 
corded would  be  useless,  especially  as  their  institutions, 
so  far  as  can  be  known,  were  but  sliglitly  affected  by 
political  changes  .vmong  people  of  the  same  blood, 
language,  and  rel'-jjion. 

The  Cocomes  vert  traditionally  the  original  Maya 
rulers  of  the  laud,  ra'  i  the  Tutul  Xius  first  came  into 
notice  in  the  &  ci.;»j  (  viury,  the  Itzas  and  Cheles  ap- 
pearing at  a  luitcOi  i  ter  late.  One  of  the  most  pros- 
perous errts  in  the  iult  history  of  the  peninsula  of 
Yucatan  is  represented  to  have  followed  the  appear- 
ance of  Cuculcan,  a  mysterious  stranger  corresponding 
closely  in  his  teachings,  as  in  the  etymology  of  his 
name,  with  the  Toltec  Quetzalcoatl.  He  liecame  the 
head  of  the  Cocome  dynasty  at  Mayapan,  and  ruled 
the  country  o*  did  his  successors  after  him  in  alliance 
with  the  Ti'ir  Xius  at  Uxmal,  the  Itzas  at  Chichen 
Itza,  and  the  (  i"  '-  ^  at  1  zamal.     But  later  the  Cocomes 


190 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


!i  ''3i 


!i  1: 


were  overthrown,  and  Mayapan  destroyed  by  a  revo- 
lution of  the  alUes.  The  Tutul  Xius  now  became  the 
leading  power,  a  position  which  they  held  down  to 
the  time,  not  long  before  the  conquest,  when  tlie  coun- 
try was  divided  by  war  and  civil  dissensions  into  nu- 
merous petty  domains,  each  ruled  by  i^,^  "hief  and 
independent  of  the  rest,  all  in  a  weak  and  exhausted 
condition  coujpared  with  their  former  state,  and  un- 
able to  resist  by  united  effort  the  progress  of  the 
Spanish  invaders  whom  individually  they  fought  most 
bravely.  Three  other  comp  iTtively  recent  events 
of  some  importance  in  Yucat(  •  )ry  may  be  no- 

ticed. The  Cocomes  in  the  stru^  .  preceding  their 
fall  called  in  the  aid  of  a  large  force  of  Xicalancas, 
probably  a  Nahua  i)eo})lo,  from  the  Tabascan  coast 
region,  who  after  their  defeat  were  permitted  by  the 
conquerors  to  settle  in  the  country.  A  successful  raid 
by  some  foreign  people,  supposed  with  some  reason  to 
be  the  Quiches  from  Guatemala,  is  reported  to  have 
been  made  against  the  Mayas  with,  however,  no  im- 
portant permanent  results.  Finally  a  portion  of  the 
Itzas  miufrated  southward  and  settled  in  thd  reiLfion  of 
Lake  Peten,  establishing  their  capital  city  on  an  island 
in  the  lake.  Here  they  were  found,  a  powerful  and 
advanced  nation,  by  Hernan  Cortes  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  and  traces  of  their  cities  still  remain,  although 
it  must  be  noted  that  another  and  older  class  of  ruins 
are  found  in  the  same  region,  dating  back  perhaps  to 
a  time  when  the  glory  of  the  Maya  empire  had  not 
wholly  departed. 

Chiapas,  politically  a  part  of  the  Mexican  Republic, 
but  belonging  geographically  to  Central  America,  was 
occupied  by  the  Chiapanecs,  Tzendales,  and  Quelenes. 
The  Tzendales  lived  in  the  region  about  Palen(jue,  and 
were  presumably  the  direct  descendants  of  its  builders, 
their  language  having  nearly  an  equal  claim  with  the 
Maya  to  be  considered  the  mother  tongue.  The  Chi- 
apanecs of  the  interior  were  a  warlike  tribe,  and  had 
before   the  coming  of  the  Spaniards  conquered  the 


CHIAPAS  AND  GUATEMALA. 


121 


•ublic, 


other  nations,  forcing  them  to  pay  tribute,  and  suc- 
cessfully resisting  the  attacks  of  the  Aztec  allies. 
They  also  are  a  very  old  people,  having  been  referred 
even  to  the  tribes  that  preceded  the  establishment  of 
Votan'si  empire.  Statements  concerning  their  history 
are  immorous  juid  irreconcilable;  they  have  some  tra- 
ditions of  having  como  from  the  south;  their  linguistic 
affinity  with  the  Mayas  is  at  least  very  slight.  The 
Quelenes  or  Zotziles,  whose  past  is  equally  mysterious, 
inhabited  the  southern  or  Guatemalan  frontier. 

Guatemala  and  northern  Honduras  were  found  in 
possession  of  the  Mames  in  the  north-west,  the  Poco- 
niams  in  the  south-east,  the  Quiches  in  the  interior, 
and  the  Cakchiquels  in  the  south.  The  two  latter 
were  the  most  powerful  and  ruled  the  country  from 
their  ca})itals  of  Utatlan  and  Patinamit,  where  they  re- 
sisted the  Spaniards  almost  to  the  point  of  annihila- 
tion, retiring  for  the  most  part  after  defeat  to  live  by 
the  chase  in  the  distant  mountain  gorges.  Guatema- 
lan history  from  the  Votan  empire  down  to  an  indefi- 
nite date  not  many  centuries  before  the  conquest  is  a 
blank.  It  recommences  with  the  first  traditions  of 
the  nations  just  mentioned.  Tiiese  traditions,  as  in 
the  case  of  every  American  people,  begin  with  the 
immigration  of  foreign  tribes  into  the  country  as  the 
first  in  tlic  series  of  events  leading  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Quiche-Cakchiquel  empire.  Assuming 
the  Toltec  dispersion  from  Antihuac  in  the  eleventh 
century  as  a  well-authenticated  fact,  most  writers 
have  identified  tlie  Guatemalan  nations,  except  per- 
haps tlie  Mames  by  some  considered  the  descendants 
of  the  original  inhabitants,  with  the  migrating  Toltecs 
who  lied  southward  to  fi)und  a  new  empire.  I  have 
already  made  known  my  scepticism  resjjecting  national 
American  migrations  in  general,  and  the  Toltec  migra- 
tion southward  in  particular,  and  there  is  nothing  in 
the  annals  of  Guaten»ala  to  modify  the  views  previ- 
ously expressed.  The  Quiche  traditions  are  vague  and 
without   chronologic  order,  nmch   less  definite  than 


122 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


those  relating  to  the  mythical  ^ztec  wanderings. 
The  sum  and  substance  of  the  Quicho  and  Toltec 
identity  is  the  traditional  statement  that  the  former 
people  entered  Guatemala  at  an  unknown  period  in 
the  past,  while  the  latter  left  Andhuac  in  the  elev- 
enth century.  That  the  Toltecs  should  have  mi- 
grated en  masse  southward,  taken  possession  of  Gua- 
temala, established  a  mighty  empire,  and  yet  have 
abandoned  their  language  for  dialects  of  the  origi- 
nal Maya  tongue  is  in  the  highest  degree  improb- 
able. It  is  safer  to  suppose  that  the  mass  of  the 
Quichds  and  other  nations  of  Guatemala,  Chiapas, 
and  Honduras,  were  descended  directly  from  the 
Maya  builders  of  Palenque,  and  from  contemporary- 
peoples.  Yet  the  differences  between  the  Quiche- 
Cakchiquel  structures,  and  the  older  architectural  re- 
mains of  the  Maya  empire  indicate  a  new  era  of  Maya 
culture,  originated  not  unlikely  by  the  introduction  of 
foreign  elements.  Moreover,  the  apparent  identity  in 
name  and  teachings  between  the  early  civilizers  of  the 
Quiche  tradition  and  the  Nahua  followers  of  Quetzal- 
coatl,  together  with  reported  resemblances  between 
actual  Quichd  and  Aztec  institutions  as  observed  by 
Europeans,  indicate  farther  that  the  new  element  was 
engrafted  on  Maya  civilization  by  contact  with  the 
Nahuas,  a  contact  of  which  the  presence  of  the  exiled 
Toltec  nobility  may  have  been  a  prominent  feature. 
After  the  overthrow  of  the  original  empire  we  may 
suppose  the  people  to  have  been  subdivided  during  the 
course  of  centuries  by  civil  wars  and  sectarian  strug- 
gles into  petty  states,  the  glory  of  their  former  great- 
ness vanished  and  partially  forgotten,  the  spirit  of 
progress  dormant,  to  be  roused  again  by  the  presence 
of  the  Nahua  chiefs.  These  gathered  and  infused  new 
life  into  the  scattered  remnants;  they  introduced  some 
new  institutions,  and  thus  aided  the  ancient  people  to 
rebuild  their  empire  on  the  old  foundations,  retaining 
the  dialects  of  the  original  language. 

In  addition  to  the  peoples  thus  far  mentioned,  there 


NICAEAGUANS  AND  PIPILES. 


123 


were  undoubtedly  in  Nicaragua,  and  probably  in  Sal- 
vador, nations  of  nearly  pure  Aztec  blood  and  language. 
The  former  are  known  among  different  authors  as  Nic- 
araguans,  Niquirans,  or  Cholutecs,  and  they  occupied 
the  coast  between  lake  Nicaragua  and  the  ocean,  with 
the  lake  islands.  Their  institutions,  political  and  re- 
ligious, were  nearly  the  same  as  those  of  the  Aztecs 
of  Aniihuac,  and  they  have  left  abundant  relics  in  the 
form  of  idols  and  sepulchral  deposits,  but  no  archi- 
tectural remains.  These  relics  are  moreover  hardly 
less  abundant  in  the  territory  of  the  adjoining  tribes, 
nor  do  they  differ  essentially  in  their  nature;  hence  we 
must  conclude  that  some  other  Nicaraguan  peoples, 
either  by  Aztec  or  other  influence,  were  considerably 
advanced  in  civilization.  The  Nahua  tribes  of  Salva- 
dor, the  ancient  Cuscatlan,  were  known  as  Pipiles,  and 
their  culture  appears,  not  to  have  been  of  a  high  order. 
Both  of  these  nations  probably  owe  their  existence  to 
a  colony  sent  southward  from  Anahuac;  but  whether 
in  Aztec  or  pre- Aztec  times,  the  native  traditions,  like 
their  interpretation  by  writers  on  the  subject,  are  in- 
extricably confused  and  at  variance.  For  further  de- 
tails on  the  location  of  Central  American  nations  I 
refer  to  the  statement  of  tribal  boundaries  at  the  end 
of  Chapter  VII.,  Volume  I.,  of  this  work. 

I  here  close  this  general  view  of  the  subject,  and  if 
it  is  in  some  respects  unsatisfactory,  I  cannot  believu 
that  a  different  method  of  treatment  would  have  ren- 
dered it  less  so.  To  have  gone  more  into  detail  would 
have  tended  to  confuse  rather  than  elucidate  the  mat- 
ter in  the  reader's  mind,  unless  with  the  sup})ort  of 
extensive  quotations  from  ever-conflicting  authorities, 
which  would  have  swollen  this  general  view  from  a 
chapter  to  a  volume.  As  far  as  antiquity  is  concerned, 
the  most  intricate  element  of  the  subject,  1  shall  at- 
tempt to  present — if  I  cannot  reconcile — all  the  im- 
portant variations  of  opinion  in  another  division  of 
this  work. 


124 


GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


In  the  treatment  of  my  subject,  truth  and  ac- 
curacy are  tlie  principal  aim,  and  these  are  never 
sacrificed  to  graphic  style  or  glowing  diction.  As 
much  of  interest  is  thrown  into  the  recital  as  the  au- 
thorities justify,  and  no  more.  Often  may  be  seen  the 
more  striking  characteristics  of  these  nations  dashed 
off  with  a  skill  and  brilliance  equaled  only  by  their 
distance  from  the  facts;  disputed  jioints  and  unplcas- 
ing  traits  glossed  over  or  thrown  aside  whenever  they 
interfere  with  style  and  effect.  It  is  my  sincere  de- 
sire, above  all  others,  to  present  these  people  as  they 
were,  not  to  make  them  as  I  would  have  them,  nor  to 
romance  at  the  expense  of  truth:  nevertheless,  it  is 
to  be  hoped  that  in  the  truth  enough  of  interest  will 
remain  to  command  the  attention  of  the  reader.  My 
treatment  of  the  subject  is  essentially  as  follows:  The 
civilized  peoples  of  North  America  naturally  group 
themselves  in  two  great  divisions,  which  for  conveni- 
ence may  be  called  the  Nahuas  and  the  Mayas  re- 
spectively; the  first  representing  the  Aztec  civilization 
of  Mexico,  and  the  second  the  Maya-Quiche  civiliza- 
tion of  Central  America.  In  describing  their  man- 
ners and  customs,  five  large  divisions  may  be  made 
of  each  group.  The  first  may  be  said  to  include  the 
systems  of  government,  the  order  of  succession,  the 
ceremonies  of  election,  coronation,  and  anointment, 
the  magnificence,  power,  and  manner  of  life  of  their 
kings;  court  forms  and  observances;  the  royal  pal- 
aces and  gardens.  The  second  comprises  the  social 
system;  the  classes  of  nobles,  gentry,  plebeians  and 
slaves;  taxation,  tenure,  and  distribution  of  lands; 
vassalage  and  feudal  service;  the  inner  life  of  the 
people;  their  family  and  private  relations,  such  as 
marriage,  divorce,  and  education  of  youth;  other 
matters,  such  as  their  dress,  food,  games,  feasts  and 
dances,  knowledge  of  medicine,  and  manner  of  burial. 
The  third  division  includes  their  system  of  war,  their 
relations  with  foreign  powers,  their  warriors  and  orders 
of  knighthood,  their  treatment  of  prisoners  of  war  and 


ETYMOLOGY  OF  NAMES. 


125 


their  weapons.  The  fourth  division  embraces  their 
system  of  trade  and  commerce,  the  community  of 
merchants,  their  sciences,  arts,  and  manufactures. 
The  fifth  and  Ipst  considers  their  judiciary,  law- 
courts,  and  legal  officials.  I  append  as  more  appro- 
priately placed  here  than  elsewhere,  a  note  on  the 
etymological  meaning  and  derivation,  so  far  as  known, 
of  the  names  of  the  Civilized  Nations. 


ETYMOLOGY  OF  NAMES. 

AcoLlllTAS; — Possibly  from  coloa,  'to  l)end,'  meaning  with  the  prefix 
all,  'wftter-colhuas,'  or  'people  at  the  bend  of  the  water.'  Not  from  acolli, 
'shoulder,'  nor  from  colli,  'grandfather.'  Bmchmann,  Ortsiinmcii,  jip.  8.'>,  89. 
'Colon,  enconiar,  o  entortar  algo,  o  rodear  yendo  camino.'  'Acolli,  onibro.* 
'Culhnia,  lleuar  a  otro  por  rodeos  a  alguna  parte.'  Molina,  Vocubulnrio. 
Colli,  'grand-father,'  plural  rolhvan.  Colhvacan,  or  Culiacan,  may  then 
mean  'the  land  of  our  ancestors. '  Gallatin,  in  Amcr.  Ethno.  Soc,  Transact., 
vol.  i.,  pp.  204-5.  'El  nombre  de  aculhuas,  o  scguii  la  ortografia  nicxica- 
na,  aciilhuaquc,  en  plural,  y  no  acidlmacancs,  ni  aciilhtics.'  Dire.  Univ., 
toni.  i.,  p.  39.  'Col,  chose  courbe,  faisant  coloa,  colun,  ou  riilhiia,  noni  ap- 
plique plus  tard  dans  le  sens  d'ancfitre,  parce  que  du  Colhuacun  priniitif, 
des  ilcs  dc  la  Courbe,  vinrent  les  emigres  qui  civilisJjrent  les  habitants  de  la 
vullee  d'Anahuac'  Brasscur  tie  Bourboiirrf,  Qiiatrc  Lcttrcs,  p.  407.  'Col- 
hua,  ou  culhua,  ctiliia,  de  coltic,  chose  courbee.  De  la  1l  i.om  de  la  cite  de 
Collniacan,  qu'on  traduit  indiffercmment,  ville  dc  la  courbe,  dc  choscs 
recourses  (des  serpents),  et  aussi  des  aicux,  de  colfziii,  ai'eul.'  Id.,  Popol 
Vuh,  p.  xxix. 

Aztecs;— From  Aztlan,  the  name  of  their  ancient  home,  from  a  root 
Aztli,  which  is  lost.  It  has  no  connection  with  azcatl,  'ant,'  but  may  have 
sonic  reference  to  iztac,  'white.'  Buschmann,  Ortsnamcn,  pp.  5-6.  'De 
Aztlan  se  dcriva  el  iiacional  Aztccatl.'  Pimentcl,  Cnadro,  tom.  i.,  p.  158. 
'Az,  priniitif  tVazcatl,  fourmi,  est  le  mot  qui  designe,  a  la  fois,  d'une  nia- 
nifcie  gciidiale,  la  vapour,  le  gaz,  ou  toute  chose  legere,  comiiic  le  vent  ou 
la  pluie;  c'est  I'aile,  aztli  qui  designe  aussi  la  vapeuv,  c'est  le  hdron  dans 
aztatl.  II  se  vetrouve,  avec  une  legfcre  variaiite,  dans  le  mot  nahuatl  com- 
pose, tcni-az-calli,  bain  de  vapour,  dans  cz-tli,  le  sang  ou  la  lave;  dans  les 
voLUibles  quiches  atz,  bouflee  du  fumee,  epnuvantail,  feu-foUet. . .  .Ainsi  les 
fuiiriiiis  de  la  tradition  haiticnne,  uomnie  de  la  tradition  mexicaine,  sont 
h  la  fois  des  images  des  feux  intcrieurs  dc  la  terrc  et  de  Icurs  cxhalaisoiis, 
contnie  du  travail  des  mines  et  dc  ragiirulturc.  Du  iii6me  iiriinitif  az  vient 
Aztlan  "'e  Payssur  ou  dans  le  gaz,  az-tan,  az-dan,  la  terrc  sfeclie,  soulevuo 
par  les  gaz  ou  rcmplic  de  vapcurs."  '  Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Quatre  Let- 
trc.1,  p.  311. 

Ch ALCA.S; — '  II  nomc  Chalcho  vale,  Nella  gemma.  II  P.  Acosta  dice,  die 
CArt/co  vuol  dire.  Nolle  bocche.'  Claviffcro,  StoriaAnt.  del  Mcsstco,  tom.  ii, 
p.  253.    Buschmann  believes  Acosta'a  definition  'in  the  mouths'  to  be  morr 


126 


F'^YMOLOGY  OF  NAMES. 


correct.  Orlanamen,  p.  83.  'Chalrn,  Cc  qui  est  lo  colcairo;  c'est  rexamcn 
do  tniiB  IcH  vocables  mcxicains,  coiiinienfant  en  chal,  qui  ni'a  fait  ilucim- 
vrir  le  «enH  exact  do  ce  mot;  il  se  trouve  surtout  dan  chal-chi-huitl,  le  jade, 
1itt(irnlenient  t-e  qui  ewt  sorti  du  fond  du  calcaire.'  Braaseur  de  Bourbourg, 
Quntrc  Lcttrcs,  pji.  401,  4()fl. 

CIIELE.S;— 'Le  Chcl  dans  la  langiic  niayacst  uno  espice  d'oiseaux  par- 
ticulicra  k  cettc  centric.'  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii., 
p.  19. 

CniAl'ANECS;— CAia;>n«,  'locality  of  the  cht'a'  (oil-seed).  Buachmann, 
Ortsnainni,  p.  187.  'Chiapatu^qur,  du  nuhuatl  c/iiapnnceat/,  c'cHt-f»-diro 
honiinc  de  la  rivii;re  Chiapan  (eau  douce),  n'est  pas  Ic  nom  veritable  de  ce 
pcuplc;  c'est celui que  lui  donn^rent  les  Mcxicains.'  Brasseurdc  Bourbourg, 
Iliat.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  87. 

CmoiliMECS; — ^Chichi,  perro,  o  pcrra.'  Molina,  Vocabulario.  Chichi, 
'dog;'  perhaps  as  inhabitants  of  Chichiinccan,  'jtlacc  of  dogs.'  Mccutl  may 
moan  'line,'  'row,'  'race,'  and  Chichiimcatl,  therefore  'one  of  the  race  of 
dogs.'  Bmchmann,  Orlsnamen,  pp.  79,  81.  'Chichimfeque  vcut  dire,  Ji  pro- 
prenient  parlor,  liomme  sauvage Ce  mot  ddsigne  des  honinies  qui  man- 
gent  de  la  viande  crue  et  sucent  le  sang  des  animaux;  car  chichiliztli  veut 
dire,  en  mcxicain,  succr;  chichinaliztli,  la  chose  que  Ton  suce,  et  Chichi- 

hunlli,  manioUe Toutes  les  autres  nations  les  redoutaient  ct  lour  don- 

naient  le  nom  de  Succurs,  en  mexicain,  '  Chichimccatechinani. ' Les  Mcxi- 
cains nommcnt  aussi  les  chiens  chichime,  parce  qu'ils  Ibchcnt  le  sang  des 
animaux  ct  le  sucent.'  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlaxcallan,inNoHvellcsAniiales  des 
Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii.,  p.  140.  '  Teuchichimccas,  que  quiere  dccir  del  todo 
barbados,  que  por  otro  nonibre  se  dccian  Cacachimccas,  6  sea  hombres  sil- 
vestres.'  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  110.  '  Chiehimec  ou  chichimetl, 
siiceur  de  maguey,  et  de  la  les  Chichimbques.'  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  171,  56.  Other  derivations  arc  from  Chichcn,  a  city 
of  Yucatan,  and  from  chiehiltic  'red,'  referring  to  the  color  of  all  Indians. 

Id.,  Popol  Vuh,  p.  Ixiii.     'Chi scion  Vetaucourt,  c'est  une  preposition, 

exprimant  cc  qui  est  tout  en  bas,  au  plus  profond,  comme  aco  signifie  ce 

qui  est  au  plus  haut Chichi  est  un  petit  chien  (chi-cn),  de  ceux  qu'on 

appcUc  de  Chihuahua,  qui  se  crcusent  des  tanibrcs  souterraines Chichi 

dnouce  tout  ce  qui  est  amer,  aigre  ou  Acre,  tout  ce  qui  fait  tache:  il  a  le 
sens  de  sneer,  d'absorbcr;  c'est  la  salivc,  c'est  le  poumon  et  la  niamcllc.     Si 

maintenant j'ajoute  me,  primitif  de  inetl,  alofcs,  chose  courbce,  vous  au- 

roz  Chichime,  choscs  courbes,  tortueuses,  sufantes,  absorbantes,  ambres, 
&crcs  ou  acidcs,  se  cachant,  comme  les  pctits  chiens  terriers,  sous  le  sol 

oil  elles  se  concentrent,  commcs  des  poumons  ou  des  mamcUes Or,  puis- 

qu'il  est  acquis,  d'aprfes  ccs  peintures  et  ces  explications,  que  tout  cela  doit 
s'appliquer  h  une  puissance  tcllurique,  errante,  d'ordinaire,  comme  les  popu- 
lations nomades,  auxquelles  on  attacha  le  nom  de  Chiehimeca.^  Id.,  Quatre 
Lettres,  pp.  111-12. 

Cholultecs;— From  choloa,  meaning  'to  spring,'  'to  run,'  'to  flee,'  or 
'place  where  water  springs  up,'  'place  of  flight,'  or  'fugitives.'  Buschmann, 
Ortsnamcn,  p.  100.  'C'est  du  lieu  d'oii  ils  (itaient  sortis  primitiveraent,  ou 
plutOt  k  cause  de  leur  quality  actuelle  d'exil^s,  qu'ils  prireut  eusuite  le  nom 


CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


127 


flee,'  or 
rnann, 
cnt,  on 
le  nom 


de  Choluteeaa.'  '  Cholulccas,  tniciix  Cholitltecas,  c'eat-k-dire,  Exilds,  ct 
aum,  Habitants  de  Cholullan.'  Jirasscur  de  Bourbovrg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ., 
toiii.  ii.,  p.  79. 

CuONTAi-ES;— 'CTAo«te/W,  estrnngci'o  o  forostcro.'  Molina,  Vocahulario: 
Ovuzco  y  Jicrra,  Gcogrn/ia,  p.  21;  liuschmann,  Ortsnamcn,  p.  133;  Brasscur 
de  liourbourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  47. 

CocOMES; — 'Cocotn  signific  vcoiitcur,  croyunt.'  Landa,  Bel.  de  las  Cosas 
de  Yucatan,  p,  39.    'Cocom  est  un  noni  d'oiigine  iiuliimtl ;  il  est  le  pliiricl  do 

cohnntl,  serpent Dans  la  languc  niaya,  le  mot  cocom  a  lu  signilication 

d'dcoutciir,  celui  qui  entend;  cctte  <itymologie  nous  parutt  plus  rationnclle 
que  la  preniifcre.'  Brasscur  dc  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  i.,  p.  78. 

Coiii'ixcAS;— Ayala  translates  the  name  of  their  province  Cuixca,  'ticr- 
ra  de  lagur'ijas.'  Orozco  y  Bcrra,  Gcografia,  p.  48. 

CuiTL/HUACS; — 'Cuitlatl,  cxcremeuto,  y  gendricamente  cosa  sucia.' 
Orozco  y  Jicrra,  Geogrofia,  p.  47.  'Cuitlahuae,  Dans  celui  qiii  a  Ics  Ex- 
crdmcnts,  de  cuitlatl,  excrtSment,  dujcction  dc  I'hommc  ou  de  I'animal,  niaia 
que  le  chroniste  mexicain  applique  ici  aux  dtijcctions  du  volcan  voisin  do 

la  Grande-Hasc de  1^  le  nom  dc  tco-cuitlatl,  cxcrdnients  divins,  donn^ 

aux  mutaux  prdcieux,  Tor  avec  I'adjectif  jaune,  I'argent  avec  I'adjcctif 
blanc'  Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Quatrc  Lettres,  p.  407.  Cuitlatlan,  'local- 
ity of  dirt.*  Buschmann,  Ortsnamcn,  p.  15.  'Cuitlatl,  niierda.'  Molina, 
Vocahulario.  The  name  of  the  Cuitlatecs  seems  to  have  no  separate  ety- 
niological  meaning. 

CuLHUAS; — See  Acolhuas.  The  two  people  are  not  supposed  to  have 
been  the  same,  but  it  is  probable  that  they  are  identical  in  the  derivation 
of  their  names. 

HuASTECS; — 'Huaxtlan  es  una  palabra  mexicana  que  significa,  "dondo 
hay,  6  abunda  el  huaxi,"  fruto  muy  conocido  en  Mdxico  con  el  nombrc  cas* 
tellanizado  de  guaje.  CompiSnese  aquella  palabra  de  huaxin,  perdiendo  t»  por 
contrnccion,  muy  usada  en  mexicano  al  componersc  las  palabras,  y  de  tlan, 
particulaquc  significa  "donde  hay,  6  abunda  algo,"  y  que  sirve  para  formar 
colectivos.  Dc  huaxtlan  es  de  donde,  segun  parcce,  viene  el  nombre  genti- 
licio  huaxtecatl,  que  los  csimfiolcs  convirtieron  en  huaxteca  6  huaxteco.^  Pi- 
mentcl,  Cuadro,  tom.  i.,  pp.  5-6;  Buschmann,  Ortsnamen,  pp.  12-13.     'El 

que  es  inhdbil  6  tosco,  le  llanian cuextecatl.'     From  the  name  of  their 

ruler,  who  took  too  much  wine.  '  Asi  jwr  injuria,  y  como  alocado,  le  llama- 
ban  de  Cuextccatl.'  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  134-5,  143-4. 

HuEXOTZiNCAS; — Diminutive  of  hucxotla,  'willow-forest.'  Buschmann, 
Ortsnamcn,  p.  100. 

Itzas  ;—  From  the  name  of  Zamnd,  the  first  Yucatan  civilizer.  '  Le  llama- 
ban  tanibicn  Ytzamni,  y  le  adoraban  por  Dios.'  Cogolludo,  Hist,  de  Yuca- 
than,  p.  196.  'Itzmat-ul,  que  quiere  dezir  el  quo  recibe  y  jiosee  la  gracia, 
6  rozio,  6  sustancia  del  cielo.'  '  Ytzen  caan,  ytzcn  muyal,  que  era  dezir  yo 
soy  el  rozio  6  sustancia  del  cielo  y  huIkss.'  Lizana,  in  Landa,  Bel.  de  laa 
Cosas  de  Yucatan,  p.  356.  'Suivant  Ordoilez,  le  mot  itza  est  compost  de 
itz,  doux,  et  de  hd,  eau.'  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  ii., 
p.  15. 

Malimalcas;— '.Afd^tna,  nitla,  torccr  cordel  encima  del  muslo.'    'Ma- 


128 


ETYMOLOGY  OF  NAMES. 


linqui,  com  torcida.'  Afolina,  Vocabulario.  '  Malinal  etX  Ic  nom  commun 
dc  III  lianc,  ou  dcs  cordcs  torducM.'  'Malina,  tordro,  qui  fuit  nialitial,  liaiie 
oil  cunlc.  Ou  bicn  plus  littdrulcincnt  dc  cho.sca  tournecs,  pcrcec  ti  jour,  do 
iHul,  itrhuitif  dc  mamali,  iMsrccr,  tiiraudcr,  et  dc  iial,  dc  purt  cii  purt,  tout 
uutour.'  lirasscnr  tU  Ihurbourg,  Qmitre  Lctlirs,  pp.  -lOT-S. 

Mames; — 'El  vcrdudcru  iionibrc  dc  In  Iciij^a  y  dc  lu  tribu  c»  mem,  que 
quicrc  dccir  turtnuiudus  porquo  los  pueblos  que  primcro  les  oycruu  hublur, 
vucoutrnron  scmcjanza  cntro  los  tardos  \m,m  pronuni'iur,  y  lit  niuueru  con 
quo  uquello.-4  dcciun  su  lcu;;uu.'  Orozco  y  Derra,  Gcognifia,  p.  24.  'A  csta 
lcn;,'uii  lliinian  Maine,  4  indios  mamcs  A  lus  do  CHtu  sicrru,  purqiic  ordinari- 
niucntc  hubluu  y  rcspoudcn  con  esta  palubni  man,  que  quicic  dutir  padre' 
RaynoHo,  in  Pimentcl,  Cuailro,  toiii.  i.,  pp.  83-4.  'Mciu  vcut  dire  bbjjue  et 
iiiuct. '  '  "  Mem, "  mal  h  prupoa  diitigurd  dans  Manic  par  les  Espa^nols,  ttcrvit 
depuis  {'(intirnlcmcnt  h  du8i<;ner  lea  nations  qui  conservl-rcnt  leur  uncienne 
lungue  et  dcnicurbrcnt  plus  ou  moins  indiipcndcntcs  dv./i  envuliiMHeurs  t^-trun- 
yers.'  Mam  'vcut  dire  ancicn,  veillard.'  lirasseurdc  liouiboiirrj,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  110.  Mam  sometimes  means  grand-son.  Jd.,  I'opol  Viih, 
p.  41. 

M.\TLAi.TZiNCAS; — 'El  uombrc  Mallalcincatl,  tom6so  dc  MatlatI  que  es 
la  red  con  la  cual  dcs<,'ranal)an  el  maiz,  y  liacian  otrus  cusas. . .  .Tanibien  so 
llarnun  Mutlntzittcas  dc  liondas  que  se  diccn  tlcmatlatc,  y  asi  Mutlutzinvaa 
por  otra  iiiter]>rctai-iun  quicrc  decir,  honderos  6  foiidiljuhirius;  ]iorquc  los 
diclios  MatlotsiHcas  cuundo  mucbnclios,  usabau  muuiio  truer  lu8  brjiidas,  y 
dc  ordinario  las  truian  consigo,  como  los  Chichinwcus  sus  arcos,  y  sicnipre 
anduban  tirundo  eon  cllas.  Tunibien  les  llanmbun  del  nonibre  dc  red  i)or 
otra  razon  que  es  la  nius  principal,  porquc  cuando  ii  su  idnlo  ^acrilicabau 
algunu  persona,  Ic  ccliaban  deiitru  en  una  red,  y  ulli  le  retorciun  y  cstruja- 
bau  con  la  diclia  red,  hasta  <iuc  Ic  liacian  cellar  los  iiitcstinos.  La  causa 
de  lluniarsc  coatl  (Uainircz  dice  que  "del)e  Iccrsc  cuaitl  (cnliczu).  Coatl  sig- 
iiifica  culcbra,"  cuando  es  uiio,  y  qiiaqiiatas  cuando  son  mucbos  cs,  porquo 
siempre  traian  la  cabeza  ceuida  con  la  lionda;  por  lo  cual  el  voiiiblo  se  decia 
qiia  por  abrcviatura,  (iiie  quicrc  decir  quaitl  que  cs  la  culieza,  yta  que  quicre 
decir  tainatlatl  (^lolina  says  'Honda  para  tirar  cs  teinatlatl,  tlalcinutlaui- 
loni')  ques  es  la  lionda,  y  asi  quicrc  dccir,  qiiatlatl  liombrc  que  trae  la  lion- 
da  en  la  cabeza  por  guirnalda:  tanibien  se  intcrprcta  dc  otra  mancra,  quo 
quicrc  dccir  lioinbrc  de  eul)cza  dc  piedia.'  Sahagiin,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii., 
lib.  X.,  p.  l'2S,.and  Orozco  y  Bcrra,  Gcografia,  jip.  29-30.  ' Mutlatzinia, 
dar  palniadas.'  '  Matlatepito,  red  pcqucna.'  Molina,  Vocabulario.  From 
matlatl,  'net,'  incaniiig  tlierefore  'small  place  of  nets.'  Busehmann,  Oris- 
namen,  p.  13.  'De  Matlatl,  le  filet,  les  maillcs.'  Brasscur  de  Bourboiirg, 
Quatrc  Lcttrcs,  p.  408.  'Matlatzinco  es  una  palabra  mexicana  (jue  significa 
"lugarcito  dc  las  redes,"  pues  sc  compone  dc  matlat,  red,  y  la  particula 
tzineo  que  cxpresa  diminuciun.  Fdcilmentc  se  comprciide,  pues,  que  w»o- 
tlatzinca  viene  dc  matlatzinco,  y  que  la  etimologia  exige  <iue  est  as  palabms 
Bc  cscriban  con  c  (mcjor  k)  y  no  con  g  como  hacen  algunos  uutorcs,'  Pimen- 
tel,  Citadro,  tom.  i.,  p.  500. 

Mayasj— '  "Mai,"  une  divinit«S  ou  un  pcraonnagc  des  temps  antiques,  sans 
doute  celui  k  Foccasion  duquel  lo  pays  fut  appele  Maya.'  Brasscur  de  Bour- 


CIVILIZED  NATIONS, 


129 


honrg,  in  Landn,  Rd.  de  lu»  Cosns  tie  Yucatan,  p.  42.  'Mayn  ou  Mma, 
noin  niitiqiic  «l'une  jxirtio  dii  Yiii-atun,  parutt  Hijfiiillcr  ansM  la  tcrrc.'  Ji',, 
|),  Ixx.  'Miiayhh,  non  ndcst  nqua,  Niiiviuit  Onlofioz,  t'cHt-h-diro,  Tt'irt!  mum 
enu.'  Iff.,  Hint.  Nnt.  Civ.,  toiii.  i.,  p.  7(J.  Thi'  ti'rriiinations  a  and  o  of  this 
nunic  arc  .SiMinish.  Pimcutrl,  Ciimlro.  toni.  ii.,  p.  3!i. 

M[/.(iyiiAH;—Wfizqtiitl,  nrh(d  de  ^'ixuii  pnrutinta.'  .}foliiin,  Vocahulario. 
Mizijuitl,  II  tree  yieldin;;  the  jmre  gum  uruliic,  .i  HiK'i-ien  of  uciieiii.  liu-ich' 
maim,  Ortniiameii,  \y  104. 

MlZTECS;— 'La  luilabrn  mexienna  Mlrtrratl,  e«  nonibrc  nacinnal,  dcriva- 
do  de  mixtlan,  liijfar  de  niilics  o  nebiiloMo,  oonipiieHto  de  tiiixtli,  n\\\m,  y  de 
la  terniinaeion  //««.'  Pimcutrl,  Ciinifro,  toiu.  i.,  p.  39.  Mixlluit,  'jilace  of 
<'l<iudn.'  Bmchmann,  Ortsnamcii,  p.  18.  ' Mixternimn . . .  .\wyn  des  brouil- 
lards.'  Brnimeur  th  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nnt.  Civ.,  toni.  i.,  p.  146. 

Naiitas;  -'TodoH  loH  quo  lialilan  cinro  la  Icngua  niexiraua  que  len  lla> 
man  nahOns,  son  desfeudieutoH  de  los  Tultecas.'  Siihaguii,  Hint.  Gen.,  tom. 
iii.,  lib.  X.,  p.  114.  ' Nahontl 6  nahuatl,  segnu  el  diccionario  de  Molina,  sig- 
nifica  rona  que  siicna  liicii,  de  modo  (jue  viene  ii  ser  un  adjetivo  que  aplicado  ul 
Hustantivo  idiomn,  creo  (jue  puede  tra<lucirse  por  armoniom.'  J'imcntcl,  Ciia- 
dro,  tom.  i.,  p.  loS.  Something  of  fine,  or  clear,  or  loud  sound;  nahuatlato 
means  an  interpreter;  nahiinti,  to  speak  loud;  na/iuatia,  to  comnuind. 
The  name  ha.s  no  connection  whatever  with  Andhuac.  Busrhmanii,  OrtnuU' 
mm,  p  7-8.  'Molina  le  traduit  par  Ladiiio,  instniit,  expert,  civilise,  et 
lui  d  lussi  un  sens  qui  se  rapporte  aux  sciences  occultcs.     Ou  n'en 

trom  toutefois,  la  racinc  dans  Ic  mexicain.     La  ianguc  quiuhi^c  en 

donne  unc  explication  parfaite:  il  vient  du  verbe  Nao  ou  Naw,  eonnattre, 
sentir,  savoir,  penser;  Tin  nao,  je  sais;  Naoh,  sagesse,  intelligence.  II  y  u 
encore  le  verl)e  radical  Na,  sentir,  soupponner.  Lc  mot  Nahiial  dans  son 
sens  primitif  et  veritable,  signific  done  litteralcmcnt  "qui  sait  tout;"  c'est 
la  mCme  chose  absolument  que  le  mot  anglais  Know-all,  avec  lequci  il  a 
tant  d'identit<S.  Le  Quichd  et  le  Cakchiquel  I'emploient  frequemment  aussi 
dans  le  sens  de  my8t«5rieux,  extraordinaire,  merveilleux.'  Branscur  de  Bout- 
honrg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  101-2,  194. 

NoNOiiUALCAS; — The  Tutul-Xius,  chiefs  of  a  Nahuatl  liouse  in  Tulan, 
seem  to  have  borne  the  name  of  Nonoual,  which  nmy  have  given  rise  to 
Nonohualco  or  Onohualco.  'Nonoual  no  serait-il  pas  une  alteration  de 
Nanaual  on  Nanahuatl?'  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  in  Landa,  Jlcl.  de  las 
Cosas  de  Yucatan,  p.  420. 

Olmecs; — Olmecatl  was  the  name  of  their  first  traditionary  leader.  Bras- 
scur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  i.,  p.  152.  Olmecatl  may  mean  an 
inhabitant  of  the  town  of  Olman;  but  as  viecatl  is  also  used  for  'slioot,' 
'offspring,'  'branch,'  the  word  probably  comes  from  olli,  and  means  'jjeop'e 
of  the  gum.'  Buschmanu,  Ortsnamcn,  p.  10. 

OTOMfS; — 'El  vocablo  Otoniitl,  que  es  el  nombre  de  los  Otomies,  tomd- 
ronlo  dc  su  caudillo,  el  cual  se  llanmlui  Oton.^  Sahagiin,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iii., 
lib.  X.,  p.  122.  Not  a  native  word,  but  Mexican,  derived  perhaps  from  otli, 
'road,'  and  tomitl,  'animal  hair,'  referring  possibly  to  some  peculiar  mode 
of  wearing  the  hair.  Bmchmann,  Ortsnamcn,  pp.  18-19.  'Otho  en  la  mis- 
ma  lengua  othomi  quierc  decir  nada,  y  mi,  quieto,  6  seutado,  de  manera  quo 
Vol.  II.   8 


130 


ETYMOLOGY  OF  NAMES. 


I 


r 


traducida  literalmcntc  la  paluhra,  significa  nada-quicto,  cuya  idea  pudi^ra- 
inos  cxprcsar  diciciido  pcregrino  6  crretntc/  Pimcntel,  Cuadro,  torn,  i.,  p. 
118;  Niixcra,  Discrktcion,  p.  4.  'Son  Etymologic  mexicainc,  Otoinitl,  sig- 
nifie  la  flfeche  d'Otoii.'  Jirasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i., 
p.  158. 

PiriLES;~A  reduplication  of  pilli,  which  has  two  meanings,  'noble'  and 
'child,'  the  latter  being  generally  regarded  aa  its  meaning  in  the  tribal 
name.  Buschinann,  Ortsnamcti,  pp.  137-8.  So  called  Injcause  they  spoke 
tlic  Mexican  language  with  a  childish  pronunciation.  Juurros'  Hist.  Guat., 
p.  224. 

PoKOMAMS; — ' Pokom,  dont  la  racine  pok  d(isignc  une  sorte  de  tuf  blanc 

et  sablonneux La  termination  om  est  ur  participe  present.     De  Pokom 

vient  Ic  noni  de  Pokomani  et  de  Pokomchi,  qui  fut  donnd  h  ces  tribns  de  la 
qualit<i  du  sol  oil  ils  biltirent  leur  ville.'  Brasseurde  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  122. 

Quiches; — 'La  palabra  quichd,  kicM,  6  quitsc,  significa  murhos  drbolos.' 
Pimcntel,  Cuadro,  torn,  ii.,  p.  124.  'De  qui  Iteaucoup,  plusicurs,  ct  de  che, 
arbre;  on  de  qucchc,  quechelah,  qechelah,  la  foret.'  Ximcnez,  in  Brasscur 
dc  Bourbourg,  Popol  Vuh,  p.  cclxv. 

Tarascos;— 'Tarasco  viene  de  tarhascuc,  que  cu  la  longu:'.  do  Michoacan 
significa  sucgro,  6  ycrno  segun  dice  el  P.  Lagunas  en  su  Grannltica.'  Pitucn- 
tcl,  Cuadro,  tom.  i.,  p.  273.  'Tarns  en  la  lengua  niexicanasedice  Mixvoatl, 
que  era  el  dios  de  los  Chichimecas.^  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gcii.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  \.,  p. 
138.  'A  quienes  dieron  el  nombre  de  tarascos,  por  el  sonido  que  les  hacian 
las  partes  genitalcs  en  los  niuslos  al  andar.'  Vcytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mtj.,  tom. 
ii.,  p.  lOo;  Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist,  dcs  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  57. 

TkpanecS;— Tr^an,  'stony  place,'  from  tetl,  or  tccpan,  'royal  palace.' 
Buschinann,  Ortsnamcn,  p.  92.  'Tecpantlan  signi*  r?  auprbs  dcs  jmlais.' 
Brasscur  dc  Bourbourg,  Popol  Vuh,  p.  ex.  'Cailloux  roulcs  sur  la  rochc, 
te-pa-nc-ca,  litteralemcnt  ce  qui  est  mel6  ensemble  sur  la  picrre;  «>u  bien  tc- 
pan-c-ca,  c'est-fi-dire  avec  des  petites  pierrcs  sur  la  roche  ou  le  solide,  e,  pour 
etl,  le  haricot,  frijol,  dtant  pris  souvent  dans  le  sens  d'une  petite  pierrc  sur 
une  surface,  etc'  Id.,  Quatre  Lettrcs,  p.  408. 

Tlahuicas;— From  tlahuitl,  'cinnabar,'  from  this  mineral  Iwing  plenti- 
ful in  their  country.  Buschmann,  Ortsnamcn,  p.  93.  Tlahuilli,  'poudres 
brillantes.'  Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Quatre  Lcttres,  p.  422.  'Tlauia,  alum- 
brar  a  otros  con  candela  o  hacha.'  Molina,  Vocabulario. 

Tlapanecs; — 'Y  lldmanlos  tambien  tiapanccus  que  quiere  decir  horn- 
brcs  almagrados,  porque  se  cmbijaban  con  color.'  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn, 
iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  135.  From  tlafpantli,  'ground;'  may  also  come  from  llalli, 
'land.'  Buschmann,  Ortsnamcn,  p.  102.  Tlapallan,  'terre  colorde.'  Bras- 
scur dc  Bourbourg,  Popol  Vuh,  p.  Ixiii.  Tla,  'feu.'  /f/.,  Quatre  Lettrcs,  p.  416. 
'Tlapani,  qucbrarse  algo,  o  el  tintorero  que  tiiie  pafios.'  Molina,  Vocabula- 
rio. Probably  a  synonym  o'  Yoppi,  q.  v  Orozco  y  Bcrra,  Gcografia,  pp, 
26-7. 

TlascaltecS; — '  Tlaxcalli,  tortillas  de  mayz,  o  pan  gencralmcnte.'  Moli- 
na, Vocabulario.  Tlaxcalli,  'place  of  bread  or  tortillas,'  the  post  participle 
of  ixca,  'to  bake  or  broil.'  Buschmann,  Ortsnamcn,  p.  93. 


CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 


131 


TOLTZC";—'Tollecayotl,  macstria  de  arte  mceanica.  Toltccatl,  officiul 
de  arte  mecanica.  Toltecauia,  fabricar  o  Iiazcr  algo  el  maestro.'  Molina, 
Vocabtdario.  'Los  tultccas  todo.s  se  nonibraljan  chichimecas,  y  no  teiii- 
an  otro  nombrc  particular  sino  cstc  que  toniaron  de  la  ciiriosidad,  y  primor 
de  las  obras  que  hacian,  que  se  llaiiiaron  oltras  tiiitccrts  6  sea  como  si  dige- 
semos,  oficiales  pulidos  y  curiosos  como  aliora  loa  de  Flandes,  y  con  razon, 
porque  eran  sutiles  y  primorosos  en  cuanto  cllos  (Ktnian  la  mano,  que  todo 
cramny  bueno.'  Sa/uttjun,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  107.  Toltecs,  'peo- 
ple of  Tollan.'  Tollan,  'place  of  willows  or  reeds,'  from  tolin,  'willow,  reed.' 
Bitschmann,  Orlsnamcn,  p.  7C.  '  Toltecall  etait  le  titrc  qu'on  donnait  Ji  un 
artiste  habile.'    Brasscttr  de  Bourboiiry,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  i.,  p.  194. 

Tollan:  'Ellc  est  frappante par  I'identite  qn'elle  pr(5sente  avec  Ic  nom 

de  Mcfztli  ou  le  Croissant.  En  effct,  ce  qn'elle  c.xprinie,  d'ordinaire,  c'est 
I'idee  d'un  "pays  recourbe"  ou  inelino.  Sa  premifcre  syllabe  tol,  primitif 
de  toloa,  "abaxar,  inclinarlacalwca,"  dit  Molina,  "entortar,  encorvar,"  dit- 
il  aillcurs,  signific  done  bais.ser,  incliuer  la  tCte,  se  tortuer,  courbcr,  ce  qui, 
avec  la  particulc  locale  Ian  |>our  tlaii  ou  fan,  la  tcrre,  I'cndroit,  announce 
une  terre  ou  xm  pays  recourW,  sens  exact  du  mot  tollan.  Du  m6mc  verbc 
vifcnt  tollin,  le  jonc,  le  roseau,  dont  la  tCtc  s'inoline  rai  moindre  vent;  de  Ml, 
le  sens  de  Jonquiferc,  de  linmti,  que  pent  prendre  tollnn,  dont  la  hicroglyplie 
represcnte  pr«5cisement  le  son  et  la  chose,  ct  qui  parait  cxjjrimer  doublcment 
I'idee  de  cctte  terre  fameusc  de  la  Courlie  ou  du  Croissant,  basse  et  maruca- 

geuse  en  beancoup  d'en droits suivant  la  tradition Dans  sa  (the  word  toloa) 

signification  active,  Molina  le  traduit  par  "tragar,"  avaler,  cngloutir,  ce 
qui  donne  alors  pour  tollan,  le  sens  de  tcrre  cngloiitie,  abtmee,  qui,  comme 
vous  le  voycz,  convient  on  ne  pen'  mieux  dans  Ic  cas  present.  jMais  si  tol- 
lan est  la  terre  engloutie,  si  c'est  en  mtfine  temps  le  pays  do  la  Courlx;, 
Metztli  ou  le  Croiss:.!'  -,  ces  deu.v  nomri,  reuiarqucz-lo,  pcuvent  s'appliquer 
aussi  bicn  au  lieu  oi;  il  a  6tA  cnglonti,  h  I't-au  qui  se  courbait  le  long  dea  ri- 
vages  du  Croissant,  soit  Ji  rinterienr  des  grandcs  golfes  du  nonl  et  du  midi, 
Koit  au  rivage  convexo,  toumu  comme  le  gcnou  de  la  jan<l>c,  vera  I'Orient. 
C'est  ainsi  qu'on  retronvo  ridcntification  continuclle  de  Tidt^e  niillo  uvec 
I'ldt'c  femcUe,  dn  (ionteuu  et  du  contenant,  de  tollan,  le  pays  englouti,  avec 
tollnn,  roceau  engloutisscur,  de  I'eau  qui  est  contenuc  et  des  continents  qui 
renserrent  dans  Icurs  limites.  Ajoutons,  pour  completer  cettc  analyse,  quo 
tol,  dans  la  langue  quichce,  est  un  verbe,  dont  lolan  est  Ic  passe,  et  qu'ainsi 
que  tnlan  il  signific  I'abandon,  la  nuditi^,  cit-.  Do  tol,  faitcs  tor,  dans  laiue- 
nie  langue,  ct  vo»is  aurez  avec  toran,  ce  qui  est  tourne  ou  retourn«5,  conimc  en 
mcxicain,  de  mi^nic  que  <lans  turan  (touran)  vous  trouvercz  ce  qui  a  «5td  ren- 
versd,  boulcverse  dc  fond  en  eonible,  noye  sous  Ics  eaux,  etc.  Dans  la  lan- 
gue niaya,  tnl  signific  rcmplir,  coniblcr,  et  an,  coninic  en qui(h«5,  est  le  jjasse 
du  vcrlw:  niais  si  h.  tnl  on  ajoutc  ha  ou  a,  I'eau,  nousavons  Tnlha  ou  Tula, 
rcmpli,  submerge  d'eau.  En  dcmiferc  analyse,  tol  ou  tul  paraft  avoir  pour 
I'originc  ol,  ul,  couler,  vcnir,  suivant  le  quiihd  encore;  primitif  d'olli,  ou 
bicn  d'l/Wi,  en  langue  nahuatl,  la  goumic  clastiiiuc  liquidc,  la  lioule  noire  du 
jeu  de  paume,  qui  duvicnt  lo  hiL^roglyplic  de  I'eau,  reniplissant  les  dtux 
golfes.  Le  priSfixc  t  pour  ti  scrait  une  prejiosition;  faisant  to,  il  signific 
Torbite  de  I'ltil,  en  quich(S,  image  dc  I'abtnic  que  la  boulc  noire  romplit  com- 


132 


ETYMOLOGY  OF  NAMES. 


me  sa  prunelle,  co  dont  voiis  pouvcz  vous  assurer  dnns  la  figure  de  lu  page 
auivaiite;  to  est,  en  outre,  I'aide,  riiistrnineiit,  deveiiaiit  tool;  inais  eu  iiiexi- 
cain,  t»,  prhnitif  de  ton,  est  la  chalcur  dc  I'eau  Itouilluiite.  Tol,  coiitractti  de 
to-ol,  jmurrait  done  avoir  signifitS  "le  liquidc  Iwuillant,"  ou  la  venue  de  la 
chaleur  bouillante,  de  renibrascnicnt.  Avee  terM,  etendre,  le  mot  entier  tol- 
teca,  nous  aurions  done,  «^tcndre  le  courbu,  etc.,  et  tol-teeatl,  le  toltbque, 
serait  cc  qui  dtcnd  le  courlte  ou  I'englouti,  ou  bicn  I'cau  liuuillante,  etc.  Ces 
etymologies  rcntrent  done  toutes  dans  la  nienie  \d6e  <iui,  sous  bicn  des  rap- 
ports, fait  dcs  Tolteques,  uue  des  puissances  telluriques,  destructrices  de  la 
tcrre  '.u  Croissant.'  Id.,  Qiiatrc  Lettrcs,  pp.  118-20. 

ToTONACS; — From  tototl  and  nacatl,  'bird-flesb;'  or  from  tona,  'to  be 
wann.'  liuschmanH,  Ortsnamcn,  p.  13.  'Tototiaco  significa  &  la  Ictra,  tres 
corazones  eu  iiu  sentido,  y  tres  i)analcscn  otro,'  from  totp,  'tbrce,'  and  naco, 
'heart,'  in  the  Totonac  language.  Domingucz,  in  Pimentcl,  Citadro,  tom.  i., 
pp.  22C-7.  'Totoiial,  el  signo,  en  que  alguuo  nasce,  o  el  alniii  y  espiritu.' 
Molina,  Vorabnlario. 

TlTUL-Xll'S;— 'Le  nom  des  Tutul-Xiu  paruft  d'origine  nahuatl;  il  serait 
d(5rive  de  toiol,  tototl,  oiseau,  et  de  xiuitl,  ou  xi/iuitl,  herltc.'  lirasscur  de 
Bourbourg,  in  Landn,  Rcl.  dc  las  Cosas  dc  Yucatan,  p.  47. 

Xr'ALANCAS; — '  Xicalli,  vaso  de  calabafa.'  Molina,  Vocabulario.  Xi- 
calli,  'place  of  this  si^eciesof  calabash  o' drinking-shell.'  iiu  -hmann,  Orts- 
namcn, p.  17.  'Xicalanco,  la  Ville  des  courges  ou  des  tasses  faitcs  de  la 
courge  et  appelce  Xicalli  dans  ces  contrecs,  et  dont  Ics  Espagnols  ont  fait 
Xicara.'  lirasscur  dc  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Xat.  dr.,  tom.  i.,  i>.  110. 

XocillMlLCAS; — From  xoc/titl,  'flower,'  and  milli,  'piece  of  hind,'  mean- 
ing 'place  of  flower-fields.'  Buschmann,  Ortsnamcn,  p.  94.  'Xochimicque 
captiuos  en  guerra.'  Molina,  Vocabulario.  'Xorhiniilca,  habitants  de  Xo- 
chimilco,  lieu  oil  Ton  sfcme  tout  on  has  de  la  Base,  nom  de  la  terre  v»5g«S- 
tale  et  fertile  oil  Ton  enscmcn^-ait,  wt'//,  qu'oii  rctourne,  d'oii  le  mot  mil  ou 
milli,  champ,  terre  ensemcnctJe,  et  sans  (h)utc  aussi  le  latin  milium,  notro 
mil  et  millet.^  'J'ajouterai  seulcmcnt  que  ce  nom  sigiiifie  dans  le  langugo 
ordinaire,  ceux  qui  cultivcnt  de  fleiirs,  do  xuchM,  fleur,  littcralcmcnt,  cc  qui 
vit  sous  la  Imse.'  Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Quatrc  Lcttns,  pp.  406-8. 

Voppi; — 'Lhimanles  yopcs  jMiniue  su  tiorra  sc  llama  Yopinsinco.'  Saha- 

gun.  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  lib.  .\.,  p.  13.5.     'Inferimos que  yoiMj,  yojii,  jope, 

scguii  scencuentra  escrita  i.i  palabru  en  vurios  lugarcs,  es  sinonimo  de  tlapa- 
neca.'  Oroscoy  Bcrra,  Gcografia,  pp.  2G-7.  Yopaa,  'Laud  of  Tombs.'  Bras- 
scur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Cii\,  tom.  iii.,  p.  9. 

Zapotecs; — 'I'za/mtl,  cicrta  fruta  coiiocida.'  Molina,  Vocabulario.  Tza- 
potlan,  'place of  the  zai)otes,  trees  or  fruits.'  Buschmann,  Ortsnamcn,  p.  16. 
'Derivadode  hi  pahibra  mc.\icuna  tzajmtlan,  que  significa  "lugar  dc  los  zajyo- 
tes,"  nombre  castcllaiiizudo  de  una  fruta  niuy  conocida.'  Pimentcl,  Cuat'ro, 
tom.  i.,  p.  319.  ' Zajmtrcapan  est  le  nom  que  les  Me.xicains  avaicnt  donnd 
\i  cette  contree,  h,  cause  de  la  (piantite  ct  de  la  qualite  su|)erieure  de  ses  fruiti'. 
Brasscur  dc  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Xat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  38. 

Z0TZILE.S; — '/otzil,  murc'i61ago.'  Pimentcl,  C'uadro,  torn,  ii.,  p.  245. 
Zotzillm  'signifie  la  ville  dcs  Chauves-Souris.'  Brasscur  dc  Bourbourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  88. 


CHAPTER   TIL 


GOVERNMENT   OF    THE    NAHUA    NATIONS. 

System  of  Govkkxmext -The  Aztec  Confedeuacy— Order  of  Suc- 
cession—Klkction  OF  KfXGS  AMONG  THE  MEXICANS— ROYAL  PRE- 
ROGATIVES—GOVERNMENT- ANI>  Laws  of  Succession  among  the 
ToLTEcs  and  in  Miciioacan,  Tlascala,  Cholula,  Hlexotzinco, 
and  OAuAca—  Magnificence  of  the  Nahi;a  Monakchs  — Cere- 
mony OF  Anointment— Ascent  to  the  Temi'LE— The  Holy  I'nc- 
TioN— Address  of  the  High-Priest  to  the  Kino— Penance  and 
Fasting  in  the  House  called  Tlacatecco- Homage  of  the  No- 
bles-General Rejoicing  throughout  the  Kingdom— Ceremony 
OF  Coronation— The  Procuring  of  Sacrifices— Description  of 
the  Crown— Coronations,  Feasts,  and  Entertainments— Hospi- 
tality EXTENDED  TO  ENEMIES — CORONATION-SPEECH  OF  NEZAHUAL- 

pilli,  King  of  Tezcuco,  to  Montezuma  II.  of  Mexico — Oration 

OF  A  NOULE  to   a   NEWLV  ELECTED  KiNG. 


The  prevailing  form  of  government  among  the  civ- 
ilized nations  of  Mexico  and  Central  America  was 
monarchical  and  nearly  absolute,  although  some  of  the 
smaller  and  less  powerful  states,  as  for  instance,  Tlas- 
cala, affected  an  aristocratic  republican  system.  The 
three  great  confederated  states  of  ^lexico,  Tezcuco,  and 
Tlacopan  were  each  governed  by  a  king,  who  had  su- 
l)reme  authority  in  his  own  dominion,  and  in  matters 
touching  it  alone.  Where,  however,  the  welfare  of 
the  whole  allied  comnumity  was  involved,  no  one  king 
could  act  without  the  concurrence  of  the  others ;  never- 
theless, the  judgment  of  one  who  was  held  to  be 
especially  skilful  and  wise  iri  any  question  under  con- 

(133) 


134 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


sideration,  was  usually  deferred  to  by  his  colleagues. 
Thus  in  matters  of  war,  or  foreign  relations,  the  opin- 
ion of  the  king  of  Mexico  had  most  weight,  while  in 
the  administration  of  home  government,  and  in  deci- 
sions respecting  the  rights  of  persons,  it  was  customary 
during  the  reigns  of  ]the  two  royal  sages  of  Tezcuco, 
Nezahualcoyotl  and  Nezahualpilli,  to  respect  their 
counsel  above  all  other.  ^  The  relative  importance  of 
these  three  kingdoms  must,  however,  have  shown 
greater  disparity  as  fresh  conquests  were  made,  since 
in  the  division  of  territory  acquired  by  force  of  arms, 
Tlacopan  received  only  one  fifth,  and  of  the  remainder, 
judging  by  the  relative  power  and  extent  of  the  states 
when  the  Spaniards  arrived,  it  is  probable  that  Mex- 
ico took  the  larger  share.  ^ 

In  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan  the  order  of  succession 
was  lineal  and  hereditary,  in  Mexico  it  was  collateral 
and  elective.     In  the  two  former  kingdoms,  however, 


'■ 


*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apoloffi'fica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxi. ;  Zurita,  Rapport,  in  Tcr- 
naux-C'ompaiis,  Voy.,  seric  ii.,  toiii.  i.,  p.  1)5;  Torqucmada,  Moiiarq.  Itid., 
toni.  u.,  p.  354. 

'''  Ixtlilxocliitl,  for  wlio.sc  putriutisni  due  allowance  must  l>c  inatlc,  writes : 
'Es  verdad,  que  el  de  Mexico  y  Tezcuco  fucrou  iguales  en  dignidud 
scuoriu  y  rentas;  y  el  dc  Tlaco])an  solu  tenia  cierta  parte  conio  la  quin- 
ta,  en  lo  que  era  rentas  y  despues  en  los  otros  dos.'  Hist.  Ckic'iimcca,  in 
Kiiigsboroiigh's  Mrx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  238.  Zurita  also  aHirnis  this: 
'Dans  ccrtaines,  les  tributs  <5tuicnt  repurtis  en  p')rtions  dgalcs,  ct  dans 
d'ttutrcs  on  en  faisait  cinq  narts:  le  souverain  de  Mexico  et  celui  dc  Tez- 
cuco en  prelevaient  cliacun  deux,  celui  de  Tacuba  une  seule.'  Itappovt,  in 
Tcrnaux-ComjMHs,  Voy.,  serie  ii.,  toni.  i.,  p.  12.  'Qucdo  pues  detenninado 
que  )l  los  estados  de  Tlacopan  sc  agregase  la  quinta  parte  dc  las  ticrras 
nuevanientc  comiuistados,  y  el  resto  se  dividiesc  i^ualniente  entrc  el  principc 
yelreyde  Mi^jico.'  Vcytia,  llist.  Aiif.  Mfj.,ton\.  iii.,  n.  164.  Bra.sseurde Bour- 
bourg  agrees  with  and  takes  his  inforniatiun  from  Ixtlilxocliitl.  Ni.st.  Nat. 
Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  191.  Torqueniuda  makes  a  fardiflcrent  division:  'Concur- 
riendo  los  tres,  se  diese  la  quinta  parte  al  Jiei  de  TIacupa,  y  el  Tereio  de  lo 
que  quedase,  h  Ncfalhualcoiotl;  y  los  demas,  a  Itzcohuatzin,  como  il  Cabc^a 
Maior,  y  Suprema.'  Monarq.  I»f/.,  torn,  i.,  p.  140.  As  also  does  Clavigero: 
'Si  dictlc  quella  Corona  (Tlacopan)  a  Totoquihuatzin  sotto  la  condizione 
di  scrvir  con  tutte  le  sue  trupiie  al  Ke  di  Messico,  ogni  volta  die  il  ricliie- 
dessc,  assegnando  a  lui  medesinm  \HiT  cih  la  quinta  parte  delle  spoglie,  cho 
si  avessero  dui  neniici.  .Siniilniente  Nezaluialcojotl  fu  messo  in  ])osscsso 
del  trono  d'Acolhuacan  sotto  la  condizione  di  dover  soccorrere  i  Mcssicani 
ncllu  gueiTO,  e  itcrcio  gli  fu  aasegnatu  la  terza  iNirtc  della  preda,  cavatane 
prima  quella  del  Uc  di  Tacuba,  restando  I'altrc  due  tcrze  parti  ])cl  lie  Mcs- 
sicano.  5^^orjrt  Ant.  del  Mes,iico,  torn,  i.,  p.  224.  Prescott  snys  it  was  ajp^ced 
that  'one  fifth  should  be  assigned  to  Tlacopan,  and  the  remainder  l>e  divided, 
in  what  projiortion  is  uncertain,  between  the  other  {towers.'  3fcx.,  vol.  1., 
p.  18. 


ORDER  OF  SUCCESSION. 


185 


although  the  sons  succeeded  their  fathers,  it  was  not 
according  to  birth,  but  according  to  rank;  the  sons 
of  the  queen,  or  principal  wife,  who  was  generally  a 
daughter  of  the  royal  house  of  Mexico,  being  al- 
ways preferred  to  the  rest.''  In  Mexico,  the  eldest 
surviving  brother  of  the  deceased  monarch  was  gen- 
erally elected  to  the  throne,  and  when  there  were  no 
more  brothers,  then  the  nephews,  commencing  with 
the  eldest  son  of  the  first  brother  that  had  died;  but 
this  order  was  not  necessarily  observed,  since  the  elec- 
tors, though  restricted  in  their  choice  to  one  family, 
could  set  aside  the  claims  of  those  whom  they  con- 
sidered incompetent  to  reign;  and,  indeed,  it  was 
their  particular  duty  to  select  from  among  the  rela- 
tives of  the  deceased  king  the  one  best  fitted 
to  bear  the  dignity  and  responsibility  of  supreme 
lord.*     During  the  early  days  of  the  Mexican  mon- 


'  Torquciiiada,  Monarq.  Titd.,  torn,  ii.,  i>.  ""'»;  Zurita,  Rapport,  in  Ter- 
timix-Coiupaiis,  Voi/.,  seric  ii.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  I'JI-l.S;  Clavigcro,  Storia  Ant,  del 
Mcsm'co,  toin.  ii.,  p.  116;  Brasseur  de  liourbourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iom.  iii., 
p  577. 

*  Torqucinadiv  writes:  'csta  fue  costuinhrc  de  estos  Mexicanos,  en  las 
Eleccioncs,  que  luiciiin,  (jiic  fiiesen  Reiuando  succsivanientc,  Ids  Hennanos, 
viios  desniics  de  otro8,  y  acabando  de  Rcinar  el  vltiino,  eutraba  en  su  lugar, 
el  Hijo  uc  Hermano  Alaior,  nuc  prinicro  avia  Hcinado,  que  era  Sobrinu  de 
los  otros  Reies,  qui  iv  su  r.utre  avian  sucedido.'  Monarq.  Iiid.,  toni.  i.,  p. 
107.  'Loa  Reies  (of  Mexico)  no  hcrcdaban,  niuo  que  eran  elej^idos,  y  como 
vinios  en  el  Libro  de  los  Reies,  quando  el  Rei  nioria,  si  tenia lierniano,  cn- 
traba  heredando;  y  niuerto  estc,  otro,  si  lo  avia;  y  quando  faltaba,  le  suce- 
dia  el  sobrino,  Hijo  de  su  hermano  niaior,  h,  qnien,  por  su  niucrte,  uvia  su- 
cedido, y  lue};o  el  hermano  de  este,  y  asl  dt.scurrian  iwr  los  dcmas.'  Id., 
toiu.  ii.,  p.  177.  Zurita  states  that  in  Tezcuco  and  IMaoopan,  and  their 
dependent  nrovinces,  'le  droit  de  succes.sion  le  phis  ordiiniire  etait  celui 
du  sanf?  en  lij,'ne  directe  de  pere  en  tils;  mais  tons  les  fils  n'lieritaient  jKiint, 
il  n'y  avait  que  le  tils  aine  de  I'epouse  princi|)ale  que  le  souverain  avait 
choisie  dans  cette  intention.  Elle  jouissait  dune  plus  ;;rande  considera- 
tion que  les  autres,  et  les  sujets  la  resi»ectaient  davantai^e.  Lorsciue  le 
S(»uverain  prenuient  une  de  ses  femmcs  dans  hi  famille  de  Mexico,  elle  occu- 
pait  le  premier  ranp,  et  son  Ills  succedait,  s'il  etait  ('ai)able.'  Tiien,  without 
detiuitely  statin<;  wiietlier  he  is  sjieakiuK  of  all  or  part  of  the  three  kiuf^- 
doms  ill  question,  tiie  author  };oes  on  to  say,  that  in  default  of  direct  lieirs 
tiie  succession  Iwcanie  collateral;  and  filially,  speaking  in  tliis  instance  of 
Jlexico  alone,  he  says,  that  in  the  event  of  the  kiiij?  dyinj,'  without  heirs, 
his  successor  was  elected  by  the  principal  nobles.  In  a  previous  i>ara{,'raph 
he  writes:  'L'ordre  de  succession  variait  suivant  les  provinces;  les  memes 
usages,  11  pen  de  ditterence  pies,  tStaient  re\!U8  ii  Mexico,  ii  Te/cuco  et  a. 
Tacuba.'  Afterward  we  read:  'Dans  quelques  i)roviiices,  conime  par  ex- 
einple  t\  Mexico,  les  frbres  tSfaient  adinis  li  la  succession,  mioiqn'il  y  eilt  des 
fils,  et  iU  gouvcriiaiciit  Buccessivement.'  Rapport,  in   Ternuiix-Oomjmiis, 


186 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


archy  the  king  was  elected  by  vote  of  the  whole  peo- 
ple, who  were  guided  in  their  choice  by  their  leaders; 
even  the  women  appear  to  have  had  a  voice  in  the 

Vol/.,  8«Sric  ii.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  12-18.  M.  I'AbW  Brosseurdc  Bourbourg,  tak- 
iii<;  liis  information  from  Zurita,  and,  indeed,  almost  quoting  literally  from 
the  French  translation  of  that  author,  agrees  that  the  direct  line  of  succes- 
siou  obtained  in  Tlacopan  and  Tezcuco,  but  asserts,  regarding  Mexico,  that 
the  sovereign  was  elected  by  the  five  principal  ministers  of  the  state,  who 
were,  however,  restricted  in  their  choice  to  the  brothers,  nephews,  or  sons 
of  the  deceased  monarch.  Hist.  Nat,  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  576-7.  Pimentel 
also  follows  Zurita.  Memoria,  p.  26.  Prescutt  atlirms  that  'the  sovereign 
was  selected  from  the  brothers  of  the  deceased  prince,  or,  in  default  of 
them,  from  his  nephews.'  Mcx.,  vol.  i.,  p.  23.  Sahagun  merely  says:  'Esco- 
gian  uno  de  los  mas  nobles  de  la  linea  de  los  senorcs  antepasados,'  who 
<<br"ild  lie  a  valiant,  wise,  aud  accomplished  man.  Hint.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib. 
viii.,  p.  318.  'Per  non  lasciar  troppa  liberty  agli  Elettori,  e  per  impcdire, 
quauto  fosse  possibile,  griuconvenienti  de'  |iartiti,  o  fazioni,  fissurono  la  co- 
rona ncUa  casa  d'Acamnpitzin;  c  poi  stabiliroiio  per  Icggc,  die  al  Ue  morto 
dovesse  succedere  uno  de'suoi  fratelli,  c  muncando  i  fratelli,  uno  de'suoi 
nipoti,  e  sc  mai  non  ve  nc  fossero  neppur  di  qiiesti,  uno  de'Hiioi  cugini  res- 
tando  in  Imlia  de<;li  Elettori  lo  sccglierc  tra  i  fratelli,  o  trii  iiipoti  del  Re 
morto  cului,  clie  ricouoscessero  piii  idoneo  pel  governo,  schivuudo  con  si  fatta 
legge  parecchj  inconvenient!  da  noi  altrove  accennati.'  Clavigcro,  Storia 
Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  ii.,  p.  112.  Leon  Carlmjal  quotes  this  almost 
literally.  Discurso,  pp.  54-5.  That  the  eldest  son  could  put  forward  no 
claim  to  the  crown  by  right  of  primogeniture,  is  evident  from  the  following: 
'Quando  algun  Scnor  moria  y  ucxava  muchos  hijos,  si  alguno  se  alzava  en 
palacio  y  se  queria  |)rcfcrir  d  los  otros,  aunque  fuese  el  mayor,  no  lo  con- 
scntia  ei  Senor  A,  quicn  pertenecia  la  confirmacion,  y  nienos  el  pueblo.  Antes 
dexavan  iHisar  un  uno,  6  mas  de  otro,  en  cl  qual  consideravan  bieii  que  era 
mejor  para  regir  6  governar  el  estado,  y  oquel  [lennanecia  por  senor.'  Las 
Casas,  Hist.  ApologHica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii.  Seilor  Carlmjal  Espinosa  says 
that  from  the  election  of  ChimaljMtpoca,  who  succeeded  liis  brother  Huit- 
zilihuitl,  and  was  the  third  king  ot  Mexico,  'qued6  establecida  la  ley  de 
clegir  uno  de  los  liennanos  del  rey  difunto,  y  &  falta  de  dstos  un  so- 
brino,  cuya  prilctica  se  observ6  constautcmente,  conio  lo  har^mos  ver, 
hasta  la  ruina  del  imperio  niexicano.'  Hist,  do  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  334.  'El 
Impcrio  era  montirquico,  ]iero  no  hercditario.  Muricndo  el  Emperador 
los  gefes  del  Imiicrio  antiguamente  se  juntaban  y  elegian  entre  si  mismos 
al  que  creian  mas  digno,  y  por  el  cual  la  intriga,  el  niancjo,  la  suiier- 
sticion,  eran  nuis  fclizmente  reconocidas.'  Carli,  Cartas,  pt  i.,  p.  114. 
'Tambieii  aula  sucession  ]Mtr  sangrc,  sucedia  cl  hi  jo  mayor,  sienilo  imm 
ello,  y  sino  el  otro:  en  defeto  de  los  hijos  sucedian  nietos,  y  en  defeto 
dcUos  yua  por  elecion.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xv.  As 
the  order  in  wliirli  the  Mexican  kings  actually  did  follow  each  other  should 
be  stronger  proof  of  what  was  the  law  than  any  other  evidence,  I  take  from 
the  Codex  Mendoza  the  foUowinjg  list:  Acamapichtli,  who  is  usually  spoken 
of  as  the  first  king,  succeeded  Tcnuch,  althou^^h  it  is  not  stated  that  he 
was  related  to  him  in  any  way;  then  came  Huicilyhuitl,  son  of  Acamapich- 
tli; Chinutlpupuca,  son  ot  Huicilyhuitl;  Yzcoaci,  son  of  Acamapichtli;  Hue- 
liucmoteccunia,  son  of  Huicilyhuitl;  Axayacaci,  son  of  Tecocomochtli,  and 
•mindson  of  Yzcoaci;  Ti9ov'icatzi,  son  of  Axayacaci;  Ahuipo^in,  brother  of 
ri909icatzi;  Motecpunui,  sou  of  Axayacaci;  tlius,  acconling  to  this  author, 
we  sec,  out  of  nine  monurchs,  tiiicc  succeeded  directly  ])y  their  sons,  and 
three  by  their  brothers.  Esplicacion,  in  Kingsborouffh's  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  v., 
)p.  42-53.  See  further,  Vei/tia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mei.,  and  Ilrasseur  de  Botir- 
tourtf.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.  These  writers  diiTer  slightly  from  the  collection  above 
quoted,  but  iu  uo  important  respect. 


I 


ELECTION  OF  KINGS. 


187 


matter  at  this  period."  Afterwards,  the  duty  of  elect- 
ing the  king  of  Mexico  devolved  upon  four  or  five  of 
the  chief  men  of  the  empire.  The  kings  of  Tezcuco 
and  Tlacopan  were  also  electors,  but  with  merely  an 
honorary  rank ;  they  ratified  the  decision  of  the  others, 
but  probably  took  no  direct  part  in  the  election,  al- 
though their  influence  and  wishes  doubtless  carried 
great  weight  with  the  council.  As  soon  as  the  new 
king  had  been  chosen  tae  body  of  electors  was  dis- 
solved, and  others  were  appointed  in  their  place,  whose 
duties  also  tenninated  with  their  first  electoral  vote." 


osa  says 
Huit- 
ley  de 
un  so- 


suiMjr- 

114. 

o  ])ara 

defeto 

cv.    As 

should 

fc  from 

spoken 

}\at  he 

iiapich- 

Hiic- 

rli,  and 

thcr  of 

tuthor, 

IS,  and 

vol.  v., 

Bour- 

abovo 


2  After  the  death  of  Acamapichtli,  the  first  king  of  Mexico,  a  general 
council  was  held,  and  the  i)copIe  were  addressed  as  follows:  'Ya  es  fuUido 
nuostro  rey  Acamapichtli,  a  ({uicn  pondrenios  en  su  lugar,  que  rija  y  gohicr- 
ne  cste  pueblo  Mexicuiio?  Pohres  de  los  viejos,  ninos  y  mugercs  viejus  que 
hay:  que  serii  dc  nosotros  d  doiule  ir^mos  d  dcniandar  rey  que  sea  de  nucstra 
patria  y  nacion  Mexicana?  hablen  todos  parade  cual  parte  elegirdmos  rey,  6 
ninguno  pucde  dcjar  de  hablar,  pucs  &  todos  nos  imiiorta  pura  el  reparo,  y 
cal)cza  <lc  nuestra  patria  Mexicana  est^.'  Uiwn  Huitzilihuitl  lieiug  pro- 
posed, 'todos  juntos,  mancebos,  viejus  y  viejas  respondieron  &  una:  que  sea 
niucho  de  enhombuena,  que  d  el  quiercn  jior  sefiur  y  rey.'  Tezozomoc,  Crv- 
iHca  Mcx.,  in  Kingshorough^a  Mrx.  Aiitiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  10.  Sahagun's  de- 
scription of  their  manner  of  electing  kings,  apiiears  also  to  be  more  appro- 
priate to  this  early  periotl  than  to  a  later  date:  'Cuando  moria  el  scnor  6  rey 
f)ara  clcgir  otro,  juntiibanse  los  scnadores  one  Uamaban  tccutlutoque,  jr  tam- 
»ien  los  viejos  del  pueblo  cjuc  Uanialmn  achcacauhti,  y  tambien  los  capitanes 
sokludos  viejos  dc  la  gucrra  que  Ihiniaban  lauiequioaqiie,  v  otros  cajiitanea 
one  cran  ])rincipales  en  las  cosas  de  la  guerra,  y  tambien  los  Sdtrapas  quo 
llainaban  Tlenamacuzquc  6  jHi/moaque:  todos  estos  se  juntabiui  en  las  cusas 
rcalcs,  y  alii  dclibcratiau  y  detenninalHin  quicn  habia  de  ser  seflor.'  Hist. 
Gen.,  tom.  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  p.  318;  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Yntl.,  p.  439. 

s  The  exact  numlwr  and  rank  of  these  electors  is  hard  to  detei-mine. 
'Si  Ic  souverain  de  Mexico  mourait  sans  hdritier,  les  priuciiMiux  chefs  lui 
choisissaicnt  un  succcsseur  dont  I'clection  ciait  confirmee  par  ics  chefs  sujxi- 
ricurs  de  Tezcuco  et  Tacuba.'  Ziirita,  Rapport,  in  Tcniaux-Comuaiis,  Voy., 
serie  ii.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  15-l(i,  Pinientel  follows  this,  Mem.  suhre  la  Raza  in- 
(Hqena,  p.  26:  'Tutti  e  due  i  He  (of  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan)  furonu  creati 
Eiettori  onorarj  del  Ke  di  Messico,  il  qual  ouore  soltanto  riducevasi  a  rat- 
ificare  I'elezion  fatta  daquattro  Nobili  Messicani,  ch'erano  i  vori  Eiettori.' 
Clavigcro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messino,  tom.  i.,  p.  224.  'Despues  en  tiem)>odc 
Izcoatl  quarto  Key,  iwr  cousejo  y  orden  de  vn  sabio  y  valeroso  hombre,  que 
tuuieron  llamado  Tlacaellcl  se  sefndaron  quatro  elcctores,  y  a  estos  junta- 
niente  con  dos  seuores,  o  Ueyes  sujetos  al  Mexicano,  que  eran  el  de  Tez- 
ciico,  y  cl  de  TucuImi,  tocaua  hazer  la  elcciou.'  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd., 
1».  439.  These  four  electors  'de  ordinario  eran  hermanos,  o  parientcs  muy 
cercanos  del  Uey.  Llamauan  a  estos  Tlacohccalcktl,  que  significu  el  Prin- 
cipe de  las  lanyas  arrojadizas,  que  era  vn  gcnero  de  arnuis  que  cllos  mu- 
clio  vsauan.'  Id.  p.  441.  'Seis  elcctores  clegian  el  Enii>erador,  dos  de 
cuales  eran  sicniprc  los  principes  de  Tescuco  d  de  Acolhuacan  y  de  Ta- 
cuba, y  un  prluciiMJ  de  la  sangre  real'  Carli,  Cartas,  pt  i.,  p.  114.  'Four  of 
the  principal  nobles,  who  had  been  chosen  by  their  own  body  in  the  pre- 
ceding reign,  filled  the  office  of  electors,  to  whom  were  tulded,  with  merely 
an  honorary  rank  however,  the  two  royal  allies  of  Tezcuco  and  TIaco{ian.' 


188 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


This  plan  of  election  was  not  without  its  advantages. 
As  the  persons  to  whom  the  choice  was  entrusted  were 
great  ministers  or  lords  who  lived  at  court,  they  had 
better  opportunities  of  observing  the  true  character  of 
the  future  candidates  for  the  throne  than  the  common 
people,  who  are  ever  too  apt  to  judge,  by  pleasing  ex- 
terior rather  than  by  real  merit,  those  with  whose 
private  life  they  can  have  no  acquaintance.  In  the 
next  place,  the  high  private  rank  of  the  Mexican 
electors  placed  them  beyond  the  ordinary  influence  of 
bribery  or  threats;  and  thus  the  state  was  in  a  meas- 
ure free  from  that  system  of  corruption  which  makes 
the  voice  of  the  people  a  mockery  in  more  democratic 
communities,  and  which  would  have  prevailed  to  a  far 
greater  extent  in  a  country  where  feudal  relations  ex- 
isted between  lord  and  vassal.  Then  again,  the  free- 
dom of  choice  accorded  to  electors  enabled  them  to 
prevent  imbeciles  from  assuming  the  responsibilities 
of  kingship,  and  thus  the  most  conspicuous  evil  of  an 
hereditary  monarchy  was  avoided. 

The  almost  absolute  authority  vested  in  the  person 

PrescotVs  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  p.  23.  Brosseur  de  Bourbonrg  gives  the  style  and 
title  of  cacli  elector,  and  says  they  were  five  in  nuniwr,  but  does  not  state 
his  authority;  *Les  principaux  dignitaires  du  royaume,  le  Cihuacohuatl  ou 
Ministre  supreme  de  la  justice  ct  de  la  maison  du  roi,  le  Tlacochcalcatl, 
Guntiralissinie  ou  Maitre  de  la  maison  des  Amies,  I'Atenipanecatl,  ou 
Grand-Ma'itre  des  Eaux,  I'Ezhuahuacatl,  ou  le  Mattre  du  Sang,  et  le  Tli- 
llancalqui,  ou  chef  de  la  Maison-Noire,  coniposant  entre  eux  le  conseii 
de  la  nionarchie,  elisaicnt  celui  qui  leur  paraissait  le  plus  aptc  aux  affaires 

publiqucs,  ct  lui  donnaient  la  couronne II  est  douteux  que  Ics  rois  de 

Tetzcuco  et  de  TIacopan  aient  jamais  oris  une  parte  directe  h  ce  clioix.'  Hist. 
Nat.  Cic,  torn,  iii.,  wp.  577-8.    At  the  foot  of  the  same  page  is  the  follow- 


ing  note:  'Si  havia  duda  6  diferencia  quien  debia  de  ser  rey,  averiguase  lo 
mas  aina  que  pcxlian,  y  sino  poco  tenian  que  hacer  (los  seuores  de  Tetzcuco 
y  Tlacapan).  Goinnra,  Crdnica  de  Nucva-EspaHa,  ap.  Barcia,  cap.  99. 
This  quotation  is  not  to  be  found,  however  in  the  place  indicated.  'Crearon 
cuatro  clectores,  en  cuya  opinion  se  comprometian  todos  los  votos  del  reino. 
Eran  aquellos  funcionarios,  magnates  y  seiiores  de  la  primera  nobleza,  co- 
niuniuente  de  sangre  real,  y  de  tanta  pnidencia  y  probidad,  cuanta  se  nece- 
sitaba  para  un  car^o  tan  importante.'  Carbajal  Esjrinosa,  Hist.  Mcx.,  toin. 
i,,  p.  578.     'File  el  quinto  Key,  Motezuma  priniero  deste  nombre;  y  {wrque, 

Sara  la  eleciou  auia  quatro  eletores,  con  los  quales  inl;erueiiian  los  lieyes 
e  Tezcuco  y  de  Tacuba.  Se  junt6  con  ellos  Tlacaellcl  como  Capitan'i^c- 
neral,  y  salib  elegido  su  sobrino  Motezuma.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii., 
lib.  ii.,  cap.  xiii.  After  the  king  in  rank,  'eran  los  quatro  electores  del  Rey, 
que  tambien  sucedian  por  elecion,  y  I'e  ordinario  eran  hermanos,  o  pari- 
eiites  cercanos  del  Key,  y  a  estos  llaniauan  en  su  Iciigua,  Priucipes  de  las 
lan9as  arrojadizas,  annas  que  ellos  vsauan.'  Id.,  cap.  xix. 


POWER  OF  MEXICAN  KINGS. 


180 


style  and 
not  state 
luhuatl  ou 
hcalcatl, 
iccatl,  ou 
et  le  Tli- 
le  conseil 
IX  affaires 
es  rois  do 
oix.'  Hist. 
he  foUow- 
riguasc  lo 
Tetzcuco 
cap.  99. 
'Crearon 
del  reino. 
blcza,  co- 
a  se  nece- 
lex.,  torn, 
y  jwrque, 
Ids  Reyes 
upitau  ^c- 
,  dec.  iii., 
del  Rey, 
8,  o  pari- 
pes  de  las 


of  the  sovereign  rendered  great  discrimination  neces- 
sary in  his  selection.  It  was  essential  that  the  ruler 
of  a  people  surrounded  by  enemies  and  continually 
bent  upon  conquest,  should  be  an  approved  and  vali- 
ant warrior;  having  the  personal  direction  of  state 
affairs,  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  be  a  deep  and 
subtle  politician;  the  gross  superstition  and  theocratic 
tendencies  of  the  governed  required  the  governor  to 
be  versed  in  religion,  holding  the  gods  in  reverence; 
and  the  records  of  the  nation  prove  that  he  was  gen- 
erally a  man  of  culture,  and  a  patron  of  art  and  sci- 
ence. 

In  its  first  stages  the  Mexican  monarchy  partook 
rather  of  an  aristocratic  than  of  an  absolute  nature. 
Though  the  king  was  ostensibly  the  supreme  head  of 
the  state,  he  was  expected  to  confer  with  his  council, 
which  was  composed  of  the  royal  electors,  and  other 
exalted  personages,  before  deciding  upon  any  impor- 
tant step;''  and  though  the  legislative  power  rested 
entirely  in  his  hands,  the  executive  government  was 
entrusted  to  legularly  appointed  officials  and  courts  of 
justice.  As  the  empire,  owing  to  the  able  administra- 
tion of  a  succession  of  conquering  princes,  increased  in 
greatness,  the  royal  power  gradually  increased,  al- 
though I  find  nothing  of  constitutional  amendments  or 
reconstructions  until  the  time  of  Montezuma  II.,  when 
the  authority  of  all  tribunals  was  reduced  almost  to  a, 
dead  letter,  if  opposed  to  the  desires  or  commands  of 
the  king. 

The  neighboring  independent  and  powerful  king- 

^Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  441,  gives  the  namcn  of  three  militaiy 
orders,  of  which  the  four  royal  electors  foniicd  one;  and  of  a  fourth,  which 
was  of  a  sacerdotal  character.  All  tliese  were  of  tlie  royal  council,  and 
without  their  advice  the  king  could  do  notliing  of  inipoi-tance.  Herrera 
helps  himself  to  this  from  Acosta  almost  word  for  word:  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii., 
cap.  xix.  Sahagun  implies  tliat  this  supreme  council  was  composed  of  only 
four  members:  'Elegido  el  sefior,  lucgo  elegian  otros  cuatro  que  eran  como 
senadores  que  siempre  habian  de  estar  al  lado  de  ^1,  y  entcnder  en  todos  los 
ncgocios  graves  de  reino,  (estos  cuatro  tenian  en  diversos  lugares  divcrsos 
nombres).  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  p.  318.  According  to  Ixtlilxochitl 
the  council  whose  duties  corres]H>nded  to  this  in  Tczcuco,  was  com]x>sed  of 
fourteen  members.  Hist.  Chichimeca,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol. 
ix.,  p.  243;  Veytia,  Hist,  Ant.  Mcj.,  torn.  11.,  y,  132. 


140 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


doni  of  Michoacan  was  governed  by  an  absolute  mon- 
arch, who  usually  resided  at  his  capital,  on  lake 
Patzcuaio.  Over  each  province  was  placed  a  gover- 
nor, chosen  from  the  first  ranks  of  the  nobility,  who 
ruled  with  great  if  not  absolute  authority,  in  the  name 
of  the  king,  and  maintained  a  court  that  was  in  almost 
every  respect  a  miniature  of  that  of  his  sovereign. 
The  order  of  succession  was  hereditary  and  lineal,  the 
eldest  son  generally  succeeding  to  the  throne.  The 
selection  of  a  successor,  however,  was  left  to  the  reign- 
ing king,  who,  when  he  felt  himself  to  be  near  his  end, 
was  at  liberty  to  choose  from  among  his  sons  the  one 
whom  he  thought  best  fitted  to  govern.  In  order 
to  test  his  capability  and  accustom  him  to  handling 
the  reigns  of  government,  and  that  he  might  have  the 
old  monarch's  advice,  the  chosen  heir  immediately 
began  to  exercise  the  functions  of  king.  A  custom 
similar  to  this  existed  among  the  ancient  Toltecs. 
Their  kings  were  only  permitted  to  reign  for  a  xinh- 
molpilli,  that  is  to  say  an  'age,'  which  was  fifty-two 
years,  after  which  time  the  eldest  son  was  invested 
with  royal  authority  and  commenced  to  reign.*  When 
the  old  Michoacan  monarch  fell  sick,  the  son  who 
had  been  nominated  as  his  successor  immediately  dis- 
patched messengers  to  all  the  grandees  of  the  king- 
dom, with  orders  to  repair  immediately  to  the  capital. 
None  was  exempt  from  being  present,  and  a  failure  to 
comply  with  the  summons  was  held  to  be  l^se-majest^. 
Having  assembled  at  the  palace,  if  the  invalid  is  able 
to  receive  them,  the  nobles  pass  one  by  one  through 
his  chamber  and  with  words  of  condolence  and  en- 
couragement seek  to  comfort  him.  Before  leaving 
the  palace  each  mourner  deposits  in  the  throne-room 
certain  presents,  brought  for  the  occasion  as  a  more 
substantial  testimonial  of  his  sorrow.  If,  however, 
the  physicians  pronounce  the  royal  patient  beyond 
hope  of  recovery,  no  one  is  allowed  to  see  him.' 

•  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Tnd.,  torn,  i.,  p.  37. 

9  Beaumont,  Crdn.  de  Mcchoamn,  pp.  52,  54-6;  Torquemada,  Monarq. 


GOVERNMENt  IN  TLASCALA. 


141 


He  who  reads  the  romantic  gtory  of  the  conquest, 
feels  his  heart  warm  towards  that  staunch  little  nation 
of  warriors,  the  Tlascaltees.  There  is  that  about  the 
men  who  ute  their  meat  saltless  for  fifty  years  rather 
than  humble  themselves  before  the  mighty  despots  of 
Mexico,  that  savors  of  the  same  material  that  defied 
the  Persian  host  at  Thermopylse.  Had  the  Tlascal- 
tees steadily  opposed  the  Spaniards,  Cortes  never  could 
have  gone  forward  to  look  upon  the  face  of  King  Mon- 
tezuma, nor  backward  to  King  Charles  as  the  con- 
queror of  New  Spain;  the  warriors  who  routed  their 
allied  enemies  on  the  bloody  plains  of  Poyauhtlan,  as- 
suredly could  have  offered  the  hearts  of  the  invaders 
an  acceptable  sacrifice  to  the  gods  of  Tlascala.  The 
state  of  Tlascala,  though  invariably  spoken  of  as  a 
republic,  was  certainly  not  so  in  the  modern  accept- 
ation of  the  term.  At  the  time  of  the  conquest 
it  was  governed  by  four  supreme  lords,  each  inde- 
pendent in  his  own  territory,  and  possessed  of  equal 
authority  with  the  others  in  matters  concerning  the 
welfare  of  all.*"  A  parliament  or  senate,  composed  of 
these  four  lords  and  the  rest  of  the  nobility,  settled 
the  affairs  of  government,  especially  those  relating  to 
peace  and  war.  The  law  of  succession  was  much  the 
same  as  in  Michoacan.  The  chief  before  his  death 
named  the  son  whom  he  wished  to  succeed  him,  who, 
however,  did  not,  as  in  Michoacan,  commence  to  gov- 
ern until  after  his  fathoi'b  death.  The  old  chief's 
choice  was  restricted  in  two  ways:  in  the  first  place 
the  approval  of  his  three  colleagues  was  necessary; 

Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  3.38,  523;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  138; 
Zurita,  Rapport,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  sdrie  ii.,  toin.  i.,  p.  17;  Go- 
mam,  Coiiq.  Mcx.,  fol.  310-11;  Pimentel,  Mem.  Razd Indiyciia,n.  27;  Bras- 
ieiir  (le  Bourbourg,  Hht.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  82.  In  the  iVvsl-Itidische 
Spicg/tel,  pp.  265-^5,  wc  read:  'Dese  Stadt  ende  Provincie  wicrden  voor  de 
coinste  der  Spacnjacrdcn  soo  treffelick  gheregecrt,  al»  ceniirhe  van  die  Lan- 
ilcii,  daer  was  een  Cacique  die  absolutelick  regeerdc,  staentYe  ondcr  de  ghe- 
hoorsaeniheydt  van  de  grootc  Hecre  van  Tenoxtitlan.'  The  old  chronicler 
is  mistaken  here,  however,  as  the  kingdom  of  Michoacan  was  never  in 
ony  way  subject  to  Mexico. 

1*  Clavigero  says  that  the  city  of  Tlascala  was  divided  into  four  parts, 
each  division  having  its  lord,  to  whom  all  places  dependent  on  such  division 
were  likewise  subject.  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toni.  i.,  p.  155. 


t4l 


THE  NAHl'A  NATIONS. 


and  secondly,  legitimate  sons,  that  is  the  sons  of  a 
wife  to  whom  he  had  been  united  according  to  certain 
forms,  must  take  precedence  of  his  other  children.  In 
default  of  sons,  the  brothers  of  the  deceased  chief  suc- 
ceeded." In  any  event  the  property  of  the  late  ruler 
was  inherited  by  his  brothers,  who  also,  according  to 
a  custom  which  we  shall  find  to  be  almost  universal 
among  the  civilized  peoples  of  the  New  World,  mar- 
ried his  widows."  Such  infonuation  as  I  find  upon 
the  subject  ascribes  the  same  form  of  government  to 
Cholula  and  Huexotzinco,  that  was  found  in  Tlas- 
cala."  The  Miztecs  and  Zapotecs  acknowledged  one 
supreme  chief  or  king;  the  law  of  inheritance  with 
them  was  similar  to  that  of  Tlascala,  except  that  in 
default  of  sons  a  daughter  could  inherit."  The  Zapo- 
tecs appear,  at  least  in  the  more  ancient  times,  to 
have  been,  if  possible,  even  more  priest-ridden  than 
their  neighbors;  the  orders  of  priests  existing  among 
them  were,  as  will  be  seen  elsewhere,  numerous,  and 
seem  to  have  possessed  great  power,  secular  as  well  as 
sacerdotal.  Yopaa,  one  of  their  principal  cities,  was 
ruled  absolutely  by  a  pontiff,  in  whom  the  Zapotec 
monarchs  had  a  powerful  rival.  It  is  impossible  to 
overrate  the  reverence  in  which  this  spiritual  king 
was  held.  He  was  looked  upon  as  a  god,  whom  the 
earth  was  not  worthy  to  hold,  nor  the  sun  to  shine 
upon.  He  profaned  his  sanctity  if  he  so  much  as 
touched  the  ground  with  his  foot.  The  officers  who 
bore  his  palanquin  upon  their  shoulders  were  mem- 
bers of  the  first  Zapotec  families;  he  scarcely  deigned 
to  look  upon  anything  abo'it  him.  He  never  appeared 
in  public,  except  with  the  most  extraordinary  pomp, 

"  Torqttenuula,  Monarq.  Iiid.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  200,  276,  toiii.  ii.,  pp.  347-9; 
Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  ii. ;  Laet,  Noviis  Orbis,  p.  262;  Pintentel,  Mem. 
Rctzn  Indigena,  p.  27;  Prescott's  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  p.  4ll. 

11  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvellcs  Annates des  Voy.,  1849,  torn,  xcviii., 
p.  197. 

}^  Torqiiemada,  Monarq.  Ltd.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  350-1. 

I*  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  xii.  Brasseur  de  Boiir- 
Imurg  writes:  'Dans  Ics  divers  dtnts  du  Mixtecapan,  les  heritages  pass>aient 
de  inftle  en  m&le,  sans  que  les  fcmmes  pusscnt  y  avoir  droit.'  Hist.  Nat, 
Civ.,  torn,  ill.,  p.  39;  this  may,  however,  refer  merely  to  private  property. 


THE  PONTIFF  OF  YOPAA. 


143 


jomp, 

347-9; 
\l,  Mem. 


XCVUI., 


and  all  who  met  him  fell  with  their  faces  to  the  qfround, 
fearing  that  death  would  overtake  them  were  they  to 
look  upon  the  face  of  the  holy  Wiyatao,  as  he  was 
called.  The  most  powerful  lords  never  entered  his 
presence  except  with  eyes  lowered  and  feet  bared, 
and  even  the  Zapotec  pnnces  of  the  blood  nmst  occu- 
py a  seat  before  him  lower  than  his  own.  Continence 
was  strictly  imposed  upon  the  Zapotec  priests,  and 
especially  was  it  incumbent  upon  the  pontiff  of  Yopaa, 
from  the  eminence  of  his  position,  to  be  a  shininjr  lighl 
of  chastity  for  the  guidance  of  those  who  looked  up 
to  him;  yot  was  the  pontifical  dignity  hereditary  in 
the  family  of  the  Wiyatao.  TiO  way  in  which  this 
paradox  is  explained  is  as  follows:  on  certain  days 
m  each  year,  which  were  generally  celebrated  with 
feasts  and  dances,  it  was  customary  for  the  high- 
priest  to  become  drunk.  While  in  this  state,  seemmg 
to  belong  neither  to  heaven  nor  to  earth,  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  <'f  the  virgins  consecrated  to  the  service 
of  the  gods  \v  .s  brought  to  him.  If  the  result  of 
this  holy  deli  Aich  proved  to  be  a  male  infant,  the  child 
was  brought  up  with  great  care  as  a  prince  of  the 
royal  family.  The  eldest  son  of  the  reigning  pontiff 
inherited  the  throne  of  Yopaa,  or  in  default  of  chil- 
dren, the  high-priest's  nearest  relative  succeeded. 
The  j'^ounger  children  devoted  themselves  to  the  serv- 
ice of  the  gods,  or  married  and  remained  laymen, 
according  to  their  inclination  or  the  paternal  wish;  in 
either  case  the  most  honorable  and  important  positions 
usually  fell  to  their  lot." 

T'  omp  and  circumstance  which  surrounded  the 
Aztec  nionarchs,  and  the  magnificence  of  their  every- 
day life  was  most  impressive.  From  the  moment  of 
ills  corui..ition  the  Aztec  sovereign  lived  in  an  atmos- 
1  iiere  of  adulation  unknown  to  the  mightiest  Tjoten- 
tate  of  the   old  world.     Reverenced   as   a  god,  the 

^  Burgoa,  Geog.  Desci  .,  cap.  53;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourff,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  29-30. 


144 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


haughtiest  nobles,  sovereit^ns  in  their  own  land,  hum- 
bled themselves  before  hiui ;  absolute  in  j>o\ver,  the 
fate  of  thousands  depended  u})or  a  jresture  of  his 
hi»nd. 

The  ceremony  of  anointment,  which  preceded  and 
was  entirely  distiiict  iVom  that  of  coronation,  was  an 
occasion  of  much  display.  In  Mexico,  as  soon  as 
the  new  king  was  elected,  which  was  immediately 
after  the  funeral  cf  his  {)redecessor,  the  kings  of 
Tezcuco  and  Thico[)an  were  sent  for  to  be  present 
at  th<^  ceremony  of  anointment;  all  tlie  great  feuda- 
atory  lords,  who  had  been  i)resent  at  the  funeral  of 
the  liiie  king,  were  also  invited  to  attend.  When 
all  are  assembled  the  procession  sets  out  for  the 
temple  of  Huitzilopochtli,  the  gcnl  of  war.  The  kings 
of  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan,  surrounded  by  all  the  most 
powerful  nobles  of  the  realm,  bearing  their  ensigns  and 
insignia  of  rank,  lead  the  van.  Next  conies  the  king 
elect,  naked,  excej)ting  only  the  maxtli,  or  cloth  al)out 
the  loins;  following  these  are  the  lesser  nobles,  and 
after  them  the  conunon  [)eople.  Silently  the  pro- 
cession wends  its  way  along  the  streets;  no  beat  of 
drum  nor  shout  of  people  is  heard  above  the  tramping. 
The  road  in  advance  is  .as  free  from  obstruction  as  a 
corridor  in  the  royal  j>alace;  no  one  moves  among  the 
multitude  that  string  along  its  odji^oa,  but  all  stand 
with  bended  head  and  eyes  downcast  until  the  solemn 
pageant  has  passed,  wlion  they  close  in  with  the  jost- 
ling and  whispering  crowd  that  follows.  Arrived  at 
the  temple  the  king  and  that  part  of  the  i)rocession 
which  j)recedes  him  ascend  to  the  sununit.  During 
the  ascent  he  is  supported  on  either  side  by  a  great 
lord,  and  such  aid  is  not  su[)erfluous,  for  the  staircases, 
having  in  all  one  hundred  and  fourteen  steps,  each  a 
foot  high,  are  so  arranged  that  it  is  necessary  to  go 
completely  round  the  building  several  times  before 
reaching  the  top.  On  the  summit  the  king  is  met  by 
the  high-priest  and  his  colleagues,  the  people  mean- 
while waiting  below.      His  first  action  uj»on  reaching 


CEREMONY  OF  ANOINTMENT. 


145 


I  and 
iiH  an 
ju  as 
iatoly 

\rti    Ot" 

"osent 

eiida- 

ral  of 

When 

r   the 

kinj^s 

;  most 

ns  and 

e  king 
aV)out 

's,  and 

J  i)ro- 
it  of 
l>in«,'. 

•n  as  a 
vr  the 
stand 
lenm 
jost- 
ed  at 
cssion 
)uiin«]j 
j^reat 
eases, 
3aeh  a 
to  g-o 
hefoio 
let  by 
Imean- 
u'hiiis; 


.() 


the  summit  is  to  pay  reverence  to  the  image  of  the  god 
of  battles  by  touching  the  earth  with  his  liatid  and  then 
carrying  it  to  his  mouth.  Tlie  high-priest  now  anoints 
the  king  through.out  his  entire  l>ody  with  a  certain 
bhick  ointment,  and  sprinkles  him  with  water  which 
has  been  blessed  at  the  grand  feast  of  Huitzilo])och- 
tli,  using  for  this  purpose  branches  of  cedar  and  willow 
and  leaves  of  maize;"  at  the  same  time  he  addresses 
a  few  words  of  counsel  to  him.  The  newly  anointed 
monarch  is  next  clothed  with  a  mantle,  on  which  are 
represented  skulls  and  lx>nes,  to  remind  him,  we  are 
told,  that  even  kings  are  mortal ;  his  head  is  covered 
with  two  cloths,  or  veils,  one  blue  and  the  other  black, 
and  decorated  in  a  similar  manner;  about  his  neck  is 
tied  a  small  gourd,  containing  a  certain  ])owder,  which 
is  esteemed  a  strong  preservative  against  disease,  sor- 
cery, and  treason.  A  censer  containing  live  coals  is 
put  into  his  right  hand,  and  into  his  left  a  bag  of  copal, 
and  thus  accoutred  and  providetl  he  pnn'ei'ds  to  incense 
the  god  Huitzilopochtli."     This  act  of  worshi})  he  i)er- 

"  Acosta,  Ifisf  ffr  his  Viii/.,  p.  474,  writes:  'PiiHicri)nIc  roronu  UvtH,  y 
viijjieroiile,  I'onio  fue  i-ostiiinliro  luuerlo  r<ni  ti«l<>s  sus  Iti-yrs,  rnii  vim  viii'iun 
r|ui-  lliiiiiiiuiiiidiiiiiia,  puniiiefra  la  iniHiiiucoii  i|Uo  vii);iaii  hu  ytlolii.'  Ton|iio- 
iiiada,  MoiKin/.  Iii</.,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  '.V\t},  savH  that  Acosta  is  mistaken,  for,  ho 
observes  that  'la  <'iirona<|ue  ihiiiiahaCopilli,  iiosi'iialia  en  esta  ocasioii,  Minn 
<{uu  en  hi;;ar  (le  ella,  le  jMiiiian  hts  niantas  tlichas  Mihre  la  Calieva,  ni  tani- 

IiiH'o  era  la  vncion  la  inisnia  i|ue  la  <le  los  Itlulos;  )Hn'iiiu>  la  l>ivina,  iine  61 
Acosta]  nonihra,  era  de  I'lli,  y  Sa'n^re  <le  Nifios,  con  (jne  taniliien  vn^^ian  ul 
Siiino  Sacerilote;'  but  Toniiieniaila  here  •lircclly  contradicts  a  previous  state- 
ment of  his  own,  t'wn.  i.,  p.  lOJ,  where  he  says  that  immediately  after  the 
election,  havin}^  seated  the  kinj;  elect  upon  a  throne,  'le  pnsieron  la  Corona 
Heal  en  su  ('a)H>ya,  y  le  vntaron  ttnio  el  <'uer|H>,  con  la  N'licion,  que  despiies 
acostuinliraron,  ((tie  era  la  misma  eon  i|ue  vn;^'ian  a  sn  l>ios,'  thus  usin){ 
almost  the  same  witrds  as  Acosta.  I.eon  y  (iama,  Ilox  I'iiilnis,  says  that 
the  water  used  at  th<«  anointing  was  drawn  from  the  fountain  To/.iialatI, 
whi<^li  was  held  in  jrrcat  veneration,  aixl  that  it  was  (irst  used  for  this  pur- 
pose at  the  anointment  of  lluitxilihiiitl,  seconti  kin^'  of  Mexico. 

>''  Salia;.;un  states  that  the  kin;;  was  drcsseil  upon  this  occasion  in  a  tunic 
of  dark  ;;reeii  cloth,  with  lM>nes  painted  n|Hiii  it;  this  tunic  rescinhled  the 
fiuipil,  or  <'lieiiiise  of  the  women,  and  was  usually  worn  hy  the  iioliles  when 
they  oH'ereil  iiu'eiise  to  llie  pwls.  The  veil  was  also  of  j;reen  cloth  orna- 
inentud  with  skulls  and  iMtnes,  and  in  addition  to  the  articles  descriU-d  hy 
other  writers,  this  author  mentions  that  they  placed  dark  ^rrccii  sandals  upon 
his  feet.  !le  also  atlirins  that  the  four  niyiil  electors  were  conlirincd  in  tlieir 
otiiee  at  the  saiiie  time  as  the  kiii;j,  Ikmii;;  similarly  dresseil,  save  that  the 
odor  of  their  costn:ne  was  Mack,  aini  ^.roin;;  throu;;h  the  Mime  |M'r.''ormaneeH 
after  him,  exi-ept,  of  course,  the  aiiointiiiuiit.  Snhiujiui,  Hist-UcH.,  toiii.  ii., 
Vol.  U.    to 


148 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


forms  on  his  knees,  amid  the  cheers  of  the  people  be- 
low, and  the  playing  of  musical  instruments.  He  has 
concluded  now,  and  the  high-priest  again  addresses  a 
short  speech  to  him.  Consider  well,  Sire,  he  says,  the 
great  honor  which  your  subjects  have  conferred  upon 
you,  and  remember  now  that  you  are  king,  that  it 
is  your  duty  to  watch  over  your  people  with  great  care, 
to  look  upon  them  as  your  children,  to  preserve  them 
from  suffering,  and  to  protect  the  weak  from  the  op- 
pression of  the  strong.  Behold  before  you  the  chiefs 
of  your  kingdom  together  with  all  your  subjects,  to 
whom  you  are  both  father  and  mother,  for  it  is  to  you 
they  turn  for  protection.  It  is  now  your  place  to  com- 
mand and  to  govern,  and  most  especially  is  it  your 
duty  to  bestow  great  attention  upon  all  matters  relating 
to  war,  to  search  out  and  punish  criminals  without  re- 
gard to  rank,  to  put  down  rebellion,  and  t(j  chastise 
the  seditious.  Let  not  the  strenofth  of  relijjion  decline 
durmg  your  reign,  see  that  the  temples  are  well  cared 
for,  let  there  be  ever  an  abundance  of  victims  for  sac- 
rifice, and  so  will  you  prosper  in  all  your  undertakings 
and  be  beloved  of  the  gods.  Gomara  affirms  that  tlie 
high-priest  imposed  an  oath  upon  the  king  that  during 
his  reign  he  would  maintain  the  religion  of  his  ances- 
tors, and  observe  their  laws ;  that  he  would  give  offence 
to  none,  and  be  valiant  in  war;  that  he  would  make  the 
sun  to  shine,  the  clouds  to  give  rain,  the  rivers  to  flow, 
and  the  earth  to  bring  forth  fruits  in  abundance.^*  The 
allied  kings  and  the  nobles  next  address  him  to  the 
same  purpose ;  to  which  the  king  answers  with  thanks 
and  promises  to  exert  himself  to  the  utmost  of  his 
power  for  the  happiness  of  the  state. 

The  speeches  being  ended  the  procession  again  winds 
round  the  temple  until,  following  terrace  after  terrace, 
it  finally  reaches  the  ground  in  the  same  order  that  it 
went  up.     The  king  now  receives  homage  and  gifts 

p.  319.    Gomara  says  they  hung  upon  the  kind's  neck  'vnaa  corrona  colora- 
(las  largas  y  <lc  inuchan  rurimlcH:  de  cuius  cubus  colgauun  cicrtus  insigniustle 
rei,  conio  pinjuntcs.'     Conq.  Mcx.,  fol.  305. 
^*Gotnara,  Conq.  Mex,,  fol.  30G. 


CORONATION  CEREMONY. 


147 


from  the  rest  of  the  nobility,  amidst  the  loud  acclaims 
of  the  people.  He  is  next  conducted  to  a  temple 
called  Tlacatecco,  where  during  four  days  he  remains 
alone,  doing  penance  and  eating  but  once  a  day,  with 
the  liberty,  however,  of  choosing  his  own  food.  Twice 
in  each  twenty-four  hours  he  bathes,  once  at  noon  and 
once  at  midniijht.  and  after  each  bath  he  draws  blood 
from  liis  ears  aui  offers  it,  together  with  some  burnt 
copal,  to  Huitzilopochtli.  The  remainder  of  his  time 
during  these  four  days  he  occupies  in  praying  the  gods 
to  endow  him  with  the  wisdom  and  prudence  necessary 
to  the  ruler  of  a  mighty  kingdom.  On  the  fifth  day 
he  is  conducted  in  state  to  the  royal  palace,  where  the 
feudatory  lords  come  to  renew  the  investiture  of  their 
feifs.  Then  follow  great  public  rejoicings,  with  games, 
feasts,  dances,  and  illuminations. 

The  coronation  was,  as  I  have  stated,  a  ceremony 
distinct  from  the  anointment.  To  prepare  for  it,  it 
was  necessary  that  the  newly  elected  king  should  go 
out  to  war,  to  procure  victims  for  the  sacrifices  neces- 
sary on  such  an  occasion.  They  were  never  without 
enemies  upon  whom  war  might  be  made ;  either  some 
province  of  the  kingdom  had  rebelled,  or  Mexican 
merchants  had  been  unjustly  put  to  death,  or  insult 
had  boon  offered  to  the  royal  ambassadors,  or,  if  none 
of  these  excuses  was  at  hand,  the  importance  of  the 
occasion  alone  rendered  war  justifiable.  Of  the  man- 
ner in  which  war  was  waged,  and  of  the  triumphal  re- 
turn of  the  victorious  army,  I  shall  speak  in  another 
place.  It  appears  that  when  a  king  of  Mexico  was 
crowned,  the  diadem  was  placed  upon  his  head  by  the 
king  of  Tozcuco.  The  crown,  which  was  called  by  the 
Mexicans  copilli,  was  in  shape  like  a  small  initio,  the 
fore  part  of  which  stood  erect  and  terminated  in  a 
point,  while  the  hinder  part  hung  down  over  the  neck. 
It  was  composed  of  difierent  materials,  j. coord ing  to 
the  pleasure  of  the  wearer;  sometimes  it  was  of  thin 
plates  of  gold,  sometimes  it  was  woven  of  golden  thread 


^ 


148 


THE  NAIIUA  NATIONS. 


ih  -: 


and  adorned  with  beautiful  feathers.^"  Accounts  of  the 
particular  ceremonies  used  at  the  coronation  are  want- 
ing, but  all  agree  that  they  were  of  unparalleled  splen- 
dor. The  new  king  entertained  most  sumptuously  at 
his  own  palace  all  the  great  nobles  of  his  realm ;  honors 
were  conferred  with  a  lavish  hand,  and  gifts  were  made 
in  profusion  both  by  and  to  the  king.  Splendid  ban- 
quets were  given  in  which  all  the  nobility  of  the  king- 
dom participated,  and  the  lower  classes  were  fojisted 
and  entertained  with  the  greatest  liberality.  The 
fondness  of  the  Aztecs  for  all  kinds  of  public  games 
and  festivals  is  evidenced  in  the  frequency  of  their 
feasts,  and  in  no  way  could  a  newly  elected  monarch 
better  secure  a  place  in  the  affections  of  his  subjects 
than  by  inaugurating  his  reign  with  a  series  of  splen- 
did entertainments.  The  strange  fascination  which 
this  species  of  enjoyment  possessed  for  them  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  strangers  and  foreigners  came  from 
afar  to  witness  the  coronation  feasirf,  and  it  is  related 
that  members  of  hostile  nations  were  frequently  dis- 
covered disguised  among  the  crowd,  and  were  not  only 
allowed  by  the  clemency  of  the  king  to  pass  umuo- 
lested,  but  were  provided  with  seats,  from  which  they 
could  obtain  a  good  view  t>f  the  proceedings  and  where 
they  would  bo  secure  from  insult.'*     One  of  the  prin- 

•9  Tlic  crown  used  hy  the  early  Chicliiincc  sovcrcij^s  was  composed  of  a 
licrb  culled  pnclijcochill,  which  srew  on  the  rocks,  snrnionnted  hy  plumes  of 
the  royal  eayle,  and  green  fathers  culled  Tec.piloll,  the  whole  Ijcing  mounted 
with  gold  and  precious  stones,  and  hound  to  the  head  with  strips  of  deer- 
skin. Ixtlilxorhitl,  Hist.  Chichi iitrca,  in  KingaboroKqli's  Mcx.  Aiifii/.,  toni. 
xi,  p.  213.  In  an  another  jilace,  liducioncs,  in  id.,  p.  336,  the  same  writer  says 
that  the  crown  dilt'ered  according  to  time  and  season.  In  time  of  war  it  was 
composed  of  royal  eagle  feathers,  placed  at  the  hack  of  the  head,  and  held 
to;.fetlier  with  clasi)s  of  gold  and  precious  stones;  in  time  of  iwace  tliecmwn 
wAn  made  of  laurel  and  green  feathers  of  a  very  rare  bird  calle<l  <  juezalto- 
tolc;  in  the  dry  season  it  was  made  of  a  whitish  moss  which  grew  on  the 
rocks,  with  a  flower  at  the  junction  called  teoxurhiti . 

*•  Concerning  anointment  and  coronation,  see  Torqiirmniln,  Monnrq .  fnil ., 
torn,  i.,  p.  102;  toni.  ii.,  pp.  8.3,  .^SiV-fiO;  Zuriln,  Rmrport,  in  Tcrixnix- 
i'oiapniis.  Vol/.,  Hcrie  ii.,  toin.  i.,  pp. '20-9;  C/nriijrro,  Stiirin  Ant.  del  Mrs- 
Kirn,  lom.  ii.,  I>p.  113-1.');  Siih«rfiiii,  Ilisf.  Gcii.,  tom.  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  318- 
'21;  llcrrern.  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ill.,  lil).iv..  cap.  xv;  Gomarii,  Conq.  Mr.v.,  fol. 
305-15;  Aeostn,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  pp.  ,3.56,  4.30-40,  474;  (Mcfjn,  in  Vr;ifiit, 
Hist.  Ant.  Mvj.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  .301);  Trzr.-.cinor,  Crrin.  Afrx.,' in  Kintf.slicr- 
oiigh'8  Mex.  Antiq.,   tgni.  ix.,  p.  l4'2-3.     lu  addition  to  the  nnmerout> 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING. 


149 


only 
mmo- 
they 
hero 
prin- 


q.Inil., 
jt'iniiix- 
'cl  Mrs- 
It.  318- 
(•.)•.,  fol. 
Viiffm, 
iif/nlior- 
iiiorou? 


cipal  feature  of  the  day  was  the  congratulatory  speech 
of  one  monarch  to  another,  which  was  courteous  and 
flattering  and  filled  with  good  advice;  the  following 
address  of  Nezahualpilli,  king  of  Tezcuco,  to  Monte- 
zuma II.,  on  the  occasion  of  the  accession  of  the  latter 
to  the  throne  of  Mexico,  will  illustrate. 

The  great  good  fortune,  most  mighty  lord,  which 
has  befallen  this  kingdom  in  deserving  thee  for  its 
monarch,  is  plainly  shown  by  the  unanimity  with 
which  thou  wast  elected,  and  by  the  general  rejoicing 
of  thy  people  thereat.  And  they  have  reason  to  re- 
joice; for  so  great  is  the  Mexican  empire  that  none 
possessed  of  less  wisdom,  prudence,  and  courage,  than 
thou,  were  fit  to  govern  it.  Truly  is  this  people  be- 
loved of  the  gods,  in  that  they  have  given  it  light  to 
choose  that  which  is  best;  for  who  can  doubt  that  a 
prince  who,  before  he  came  to  the  throne,  made  the 
nine  heavens  his  study,^*  will,  now  that  he  is  king, 
obtain  the  good  things  of  the  earth  for  his  people? 

works  of  acknowledged  authority  on  the  Hul)iect  of  aboriginal  American 
Civilization  there  arc  a  munl)ers  of  otherM,  cliieny  uf  modern  date,  that  treat 
inoru  or  less  conipletely  of  the  matter.  Many  of  these  are  mere  compila- 
tions, put  together  witlioiit  regard  to  accnracy  or  consistency;  others  are 
works  which  deal  ostensihly  with  other  Spanish  American  matters  and  only 
refer  to  the  ancient  civilization  in  passing;  their  accounts  are  usually  co](ica 
Imdily  from  one  or  two  of  the  old  writers;  some  few  profess  to  exhaust  the 
suUject;  in  these  latter,  however,  the  authors  have  failed  to  cite  their  au- 
thorities, or  at  l)cst  have  merely  given  a  list  of  them.  To  attempt  to  note 
all  the  |Miiuts  on  which  these  writers  have  fallen  into  error,  or  where  they 
ditrer  from  my  text,  would  prove  as  tiresome  to  the  reader  as  the  result  would 
he  useless,  ft  will  therefore  l>e  sullicient  to  refer  to  this  class  of  hooks  ut 
the  conclusion  of  the  large  divisions  into  which  this  work  naturally  falls. 
AlKHit  the  system  of  government,  laws  of  succession,  ceremonies  of  election, 
anointment  and  coronation,  of  the  Aztecs  and  other  nations  included  in  this 
division,  see:  Carlmjal  Espinosa,  Jlist.  Mcx.,  tom.  i.,  i)p.  578-83,  .^)1H};  Sodcii, 
S/ianier  in.  Peru,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  8-14,  51-2;  Toiiron,  itist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  pp. 
(>-7,  25-.38;  linrit,  Mcxiqne,  pp.  204-7;  Itnssierre,  L''Empire  Mrxirinii,  jij).  1 19, 
l.')()-8,  220-30,244;  Lufoiid,  Voynffes,  torn,  i.,  p.  119;  J'oinsrtt's  Xote.s  Mex., 
«/»/>.,  |tp.  22-3;  Macgregor'n  Prorfrcs.i  of  Anienen,  \t.  2\;  JUllvii,  llixt.  Mex., 
l)p.  24-1),  41-3;  Hassel,  Mex.  dual.,  p.  247;  Dilirorth,  Conq.  Mex.,  p.  45, 
Pmdf.Cnrta.s;  pp.  106,  176;  Montjlave,  Ristnnf,  pp.  k9,  14-19,  22-3,  32-6, 
(>S;  Kleinm,  Ciilhir-Gese/tichfe,  tom.  v.,  pp.  59-75,  lS(i;  Cord's,  Arentiirns, 
pre/.,  j>p.  7-13;  Chamber's  Jour.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  2.')3;  West  niid  Ost  Indiseher 
I.iuitffurt,  p.  97. 

"  'Que  antes  dc  Ueinar  avia  invcstigado  los  nucvc  doblcces  dc  cl  Ciclo.' 
Torqticiiuida,  Monnrq.  Iiid.,  tom.  i.,  p.  194.  Ortega,  in  Vcytin,  Hist.  Ant. 
Mej.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  .306,  writes:  'Quel  cl  que  sicndo  particular  supo  ncnetrar 
los  secretos  del  cielo;'  -  that  he  who,  licing  a  )>rivate  individual,  coiud  pene- 
trate the  Kccrcts  of  hcuvcu,'  which  apiicars  luvrc  iutclUgible. 


160 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Who  can  doubt  that  his  well-tried  courage  will  be 
even  greater  now  that  it  is  so  much  needed?  Who 
can  believe  that  so  mighty  and  powerful  a  prince  will 
be  found  wanting  in  charity  toward  the  orphan  and 
the  widow  ?  Who  can  doubt  that  the  Mexican  people 
are  favored  of  the  gods,  in  having  for  a  king  one  to 
whom  the  great  Creator  has  imparted  so  much  of 
his  own  glory  that  by  simply  looking  upon  his  face 
we  are  made  to  partake  of  that  glory?  Rejoice,  O 
happy  land!  for  the  gods  have  given  thee  a  prince 
who  will  be  a  firm  pillar  for  thy  support,  a  father  and 
a  refuge  for  thy  succor,  a  more  than  brother  in  pity 
and  mercy  toward  his  people.  Verily  thou  hast  a 
king  who  will  not  avail  himself  of  his  high  place  to 
give  himself  up  to  sloth  and  pleasure,  but  who,  rather, 
will  lie  sleepless  through  the  night,  pondering  thy 
welfare.  Tell  me,  then,  most  fortunate  land,  have  I 
not  reason  for  saying.  Rejoice  and  be  happy  1  And 
thou  most  noble  and  puissant  lord,  be  of  good  heart, 
for  as  the  high  gods  have  appointed  thee  to  this  office, 
so  will  they  grant  thee  strength  to  fill  it;  and  be  well 
assured  that  the  gods  who  have  been  so  gracious  to 
thee  during  these  many  years,  will  not  now  fail  in 
their  goodness ;  by  them  hast  thou  been  raised  to  thy 
present  exalted  position;  we  pray  that  with  their  help 
thou  mayest  continue  to  hold  it  during  many  happy 
years  to  come.** 

It  is  probable  that  the  orations  used  upon  those  oc- 
casions by  the  Aztecs  were,  like  their  prayers,  not 
spoken  ex  tempore,  nor  even  prepared  beforehand  by 
the  speaker;  most  likely  they  were  in  the  form  of  a 
fixed  ritual,  each  being  prepared  to  suit  a  special  occa- 
sion, such  as  the  coronation  or  burial  of  a  monarch, 
and  repeated  as  often  as  such  an  occasion  occurred. 
Some  orations  must  be  delivered  by  particular  per- 
sons; others  needed  only  an  eloquent  speaker.  Sa- 
hagun  gives  us  a  speech  which  was  addressed  to  a 
newly  elected  king.     It  could  be  delivered,  he  says, 

<*  Torquemaila,  Monarq.  I  ml.,  tuni.  i.,  pp.  194-6. 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING. 


151 


by  one  of  the  high-priests,  or  by  a  noble  noted  for  his 
eloquence,  or  by  some  delegate  from  the  provinces  who 
was  an  eloquent  speaker,  or  possibly  by  some  learned 
senator,  or  other  person  well  versed  in  the  art  of 
speecli-making.  The  language  is  constrained  and 
quaint,  and  possibly  tiresome,  but  as  a  specimen  of 
Aztec  oratory  I  give  it  in  full,  adhering  to  the  sense, 
and  as  clearly  as  possible  to  the  words  of  the  original : 
O  king,  most  pitiful,  most  devout,  and  best  beloved, 
more  worthy  to  be  esteemed  than  precious  stones  or 
choice  feathers,  thou  art  here  by  the  will  of  the  Lord 
our  (jrod,  who  has  appointed  thee  to  rule  over  us  in 
the  place  of  the  kings  thy  ancestors,  who,  dying,  have 
let  fall  from  their  shoulders  the  burden  of  government 
under  which  they  labored,  even  as  one  who  toils  up  a 
hill  heavy-laden.  Perchance  these  dead  ones  still  re- 
member and  care  for  the  land  which  they  governed, 
now,  by  the  will  of  God,  a  desert,  in  darkness,  and 
desolate  without  a  king;  peradventure  they  look  with 
pity  upon  their  country,  which  is  become  a  place  of 
briars  and  barren,  and  upon  their  poor  people  who  are 
orphans,  fatherless  and  motherless,  knowing  not  nor 
understanding  those  things  which  are  best;  who  are 
unable  to  speak  for  dumbness,  who  are  as  a  body  with- 
out a  head.  He  who  has  lately  left  us  was  strong 
and  valorous:  for  a  few  short  days  he  was  lent  to  us, 
then  like  a  vision  he  slipped  from  our  midst,  and  his 
passing  was  as  a  dream,  for  the  Lord  our  God  hath 
called  him  to  rest  with  the  dead  kings,  his  ancestors, 
who  are  to-day  in  a  manner  shut  from  our  sight  in  a 
coffer.  Thus  was  he  gathered  to  his  people,  and  is 
even  now  with  our  father  and  mother,  the  God  of 
Hell,  who  is  called  Mictlantecutli.  Will  he,  perad- 
venture, return  from  the  place  to  which  he  is  gone? 
May  it  not  be  that  he  will  come  back  to  us?  Gone 
is  he  forever,  and  his  kingdom  has  lost  him.  Never 
again,  through  all  coming  time,  may  we  see  his  face, 
nor  those  who  come  after  us.  He  is  gone  from  our 
sight  forever.     Our  light  is  put  out;  we,  whom  he 


152 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


illumined,  whom  he  carried,  as  it  were,  upon  his  shoul- 
ders, are  abandoned,  and  in  darkness,  and  in  great 
peril  of  destruction.  Behold  he  has  left  his  people 
and  the  throne  and  seat  whereon  our  Lord  G<k1  placed 
him,  and  which  he  made  it  his  constant  aim  to  hold  in 
peace  and  quietness.  He  did  not  cover  his  hands  and 
feet  with  his  mantle  for  laziness,  but  with  diligence 
did  he  work  for  the  good  of  his  people.  In  thee,  O 
most  compassionate  king,  we  have  a  great  solace  and 
joy;  in  thee  hath  the  Lord  God  given  us  a  sun-like 
glory  and  splendor.  God  points  at  thee  with  his 
finger,  he  hath  written  down  thy  name  in  red  letters. 
It  is  fixed  above  and  below,  in  heaven  and  in  hell, 
that  thou  shalt  be  king  and  possess  the  throne  and 
seat  and  dignity  of  this  kingdom,  the  root  of  which 
was  deep  planted  long  ago  by  thine  ancestors,  they 
themselves  being  its  first  branches.  To  thee.  Sire,  is 
entrusted  the  care  of  the  seignory.  Thou  art  the  suc- 
cessor of  the  lords,  thy  predecessors,  and  must  bear 
the  burden  they  bore ;  upon  thy  back  must  thou  place 
the  load  of  this  kingdom;  to  the  strength  of  thy 
thighs  and  thine  arms  does  the  Lord  God  entrust  the 
government  of  the  common  people,  who  are  capricious 
and  hard  to  please.  For  many  years  must  thou  sup- 
port and  amuse  them  as  though  they  were  young  chil- 
dren; during  all  thy  life  must  thou  dandle  them  in 
thine  arms,  nurse  them  on  thy  lap  and  soothe  them  to 
sleep  with  a  lullaby.  O,  our  lord,  most  serene  and 
estimable,  this  thing  was  determined  in  heaven  and 
in  hell;  this  matter  was  considered  and  thou  wast 
signaled  out,  upon  thee  fell  the  choice  of  the  Lord 
our  God.  Was  it  possible  that  thou  couldst  hide  thy- 
self or  escape  this  decision  ?  In  what  esteem  dost  thou 
hold  the  Lord  God?  With  what  respect  dost  thou 
consider  the  kings  and  great  nobles  who  have  been 
inspired  by  God  to  choose  thee  for  our  father  and 
mother,  whose  election  is  divine  and  irrevocable? 

This  being  so,  O  our  lord,  see  that  thou  girdest  thy- 
self for  thy  task,  that  thou  puttest  thy  shoulder  to  the 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING. 


168 


burden  which  has  been  imposed  upon  thee.  Let  the 
will  of  (iod  be  obeyed.  Perchance  thou  wilt  carry  this 
load  for  a  space,  or  it  may  be  that  death  will  cut  thuu  off, 
and  thy  election  be  as  a  dream.  Take  heed,  therefore, 
that  thou  art  not  ungrateful,  setting  small  store  by  the 
benefits  of  God.  Be  assured  that  he  sees  all  secret 
things,  and  that  he  will  afilict  thee  in  such  manner  as 
may  seem  good  to  him.  Peradventure  he  will  send 
thee  into  the  mountains  and  waste  places,  or  he  will 
cast  thee  upon  dirt  and  filthiness,  or  some  fearful  and 
ugly  thing  will  happen  to  thee ;  perchance  thou  shalt 
be  defamed  and  covered  with  shame,  or  discord  and 
revolt  shall  arise  in  thy  kingdom,  so  that  thou  shalt 
fall  into  contempt  and  be  cast  down;  perhaps  other 
kings,  thine  enemies,  may  rise  up  against  thee  and 
conquer  thee ;  or  possibly  the  Lord  may  suffer  famine 
and  want  to  desolate  thy  kingdom.  What  wilt  thou 
do  if  in  thy  time  thy  kingdom  should  be  destroyed, 
and  the  wrath  of  our  God  should  visit  thee  in  a  pesti- 
lence? Or  if  the  light  of  thy  splendor  should  be 
turned  into  utter  darkness,  and  thy  dominions  laid 
waste?  Or  if  death  should  come  upon  thee  while 
thou  art  yet  young,  or  the  Lord  God  should  set  his 
foot  upon  thee  before  thou  hast  fully  gathered  up  the 
reins  of  government?  What  wilt  thou  do  if  God  on 
a  sudden  should  send  forth  armies  of  enemies  against 
thee,  from  the  wilderness  or  from  the  sea,  from  the 
waste  and  barren  places  where  men  wage  war  and 
slied  blood  that  the  thirst  of  the  sun  and  the  earth 
may  be  slaked?  Manifold  are  the  punishments  of 
God  for  those  that  offend  him.  Wherefore,  O  our 
king,  it  behoves  thee  with  all  thy  strength  to  do 
that  which  is  right  in  the  fulfilment  of  thine  office, 
taking  care  that  this  be  done  with  tears  and  sighs, 
and  continual  prayer  to  the  Lord  our  God,  the  invisi- 
ble, the  impalpable.  Draw  near  to  him.  Sire,  weep- 
ing, and  in  all  sincerity,  that  he  may  help  thee  to 
govern  in  peace.  Beware  that  thou  receivest  with 
kindness  and  humility  those  that  approach  thee  in 


154 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


grief  and  despair.  Neither  speak  nor  act  rashly,  but 
hear  cahnly  and  to  the  end  all  complaints  hrou«^ht  be- 
fore thee;  do  not  harshly  interrupt  the  words  of  the 
speaker,  for  thou  art  the  image  of  the  Lord  God,  in 
thee  is  represented  his  person,  thou  art  his  reliance, 
with  thy  mouth  he  speaks,  with  thine  ear  he  listens. 
Be  no  respecter  of  persons,  Sire,  but  punish  all  alike, 
and  justly,  for  thou  hast  thy  power  of  God,  thy  right 
hand  to  punish  is  as  the  claws  and  teeth  of  God,  for 
thou  art  his  judge  and  executioner.  Do  justice, 
therefore,  heeding  the  wrath  of  none;  this  is  the  com- 
mand of  God,  who  hath  given  the  doing  of  these 
things  into  thine  hand.  Take  care  that  in  the  high 
places  of  the  lords  and  judges  there  be  nothing  done 
snatchingly  nor  in  haste,  that  there  be  no  hot  words 
nor  deeds  done  in  anger.  Say  not  now  in  thine  heart, 
I  am  the  lord,  my  will  is  law,  but  rather  let  this  be 
an  occasion  for  the  humbling  of  thy  valor  and  the 
lowering  of  thy  self-esteem.  Look  to  it  that  thy  new 
dignities  be  not  the  means  of  puffing  thee  up  with 
pride  and  haughtiness,  but  in  place  thereof  ponder 
often  on  thy  former  lowly  estate,  from  which,  without 
desert,  thou  wast  taken  and  placed  where  thou  now 
art.  Say  to  thine  heart.  Who  was  I  ?  Who  am  I  ? 
Not  by  mine  own  deserts  did  I  attain  this  high  place, 
but  by  the  will  of  God ;  verily  all  this  is  a  dream,  and 
not  sober  truth.  Be  watchful,  Sire,  that  thou  dost  not 
rest  free  from  care,  that  thou  dost  not  grow  heedless 
with  pleasure,  and  become  a  glutton  and  wine-bibber, 
spending  in  feasting  and  drunkenness  that  which  is 
earned  by  the  sweat  of  thy  subjects;  let  not  the  gra- 
ciousness  which  God  has  shown  in  electing  thee  king, 
be  repaid  with  profanity,  folly,  and  disturbances. 

0  King  and  grandchild  of  ours,  God  watches  over 
those  that  govern  his  kingdoms,  and  when  they  do 
wrong  he  laughs  at  them;  he  mocks  and  is  silent; 
for  he  is  the  Lord  our  God,  he  does  what  he  pleases, 
he  scoffs  at  whom  he  pleases;  we  are  the  work  of  his 
hand,  in  the  hollow  of  his  palm  he  tosses  us  to  and  fro 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  KINO. 


168 


even  as  balls  and  playthings,  he  makes  a  mockery  of  us 
as  we  stumble  and  fall,  he  uses  us  fbr  his  ends  as  wo 
roll  from  side  to  side.  Strive  hard,  (,)  kinjj!',  to  do 
what  thou  hast  to  do  little  by  little.  lY'rchanee  the 
number  of  our  sins  has  rendered  us  unworthy,  and  thy 
election  will  be  to  us  a  vision  that  passes;  or  perchance 
it  may  be  the  will  of  the  Lord  that  thou  possess  the 
royal  dignity  for  a  time ;  perchance  he  will  ])rove  thee, 
and  put  thee  to  the  test,  and,  if  thou  art  found  want- 
ing will  set  up  another  in  thy  place.  Are  not  the 
friends  of  the  Lord  great  in  number?  Art  thou  the 
only  one  whom  he  holds  dear?  Many  are  the  friends 
of  the  Lord;  many  are  those  that  call  upon  him; 
many  are  those  that  lift  up  their  voices  before  him; 
many  are  those  that  weep  before  him;  many  are  those 
that  tearfully  pray  to  him;  many  are  those  that 
sigh  in  his  presence ;  verily  all  these  arc  uncountable. 
There  are  many  generous  and  prudent  men  of  great 
ability  and  power,  who  pray  to  the  Lord  and  cry  aloud  to 
him;  behold,  therefore,  there  are  not  lacking  others  be- 
side thyself  on  whom  to  confer  the  dignity  of  king. 
Peradventure  as  a  thing  that  endures  not,  as  a  thing 
seen  in  sleep,  the  Lord  gives  thee  this  great  honor  and 
glory ;  peradventure  he  gives  thee  to  smell  of  his  ten- 
der sweetness,  and  passes  it  quickly  over  thy  lips.  O 
king,  most  fortunate,  bow  down  and  humble  thyself; 
weep  with  sadness  and  sigh ;  pray  fervently  and  do  the 
will  of  the  Lord  by  night  us  well  as  by  day,  during 
the  time  he  sees  fit  to  spare  thee.  Act  thy  part  with 
calmness,  continually  praying  on  thy  throne  with  kind- 
ness and  softness.  Take  heed  that  thou  givest  none 
cause  for  pain  or  weariness  or  sorrow,  that  thou  settest 
thy  foot  upon  none,  that  thou  frightest  none  with  an- 
gry words  or  fierce  looks.  Refrain  also,  C)  our  king, 
from  all  lewd  jests  and  converse,  lest  thou  bring 
thy  person  into  contempt;  levity  and  buftbonery  are 
not  fit  for  one  of  thy  dignity.  I  ricline  not  thine  ear 
to  ribaldry,  even  though  it  come  from  a  near  rela- 
tive, for  though  as  a  man  thou  art  mortal,  yet  in  respect 


186 


THE  NAIIUA  NATIONS. 


to  thine  office  thou  art  as  God.  Though  thou  art  our 
fellow-creature  and  friend,  our  8on  and  our  brother,  yet 
are  we  not  tiiine  e(|ual8,  nor  do  we  look  upon  thee  as 
a  nmn,  in  that  thou  now  art  the  image  of  the  Lord 
God;  he  it  is  that  speaks  within  thee,  instructing  us 
and  making  himself  heard  through  thy  lips ;  thy  mouth 
is  his  mouth,  thy  tongue  is  his  tongue,  thy  face  is  his 
face.  Already  lie  has  graced  thee  with  his  authority, 
he  has  given  thee  teeth  and  claws  that  thou  may  est  he 
feared  and  respected.  See  to  it.  Sire,  that  thy  former 
levity  be  now  laid  aside,  that  thou  take  to  thyself 
the  heart  of  an  old  man,  of  one  who  is  austere  and 
grave.  Look  closely  to  thine  honor,  to  the  decency  of 
thy  person,  and  the  majesty  of  thine  office;  let  thy 
words  be  few  and  serious,  for  thou  art  now  another 
being.  Behold  the  place  on  which  thou  standest 
is  exceeding  high,  and  the  fall  therefrom  is  peril- 
ous. Consider  that  thou  goest  on  a  lofty  ridge  and 
upon  a  narrow  path  having  a  fearful  depth  sheer 
down  on  either  side,  so  that  it  is  imposssible  to 
swerve  to  the  right  or  to  the  left  witliout  falling 
headlong  into  the  abyss.  Jt  also  behoves  thee.  Sire, 
to  guard  thyself  against  being  cross-grained  and  fierce 
and  dreaded  as  a  wild  beast  by  all.  Combine  modera- 
tion with  rigor,  inclining  rather  to  mercy  than  to  piti- 
lessnesH.  Never  show  all  thy  teeth  nor  put  forth  the 
full  length  of  thy  claws.  Never  appear  startled  or  in 
fear,  harsh  or  dangen-us;  conceal  thy  teeth  and  claws; 
assemble  thy  chief  men  together,  make  thyself  accept- 
able to  them  with  gii'ts  and  kind  words.  Provide  also 
for  the  entertainment  of  the  conmion  people  according 
to  their  quality  and  rank;  adapt  thyself  to  the  differ- 
ent classes  of  the  people  and  ingratiate  thyself  with 
them.  Have  a  care  and  concern  thyself  about  the 
dances,  and  about  the  ornaments  and  instruments  used 
at  them,  for  they  are  the  means  of  infusing  a  warlike 
spirit  into  men.  Gladden  the  hearts  of  the  common 
people  with  games  and  amusements,  for  thus  wilt  thou 
become  famous  and  be  beloved,  and  even  after  death 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  KINO. 


157 


thy  fame  will  live  and  tlie  olil  men  and  women  who 
knew  theo  will  shed  tears  of  sorrow  for  tiiino  absence. 
(>  most  fortunate  and  happy  kinj?,  most  precious  treas- 
ure, bear  in  mind  that  thou  j^oest  I  y  a  cra«»'^»'y  and 
danj^erous  road,  whereon  thou  must  step  with  Hrmness, 
for  in  the  path  of  k'mrrs  and  princes  there  are  many 
yawning  gulfs,  and  slippery  j)laces,  and  steej),  pathless 
slopes,  where  the  matted  thorn-bushes  and  long  grass 
liiJe  pitfalls  having  pointed  stakes  set  upright  in  them. 
Wherefore  it  behoves  thee  to  call  upon  thy  (lod  with 
moanings  and  lamentations,  to  watch  constantly,  and 
to  shun  the  harlot,  who  is  a  curse  and  a  sickness  to 
man.  Sleep  not  lightly  in  thy  bed,  Sire,  but  rather 
lie  and  ponder  the  affairs  of  thy  kingdom ;  even  in  thy 
slumbers  let  thy  dreams  be  of  the  good  things  in 
thy  charge,  that  thou  maycst  kr  '"  how  best  to  dis- 
tribute them  among  thy  lords  and  courtiers,  for  there 
are  many  who  envy  the  king,  and  would  fain  eat  as 
he  eats  and  drink  as  he  drinks,  wherefore  is  it  said 
that  kings  'eat  the  bread  of  grief  Think  not.  Sire, 
that  the  royal  throne  is  a  soft  and  pleasant  seat,  for 
there  is  nothing  but  trouble  and  penitence.  0  blessed 
and  most  precious  king,  it  is  not  my  wish  to  cause  pain 
to  thine  heart  nor  to  excite  thy  wrath  and  indignation ; 
it  is  sufficient  for  me  that  I  have  many  times  stumbled 
and  slipped,  aye,  and  have  even  fallen,  during  this  dis- 
course of  mine ;  enough  for  ine  are  the  faults  of  the 
speech  which  I  have  spoken,  going,  in  a  manner,  with 
jumps  like  a  frog  before  our  Lord  God,  the  invisible, 
the  imjjalpable,  who  is  here  and  listening  to  us,  who 
has  heard  distinctly  the  slightest  of  the  words  which 
I  have  spoken  stammeringly  and  with  hesitation,  in 
bad  order  and  with  unapt  gestures;  but  in  doing  this 
I  have  complied  with  the  custom  which  obliges  the 
aged  men  of  the  state  to  address  a  newly  elected  king. 
In  like  manner  have  I  done  my  duty  to  our  God  who 
hears  me,  to  whom  I  make  an  offering  of  this  my 
sjieech.  Long  may  est  thou  live  and  reign,  O  lord  and 
king.     I  have  spoken. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

PALACES    AND    HOUSEHOLDS    OF   THE    NAHUA    KINOS. 

Extent  and  Interior  of  the  Great  Pala«'e  in  Mexico— The  Pal- 
ace (»K  Nezahiai.coyotl,   Kin(j  of  Tkzii CO      The    Zntn.or.uM. 

COM-ECTIONS  OK   THE    XaHIA    MoNAUtllS        MoNTEZIMA'S   Ol!Arf»RY 

—  KoYAi.  Gardens  and  Pi.EA.sritE-GitoiNDS  — The  Hii.i.  ok  Cha- 
ri'.'.TEi'EC— Nezahi:alcovoti.'s  t^ouNTRV  Kksidkxck  at  Tezcozinco 
— 1oi/rE«;  Palaces  the  Uoval  (iiARO— The  Kino's  .Mkai.s  An 
Aztec  Ccisine  The  Acdiknce  Ciiamiikr  Akter-dinner  Amcse- 
ments  The  Uoyal  Wardroiie- The  Kino  Am»in(j  his  Peoi-i.e— 
Meetino  ok  Montezuma  II.  and  Cortes    the  Kino's  Harem— 

llEVENUES  OK  THE  UOYAL   HOLSEHOLD— POLICY  OK  AZTEC   KiNOS. 


i 


In  the  precedinj:^  chapter  we  have  seen  how  the 
nioiiiip  lis  were  ehoH«'n,  and  anointed,  and  crowned, 
and  linsted,  and  lectured;  now  let  uh  follow  them  to 
their  lioines.  And  liere  I  must  cont'ess  I  am  some- 
what HtaL^ovred  hy  the  recitals.  It  is  written  that  as 
soon  as  the  new  kiiiijf  was  forniiillv  invested  with  the 
Yijs\\t  of  sovereignty,  he  took  possessitdi  of  the  royal 
palaces  and  onnlens,  and  that  these  ahodes  of  royalty 
were  on  a  scale  of  mai^niHcence  almost  unj)aralleli'«l  in 
the  annals  of  nations.  How  far  we  may  rely  on  these 
accounts  it  is  difficult  to  say;  liow  wc  are  to  determine 
disj>uted  (piestions  is  yet  more  difficult.  In  the  testi- 
mony hefore  us,  there  are  two  classes  of  evidence:  one 
havin<^  as  its  hase  selfishness,  superstition,  and  juitri- 
otism ;  the  other  disaffection,  jealousy,  and  hatred. 
Between  these  contending'  evils,  fortunately,  we  may 


RELIABILITY  OF  AUTHORITIES. 


180 


at  least  approximate  to  the  truth.  To  illustrate :  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  much  concerning  the  Aztec  civ- 
ilization has  Ixjen  greatly  exaggerated  by  the  old 
Spanish  writers,  and  for  obvious  reasons.  It  was 
manifestly  to  the  advantage  of  some,  both  priests  and 
adventurers,  to  magnify  the  power  and  consetjuence  of 
the  people  conquered,  and  the  cities  demolished  by 
them,  knowing  full  well  th.at  tales  of  mighty  realms, 
with  Christless  man-eaters  and  fabulous  riches,  would 
soonest  rouse  the  zeal  and  cupidity  of  their  m»)st  Cath 
olic  prince,  and  bust  secure  to  them  both  honors  and 
su|)plies.  Gathered  from  the  lips  of  illiterate  soldiers 
little  prone  to  diminish  the  glory  of  their  achieve- 
ments in  the  narration,  or  from  the  manuscripts  of 
native  historians  whose  j)atriotic  statements  re<>ardin<; 
rival  states  no  longer  in  existence  could  with  difficulty 
be  disproved,  these  accounts  [mssed  into  tie  hands  of 
credulous  monks  of  fertile  iuiagination,  who  drank  in 
with  avidity  the  marvels  that  were  told  them,  and 
wrote  them  down  with  superhuman  <liscrimination — 
with  a  discrimination  which  made  every  so-called  fact 
tallv  with  the  writings  of  the  Fathers.  Tiiese  writers 
possessed  in  an  eminent  <legree  the  faculty  called  by 
latter-day  scholars  the  imaginative  in  history-writing. 
Whatever  was  told  them  that  was  contrary  to  tradi- 
tion was  certainly  erroneous,  a  snare  of  the  devil;  if 
any  facts  were  wanting  in  the  dir ction  jiointed  out 
by  doctrines  or  dogmas,  it  was  their  rigliteous  duty  to 
fill  them  in.  Thus  it  was  t.i  certain  instances.  But 
to  the  truth  of  the  greater  part  of  tliese  relations, 
t(.'stimony  is  borne  by  the  unanimity  of  the  authors, 
though  this  is  partly  owing  t«»  their  co|)ying  each  from 
the  writings  of  tlie  others,  and,  more  conclusively,  by 
the  architectural  remains  which  survived  the  attacks 
()f  the  iconoclastic  coiupierors,  and  the  golden  and  be- 
jeweled  ornaments  of  such  ex(juisite  workmanshij)  as 
to  equal  if  not  surpiuss  anything  of  the  kind  in  Kurope, 
which  ornaments  were  sent  to  Spain  as  proofs  of  the 
richness  of  the  country.     At  this  distance  of  time  it 


160 


THE  NAI'UA  NATIONS. 


is  impossible  to  draw  a  dofiiiite  line  between  the  true 
and  the  false;  nor  do  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  do!j;niatize 
in  these  matters,  hut  rather  to  tell  the  tale  as  I  find 
it,  at  the  same  time  layinj^-  every  shade  of  evideote 
before  the  reader. 


A 

'ti 


3 


1 


The  principal  palace  in  the  city  of  Mexico  was 
an  irreiji-ular  pile  of  low  buildini»'S,  enormous  in  ex- 
tent, constructed  of  hu<>e  blocks  of  tctzoiif/i,  a  kind  of 
/n)rous  stone  common  to  that  country,  (-emented 
with  mortar.  The  arraui^ement  of  the  buildin<,''s  was 
such  that  they  enclosed  three  <^reat  plazas  or  ])ublic 
stjuares,  in  one  of  which  a  beautiful  fountain  inces- 
santly phiyed.  Twenty  jjfreat  doors  opened  on  the 
stpiares,  and  on  the  streets,  and  over  tivese  was 
sculptured  in  stone  the  coat  of  arms  of  tlie  kiui^cs  of 
Mexico, — an  eaiji'le  jj-rippiiiii^  in  his  talons  a  jajj^uar.' 
In  the  interior  were  many  iialls,  each  of  immen.se  size, 
and  one  in  j)articuhir  is  said  by  a  writer  who  accom- 
jKUiied  Cortes,  known  as  the  Anonymous  (  on(juer«;r, 
to  liave  been  of  sufficient  extent  to  contain  tliree  th<>«i- 
sand  men;  while  uj)on  the  terrace  that  formed  its  r^/ 
thirty  men  on  hors^^back  could  have  jj^one  through  tli« 
spear  exercise.'  hi  addition  to  these  there  were  mor« 
than  one  hundred  smaller  rooms,  and  the  same  num- 
ber of  marble  haths,  wliit'h  tojtiether  with  the  fountains, 
ponds,  and  basins  in  the  j>ardens,  were  sii])plied  with 
water  from  the  nei;L;hborin<^'  hill  of  ('hapultepec. 
There  were  also  splendid  suites  of  ajwrtments  re- 
tained for  the  use  of  the  kiniu^s  of  Tezciu  o  and  Tlaco- 
pan,  and  their  attendants   when  they  visited  Mexico, 

'  Ifnrrrn,  Hist.  Cm.,  iler.  ii.,  lib.  vii..  cap.  ix.  Tliongli  it  is  more  tlinn 
|irii))iil)lc  flint  (liiinnrn  iiifiiiis  tin-  .<iiiiu'  tliiii};,  yet  tiic  iiiiinncr  in  wliicli  iip 
rx|iicM.-<i's  it.  leaves  uh  in  stiiiie  doiiltt  wliefher  tlie  tip'r  iiiijjht  not  iiave  lioen 
slaudin;.' over  the  <'a;^le.  'Kl  esciulo  tie  arnias,  (|ue  estaua  por  las  puertas 
lie  paiac'io  v  ciiie  traeii  las  vamleras  de  Mutei'viinia.  \  las  de  sus  anteeessores, 
es  vnu  a;;uila  aliatitia  a  vm  ti};re,  las  nianos  y  vnas  puestas  conio  paru  lia/.er 
jiresa.'  d'H'l-  Mi.f.,  fol.  lOH.  '  llet  Waiien  ilat  lioveii  «le  I'oorte  stout,  was 
••en  .\reiit  (lie  op  een  (iriHiiM-n  netlenlai-lile,  mot  o|>oii  Claiiwen  liein  fxliereet 
Miaei'kende,  oni  syn  Koof  te  vatten.'    l\'riffin/i>ir/o'  S/tin/Zirl,  p.  *24(i. 

2  RiliilHittf  /(tttii  iiir  rii  ijiiiUI  'hii'iiiii)  ill  I  Siijiior  tcrnunili)  Cortcse,  in 
llamnitiv,   Xiii  iikiIiuik'.  toni.  iii.,  fol.  UIK). 


IIOYAL  PALACE  AT  MEXICO. 


161 


and  for  the  ministers  and  counselors,  and  the  ^eat 
lords  and  their  suites,  who  constantly  resided  at  the 
capital.  Besides  these,  the  private  attendants  of  the 
king — and  their  name  was  legion — had  to  1)C  provided 
for;  so  tiiat  when  we  consider  the  other  extensive 
buildings,  such  as  the  harem,  in  which,  according  to 
some  authorities,  were  nearly  three  thousand  women; 
the  armory,  tlie  granaries,  storehouses,  menageries, 
and  aviaries,  which  either  formed  part  or  were  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  palace  buildings,  we  are 
prepared  somewhat  to  credit  the  Anonymous  Con- 
queror aforesaid  wlien  he  affirms  that,  although  lie 
four  times  wandered  about  the  palace  until  he  was 
tired,  with  no  o^^her  purpose  than  to  view  its  interior, 
yet  he  never  succeeded  in  seeing  the  whole  of  it.* 
The  walls  .aid  floors  of  halls  and  apartments  were 
many  of  them  faced  with  polished  slabs  of  marble, 
por})hyrv,  j  wper,  obsidian,  and  white  tecali;*  lofty 
«^i</himn«  f  the  same  fine  stones  supported  marble  bal- 
conies aj«d  porti<<»<^  every  niche  and  corner  of  which 
was  filhid  witfi  wondrous  ornamental  carving,  or  held 
*  grinning  grotes(jU(  Iv  sculptured  head.  The  beams 
Hftd  casings  wtm  of  cedar,  cj'jiress,  and  other  valuable 
woods,  profusely  c-arved  and  put  together  without 
nails.  The  roofs  of  the  palace  buildings  formed  a 
suite  of  iinuK'Use  terraces,  from  wliicli  a  magnificent 
view  of  tiu!  whole  city  could  be  ol)taincd.  Superb 
mats  of  most  ex(|uisite  finish  were  sjnead  upon  the 
marble  floors;  tlie  tajHistry  that  draped  the  walls  and 
the  curtains  ih>ri'  hung  before  the  windows  were  made 
of  a  fabric  most  I'^onderful  for  its  deliciite  texture,  ele- 
gant designs  and  l/rilliant  colors;  througli  the  halls  and 
corridors  a  thousand  golden  censers,  in  wliicli  burned 
precious  spices  and  perfumes,  difl^lised  a  subtle  odor.* 

*  'Lc  tcciili  parait  6trc  la  pierre  transparcnte  seinbliiUlo  ii  I'alUi'itro  ori- 
oiitul,  (lout  oil  fai^ait  iiii  graiitl  usiige  k  Mexico,  i-l  dont  Ich  r(>li<;ieii\  so  scr- 
virtMit  rnf'iiio  pour  faire  uiie  enpeco  tic  vitres  ii  leiirs  feiU'tiv.->  On  cii  irmivo 
encorr  de  ce  ji;ciire  dans  plimiciirs  couvciitM  de  la  I'linhla  do  los  Angeles.' 


encorr  de  ce  ji;ciire  dans  plimiciirs  couvciiim  ue  la  riu 
iirft.i.ii  i/f  fir  Jtdiirlioiir;/,  J1i.il.  Nnt.  dr.,  toiii.  iv..  p.  8. 
*  IiM-^iise-otroriiij.;  uiiiuiig  thn  Mcxiciine,  uiid  otiicr 


Vol  II.    U 


iijklldim  uf  Andiiuac, 


162 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  palace  built  by  Nezahualcoyotl,  king  of  Tez- 
cuco,  even  surpassed  that  of  Montezuma  in  many 
respects.  The  Tezcucan  historian,  Ixtlilxochitl,  has 
given  a  full  description  of  it,  which  I  partially 
translate.  The  collection  of  buildings,  which  com- 
posed not  only  the  royal  residence,  but  also  the 
public  offices  and  courts  of  law,  extended  from  east 
to  west  twelve  hundred  and  thirty-four  and  a  half 
yards,  and  from  north  to  south,  nine  hundred  and  sev- 
enty-eight yards.  These  were  encompassed  by  a  wall 
made  of  adobes  strongly  cemented  together,  and  stand- 
ing on  a  foundation  of  very  hard  mortar,  six  feet  in 
width  at  the  base.  On  its  southern  and  eastern  sides 
the  wall  was  three  times  a  man's  stature  in  height;  on 
the  western  side,  towards  the  lake,  and  on  the  north- 
ern side  it  rose  to  the  height  of  five  times  a  man's 
stature."  For  one  third  of  the  distance  from  the  base 
to  the  top,  the  wall  grew  gradually  thinner,  while  the 
remainder  was  of  one  thickness.''  Within  this  in- 
closure  were  the  royal  dwelling,  the  council -chambers, 
and  otlier  halls  and  apartments.  There  were  also  two 
large  plazas,  the  outer  one  of  which  served  as  the 
public  market-place.  The  inner  court-yard  was  sur- 
rounded by  the  various  courts  of  justice,  and  other  halls 
where  matters  relative  to  science,  art,  and  the  army 
were  judicially  and  otherwise  considered,  all  of  wliich 
will  be  described  in  their  place,  and  also  a  hall  where 
the  archives  of  the  kingdom  were  preserved.  In  the 
centre  of  the  court-yard,  which  was  also  used  as  a 
market-})lai'e,  was  a  tennis-court;  on  the  west  side 
were  tiie  apartments  of  the  king,  more  than  tiiree 
hundred   in   number,    all   admirably   arranged;    here 

wiiH  iKit  only  an  act  of  rcli^^ion  towards  tlieir  pmIs,  but  also  a  niero  of  civil 
courtt'sy  to  lords  and  aniluiMsiuIorM,  Clfiritfcro,  Stori'n  Ant.  del  Alrssivo,  toni. 
ii.,  p.  r>l.  Cortex  durin;;  Iiih  niari'li  to  tliu  cajtital  was  on  nmru  tlian  unu  oc- 
casion met  l)y  a  demitation  of  nobles,  bearing  censers  which  they  swung 
before  him  as  a  murk  of  courtcxv. 

c  I'rescott,  Mrr.,  vol.  i.,  ]>.  177,  makes  in  both  ca.ses  the  'cslado'  the 
same  measure  as  the  'vara,'  tiiat  is  three  feet,  a  clumsy  error  certainly, 
when  translating  sui;h  a  sentence  as  this:  'que  tenia  de  grueso  do.s  varas,  y 
do  alto  trcs  estudos.' 

'  'A  nianera  de  estrilm,'  writen  Ixtlilxochitl. 


MONTEZUMA'S  MENAGERIE. 


163 


sur- 
halls 


as  a 
side 

three 
here 

J  of  civil 

■CO,  toin. 

\  one  oc- 

swuny 

Llo'  the 
Jrtaiiily, 
Ivuraa,  y 


were  also  storehouses  for  tribute,  and  splendid  suites 
of  aj)artnients  reserved  for  the  use  of  the  kings  of 
Mexico  and  Tlacopan  when  they  visited  Tezcuco. 
These  apartments  led  into  the  royal  j)leasure-garden8, 
which  were  artistically  laid  out  with  labyrinthian 
walks  winding  through  the  dark  foliage,  where  often 
the  uninitiated  would  lose  themselves;  then  there 
were  sparkling  fouutains,  and  inviting  baths,  and  sha- 
dy graves  of  ced  ir  and  cypress,  and  ponds  well  stocked 
with  fish,  and  aviaries  filled  with  birds  of  every  hue 
and  species,  besides  extensive  menageries.*  The  city 
of  Mexico,  however,  furnished  the  largest  collection 
of  animals,  or  at  all  events  it  is  more  fully  described 
by  the  conquerors  than  others.  The  Aztec  monarchs 
took  s[)ecial  pleasure  in  maintaining  zoological  col- 
lections on  an  immense  scale,  which  fancy  was  prob- 
ably more  fully  indulged  by  Montezuma  II.  than  by 
any  other.  That  prince  caused  to  be  erected  in  the 
city  of  Mexico  an  immense  edifice,  surrounded  by 
extensive  gardens,  which  was  used  for  no  other  pur- 
pose than  to  keep  and  display  all  kinds  of  birds  and 
beasts. 

One  portion  of  this  building  consisted  of  a  large 
open  court,  paved  with  stones  of  dift'erent  colors,  and 
divided  into  several  compartments,  in  which  were 
kept  wild  beasts,  birds  of  prey,  and  reptiles.  The 
larger  animals  were  confined  in  low  wooden  cages 
made  of  massive  beams.  They  were  fed  upon  the  in- 
testines of  human  sacrifices,  and  upon  deer,  nilihits, 
and  other  animals.  The  birds  of  prey  were  distrib- 
uted according  to  their  species,  in  subterranean  cham- 
bers, which  were  more  than  seven  feet  deej),  and  up- 
wards of  seventeen  feet  in  length  an<l  breadth.  Half 
of  each  chamber  was  roofed  with  slabs  ui'  stone,  under 
which  perches  were  fixed  in  the  wall,  where  the  birds 
might  sleep  and  be  protected  from  the  raiii ;  the  other 
half  was  covered  only  with  a  winnlen  grating,  whicli 


^  Ixtlilxochitl,   Hill.   Chich. 
l)p.  242-3. 


m  KinffiSoriiiigh'.t  \fcx.  Antiq  ,   toiii.   ix., 


164 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


admitted  air  and  sunlight.  Five  hundred  turkeys 
were  daily  killed  for  food  for  these  birds.  Alligators 
were  kept  in  ponds  walled  round  to  prevent  their 
escape,  and  serpents  in  long  cages  or  vessels,  large 
enough  to  allow  them  to  move  about  freely.  These 
reptiles  were  also  fed  on  human  blood  and  intestines. 
Mr  Prescott  tells  us  that  the  whole  of  this  menagerie 
"was  placed  under  the  charge  of  numerous  keepers, 
who  acquainted  themselves  with  the  habits  of  their 
prisonei-s,  and  provided  for  their  comfort  and  cleanli- 
ness." 

Thomas  Gage,  the  shrewd  old  English  heretic,  takes 
another  view.  In  his  quaint  though  free  and  slashing 
style  he  writes:  "But  what  was  wonderful  to  behold, 
horrid  to  see,  hideous  to  hear  in  this  house,  was  the 
Officers'  daily  occupations  about  these  beasts,  the  floor 
with  blood  like  a  gelly,  stinking  like  a  slaughter-house, 
and  the  roaring  of  the  Lions,  the  fearful  hissing  of  tlio 
Snakes  and  Adders,  the  doleful  howling  and  barking 
of  the  Wolves,  the  sorrowful  yelling  of  the  (Jwnzes 
and  Tigros,  wlien  they  would  have  meat.  And  yet  in 
this  place,  which  in  the  night  season  seemed  a  dungeon 
of  hell,  and  a  dwelling  place  for  the  Devil,  could  a 
heathen  Prince  pray  unto  his  Gods  and  Idols;  for 
near  unto  this  Hall  was  another  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
foot  long  and  thirty  foot  broad,  where  was  a  chappel 
with  a  roof  of  silver  and  gold  in  leaf,  wainscotted  and 
docked  with  great  store  of  pearl  and  stone,  as  Agats, 
Cornorines,  Emeralds,  Rubies,  and  divers  other  sorts; 
and  this  was  the  Oratory  where  Montezuma  prayed  in 
the  night  season,  and  in  that  chappel  the  Devil  did 
appear  unto  him,  and  gave  liim  answer  according  to 
his  prayers,  which  as  they  were  uttered  among  so  many 
ugly  and  deformed  beasts,  and  with  the  noise  of  them 
which  represented  Hell  it  self,  were  fitted  for  a  Devil's 
answer."^ 

In  another  part  of  the  building  was  an  immense  hall 
which  served  as  an  aviary,  in  which  were  collected 

•  Oaye's  New  Survey,  p.  99.     Coiiconiing  tliis  (irutory,  see  Laa  Ciuas, 


if 


ZOOLOGICAL  COLLECTION  OF  MONTEZUMA. 


166 


keys 

itors 

iheir 

arge 

'hese 

lines. 

gerie 

ipers, 

their 

3anli- 

takes 

,shing 

ahold, 

IS  the 

3  floor 

house, 

of  the 

arking 

hvnzes 
yet  in 

nigeon 
uld  a 
s;  for 
d  fifty 
happel 
d  and 
Agats, 
•  sorts; 
yod  in 
vil  did 
ing  to 
)  many 
them 
evil's 


me  hall 
Lllected 

las  Ciuas, 


O' 


specimens  of  all  the  birds  in  the  empire,  exceptin; 
those  of  prey.  They  were  of  infinite  variety  an 
splendid  plumage;  many  specimens  were  so  difficult 
to  obtain  that  their  feathers  brought  almost  fabulous 
prices  in  the  Mexican  market;  while  some  few,  either 
because  of  their  extreme  rarity  or  their  inability  to 
live  in  confinement,  did  not  appear  even  in  the  royal 
aviary,  except  in  imitation,  for  we  are  told  that,  both 
in  Mexico  and  Tezcuco,  all  kinds  of  birds  and  ani- 
mals that  could  not  be  obtained  alive  were  repre- 
sented in  gold  and  silver  so  skillfully  that  they  are  said 
to  have  served  the  naturalist  Hernandez  for  models. 
But  to  attain  this  honor,  a  bird  must  indeed  have  been  a 
rara  avis,  a  very  phoenix,  for  it  is  related  by  Torque- 
mada  and  many  others,  on  the  authority  of  a  Spanish 
eye-witness,  that  the  Emperor  Montezuma  II.  happen- 
ing one  day  to  see  a  sparrow-hawk  soaring  through 
the  air,  and  "taking  a  fancy  to  its  beauty  and  mode 
of  flight,"  ordered  his  followers  to  catch  it  without  de- 
lay and  bring  it  alive  to  his  hand ;  and  such  were  the 
efibrts  made  and  care  used,  that  in  an  incredibly  short 
space  of  time  "tliey  captured  that  fierce  and  haughty 
hawk  as  though  it  had  been  but  a  gentle  domestic 
pigeon,  and  brought  it  to  the  king.""" 

iVIarble  galleries,  supported  upon  jasper  pillars,  all 
of  one  piece,  surrounded  this  building,  and  looked  out 
upon  a  large  garden,  wherein  were  groves  of  rare  trees, 
choice  shrubbery  and  flowers,  and  fountains  filled  with 
fish.  But  the  prominent  feature  of  the  garden  was 
ten  large  ])onds  for  the  use  of  water-fowl,  some  of  which 
were  filled  with  fresh  and  some  with  salt  water,  accord- 
ing to  the  nature  of  the  birds  tliat  frequented  them. 
Each  pond  was  surrounded   with    tessellated  marble 

Hi.it.  A/m/oiji'/icn,  M.'^.,  toni.  i.,  cap.  1  Torfinoniiuln.  Mnitarq.  hid.,  ttnii.  i., 
p.  '2%.  u.ssiTts  tliiit  the  j^ultl  iind  silver  ])lut<'N  with  whicii  tlie  walls  and 
roof  were  routed,  were  ulitxiHt  as  tlii(!k  ius  a  tiii;;er,  anm  tiiat  thf  lirst  cnn- 
querorM  did  not  sec  this  cliapel  or  oratory,  liersiimc  MonUizuiii.i  alway.s  went 
to  thi'  t.(Miiplc  to  l)ray,  mid  itrwlMiWy,  as  tiic  luitives  deciaiieil,  kuowin;;  the 
covetousiiess  of  tiie  Siianiards.  Ii;- puriMisciy  c<»ii(;i'aled  all  this  wealth  from 
thcin  ;  it  is  also  naid  tliat  when  .Mexieo  was  taUeii  the  natives  dextroyetl  thi* 
chapel,  and  threw  its  treaHure»>  intto  the  lake. 
"•  Torque inada,  Mom  rq.  Ind.,  toni.  i.,  p.  2*7. 


166 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


„   I 


pavement  and  shaded  by  clumps  of  trees.  As  often 
as  the  water  began  to  stagnate  it  was  drained  off  and 
renewed.  Montezuma  is  said  to  have  passed  much  of 
his  time  here,  alone  or  with  his  women,  seated  in  the 
shade,  amid  the  plashing  of  fountains  and  odor  of  flow- 
ers, musing  upon  affairs  of  state  or  diverting  his  mind 
from  sucl  cares  by  watching  the  motions  of  the  strange 
birds  upon  the  water. 

No  less  than  three  hundred  persons  were  employed 
in  attending  upon  the  water-fowl  and  the  birds  in  the 
aviary ;  feeding  them  and  in  the  moulting  season  care- 
fully gathering  the  gorgeous  plumes,  which  served  as 
material  for  the  celebrated  Aztec  feather- work.  The 
habits  of  the  birds  were  closely  studied,  and  great  care 
was  taken  that  every  species  should  be  supplied  with 
the  foi)d  Ijest  suited  to  its  taste,  whether  it  consisted 
of  worms,  insects,  or  seeds.  The  fish  with  which  the 
water-fowl  were  suj)plied  amounted  to  one  hundred 
a'.d  fifty  pounds  daily.  In  another  hall  a  collection 
of  human  monstrosities  was  kept.  As  we  shall  pres- 
ently see,  many  of  these  unfortunate  creatures  were 
tramfcd  to  play  the  part  of  jesters  at  the  royal  table. 
Yet  anoi/her  hall  contained  a  number  of  albinos,  or 
white  Indians,  who  were  considered  a  great  curiosity. 

In  addition  to  these  city  palaces  the  Aztec  monarchs 
had  numerous  equally  splendid  country  residences,  be- 
sides whole  tracts  of  country  set  a|)art  us  royal  hunting- 
grounds.  In  these  parts  timl)er  was  not  allowed  to  be 
cut  nor  game  disturbed,  whicli  regulations  were  en- 
forced with  great  rigor. 

The  principal  country  villa  of  Montezuma  II.,  and 
the  only  one  of  whicli  any  signs  are  yet  visible,  was 
situated  upon  the  hill  of  Chai)ulte})ec,  which  stood  in 
a  westerly  direction  from  tlie  city  of  Mexico.  In  the 
days  t>f  the  Aztec  kings,  the  lake  of  Tezcuco  washed 
the  base  of  the  hill,  round  which  the  royal  grounds 
stretclied  for  miles  in  every  direction.  The  gardens 
were  laid  out  in  terraces,  that  wound  down  the  hillside 
amid  dense  groves  of  pepper-trees,  myrtles,  and  cy- 


THE  HILL  OF  CHAPULTEPEC. 


167 


3  en- 

and 

was 

od  in 

the 

shed 

mnds 

dens 

Iside 

I  cy- 


presses, innumerable  fountains  and  artificial  cascades. 
Little  of  the  ancient  glory  of  either  palace  or  gardens 
is  now  left,  except  the  natural  beauty  of  the  foliage 
that  clothes  the  hill,  and  the  magnificent  view  to  be 
obtained  from  the  summit.  Two  statues  of  Mon- 
tezuma II.  and  his  father,  cut  in  has  relief  on  the 
porphyry  rock,  were  still  to  be  seen,  Gama  tells  us,  in 
the  middle  of  the  last  century,  but  these  are  now  gone, 
swept  away  by  the  same  ruthless  hands  that  laid  waste 
the  hanging  gardens  and  tore  down  halls  and  monu- 
ments until  the  groves  of  gigantic  cypresses  are  all 
that  is  left  standing  in  the  gardens  of  Chapultepec 
that  ministered  to  the  pleasure  of  the  ancient  owners. 
Peter  Martyr,  describing  the  palace  at  Iztapalapan, 
writes,  in  the  language  of  an  early  translator:  "That 
house  also  hath  orchardes,  finely  planted  with  diuers 
trees,  and  herbes,  and  flourishing  fiowers,  of  a  sweete 
smell.  There  are  also  in  the  same,  great  standing 
pooles  of  water  with  many  kindes  of  fish,  in  the  which 
diuers  kiiulos  of  all  sortes  of  waterfoule  are  swimminge. 
To  the  bottome  of  these  lakes,  a  man  may  descend  by 
marble  steppes  brought  farr  of.  They  re})urt  strange 
thinges  of  a  walke  inclosed  with  nettinges  of  Canes, 
least  any  one  should  freely  come  witliin   the  voyde 

1)lattes  of  grounde,  or  to  the  fruite  of  the  trees.  Those 
ledges  are  made  with  a  thousande  pleasant  deuises,  as 
it  falleth  out  in  those  delicate  purple  crosse  alleyes,  of 
mirtle,  rosemary,  or  boxe,  al  very  delightfull  to  be- 
hold."" 

Nezahualcoyotl,  the  Tezcucan  Solomon,  was  no  wit 
behind  his  royal  brother  of  Mexico  in  tlie  matter  of 
splendid  country  residences  and  gardens.  Not  content 
with  the  royal  pleasure-grounds  called  Huectecpan, 
writes  the  Chichimec  historian,"  this  great  king  made 
others,  such  as  the  forest  so  famous  in  Tezcotzincan 
history,  and  those  called  Cauchiacac,  Tzinacamoztoc, 

"  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  ii. 

"  Ixllilxuchitl,  Hint.  Chich.,  in  Kingsborough's  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp. 
251-2. 


im 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Cozcaquauhco,  Cuctlachatitlan,  or  Tlateitec,  and  those 
of  the  lake  Acatelelco,  and  Topetzinco;  he  Hkewise 
marked  out  a  large  tract,  where  ho  might  pass  his 
leisure  moments  m  hunting.  These  gardens  were 
adorned  with  fountains,  drains,  sewers,  ponds,  and 
labyrinths,  and  were  planted  with  all  kinds  of  Howers 
and  trees,  both  indigenous  and  foreign. 

But  Nezahualcoyotl  was  not  one  to  overlook  utility 
in  laying  out  his  grounds.  Five  large  patches  of  the 
most  fertile  lands  lying  near  the  capital  were  brought 
under  cultivation  and  the  products  appropriated  ex- 
clusively to  the  use  of  the  royal  household. 

Certain  towns  and  provinces  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
court  furnislied  attendants  and  laborers  for  the  palaces, 
gardens,  and  plantations.  In  return  for  such  service 
said  towns  and  provinces  were  exempt  from  taxation 
and  enjoyed  certain  privileges.  The  manner  of  service 
was  divided ;  thus  twenty-eight  towns  supplied  those 
who  attended  to  the  cleanliness  and  order  of  the  royal 
buildings  and  waited  upon  the  king  and  his  suite; 
fourteen  of  these  towns"  did  service  during  one  half 
of  the  year  and  the  remainder"  during  the  other  half 
Five  towns  provided  attendants  for  the  king's  cham- 
ber," and  eight  provinces,"  with  their  dependent  towns, 
furnished,  each  in  its  turn,  foresters,  gardeners,  and 
agricultural  laborers  for  the  woods  and  gardens,  orna- 
mental or  otherwise. 

King  Nezahualcoyotl's  favorite  country  residence, 

"  Their  names,  as  given  hy  Ixtlilxocliitl,  Hist.  Chirh.,  in  Kingsborotiffh'a 
Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  251,' were:  Hucxotla,  Coatlirlian,  Coatn|)ec,  Chi- 
nialliuacan,  Ytxtannlucaii,  Tcpctlaoztoc,  Acolniau,  Tc|)cclii)an,  Chiiilmauh- 
tlan,  Tcioiocan,  (Jliiauhtia,  I'imalotlan,  Xaltouan,  and  Clialco. 

•*  Otonipan,  Teotiliuacan,  Tcj|)cpolco,  CeiniMialon,  Aztaqucniecan,  Ahna- 
tepec,  Axa]M>cIioc,  Oztoticpac,  Tizuyocan,  Tlalanapan,  Coioac,  (juatlatlauh- 
can,  Quaulitlacca,  and  ijuatlatzinco.  lb. 

IS  'Para  la  reeilniara  del  rey,'  namely:  Calpolalpan,  Mazaapan,  Yalnm- 
linhcan,  Atencn,  and  Tzihuinquilocan.  lb.  It  is  nnroasunable  to  suppose 
that  these  so-called  'towns'  were  really  more  than  mere  villages,  since  the 
kingdoms  projicr  of  Mexico,  Tezcueo,  and  Tlacopan,  of  which  they  fonned 
only  a  fraction,  were  all  contained  in  a  valley  not  two  hundred  miles  in  cir- 
cunifercncc. 

'6  Tolantzinco,  Quauhchinanco,  XicotejKic,  Panhatln,  Yauhtepec,  Tepcch- 
CO,  Ahuuoaiocan,  and  Quauliahuac.  lb.;  see  also  Torqmmada,  Monarq.  Ind., 
torn,  i.,  p.  167. 


SUMMER  PALACE  AT  TEZCOZINCO. 


169 


some  remains  of  which  are  still  visible,  waa  at  Tezco- 
zinco,  on  a  conical  hill  lying  about  two  leagues  from 
Tezcuco.  A  broad  road,  running  between  high  hedges, 
and  probably  winding  spirally  round  the  hill,  a])pears 
to  have  led  up  to  the  summit,"  which,  however,  could 
be  reached  in  a  shorter  time  by  means  of  a  flight  of 
steps,  many  of  which  were  cut  into  the  living  rock, 
and  the  remainder  made  of  pieces  of  stone  finnly 
cemented  together.  Ddvila  Padilla,  who  wrote  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century,  says  that  ho 
counted  five  hundred  and  twenty  of  these  steps,  with- 
out reckoning  those  that  had  already  crumbled  to 
pieces."  He  furthermore  adds  that  for  the  last  twelve 
steps  in  the  ascent  the  staircase  was  tunneled  through 
the  solid  rock,  and  became  so  narrow  that  only  one 
person  could  pass  at  a  time.  Diivila  Padilla  inquired 
the  reason  of  this  of  the  natives,  and  was  told  by  them, 
as  they  had  heard  it  from  their  fathers,  that  this  nar- 
row passage  enabled  the  Tezcucan  monarch  to  assert 
his  rank  by  taking  precedence  of  his  royal  visitors 
when  they  went  in  a  body  to  worship  the  idol  that 
stood  upon  the  summit;  not  a  very  polite  proceeding 
certainly."  Water  was  brought  over  hill  and  dale  to 
the  top  of  the  mountain  by  means  of  a  solid  stone 
aqueduct.  Here  it  was  received  in  a  large  basin, 
having  in  its  centre  a  great  rock,  upon  which  were  in- 
scribed in  a  circle  the  hieroglyphics  representing  the 
years  that  had  elapsed  since  Nezalmalcoyotl's  birth,  with 
a  list  of  his  most  noteworthy  achievements  in  each.^ 
Within  this  circle  the  royal  coat  of  arms  was  sculptured, 

"  '  La  ccrca  tan  gramlc  que  tenia  para  suhir  A  la  cumhre  dc  el  y  andurlo 
todo.'  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist,  t'hich.,  in  KiiiffsborottglCs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix., 

p.  ar.i. 

'*  'Para  siibir  hasta  csta  cuinbre  sc  puHsan  quinicntos  y  veynte  cscaloncs, 
nin  aI<;uno.s  que  estan  ya  dcslieuhos,  \wr  auer  biiIo  de  |)ic(ira8  sucltas  y  pues- 
tus  h  niani):  ([ue  otros  niuchoH  escalones  ay,  labrados  en  la  ])rupia  ]>eria  cun 
nuicha  curiusidad.  El  afio  pasado  los  anduiie  todoa,  y  los  c(>nt6,  para  dcponer 
lie  vista.'  Diivila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Mex.,  p.  619.  Prescott,  Mcx.,  vol. 
i.,  p.  186,  citinj;  the  aliove  author,  p;ive8  five  hundred  and  twenty  as  the 
whole  nunilHjr  of  .steps,  without  further  remark. 

>' Torquentada  aisu  mentions  this  staircase.  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  ii.,  p. 
436 

*D  'Eaculpida  en  ella  en  circunfercneia  los  aiios  desdc  que  habia  nacido  el 


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170 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


the  elaborate  device  of  which  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  imagine  from  the  clumsy  description  of  it  given  by 
Ixtlilxochitl.  As  nearly  as  I  can  make  it  out,  certain 
figures  representing  a  deer's  foot  adorned  with  feathers 
and  having  a  precious  stone  tied  to  it,  a  hind  support- 
ing an  arm  which  grasps  a  bow  and  arrows,  and  a  corse- 
leted  warrior,  wearing  a  helmet  with  its  ear  pieces, 
formed  the  centre;  these  were  flanked  by  two  houses, 
one  in  flames  and  falling  to  pieces,  the  other  whole  and 
highly  ornamented;  two  tigers  of  the  country,  vomit- 
ing fire  and  water,  served  as  supporters;  the  whole 
was  surrounded  by  a  border  composed  of  twelve  heads 
of  kings  and  great  nobles.  From  this  basin  the  water 
was  distributed  through  the  gardens  in  two  streams, 
one  of  which  meandered  down  the  northern  side  of  the 
hill,  and  the  other  down  the  southern  side.  Davila 
Padilla  relates  that  there  also  stood  upon  the  summit 
an  image  of  a  coyote,  hewn  from  the  living  rock,  which 
represented  a  celebrated  fasting  Indian.'^^  There  were 
likewise  several  towers  or  columns  of  stone,  havinsr 
their  capitals  made  in  the  shape  of  a  pot,  from  which 
protruded  plumes  oi  feathers,  which  signified  the  name 
of  the  place.  Lower  down  was  the  colossal  figure  of 
a  winged  beast,  called  by  Ixtlilxochitl  a  lion,'"  lying 
down,  with  its  face  toward  the  east,  and  bearing  in 
its  mouth  a  sculptured  portrait  of  the  king;  this  statue 
was  generally  covered  with  a  canopy  adorned  with 
gold  and  feather- work.'" 

A  little  lower  yet  were  three  basins  of  water,  em- 
blematic of  the  great  lake,  and  on  the  borders  of  the 
middle  one  three  female  figures  were  sculptured  on 
the  solid  rock,  representing  the  heads  of  the  confed- 

rey  Nezahualcoiotzin,  hasta  la  cdad  tie  nqucl  ticmr>o.'  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist. 
Chic.li.,  ill  Kiiiffsborough's  Mcx.  Aiitiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  252.  Prescott  says  that 
the  hieroglvphics  represented  the  'years  of  Mczaluialcoyotrs  reign.'  Mex., 
vol.  i.,  p.  182. 

*'  Htst.  Fvnd.  Mex.,  p.  619.     'Thi>5  figure  was,  no  doubt,  the  enihlein 

of  Nezahualcoyotl  hiniHetf,  whose  name sigiiiKed  "hungry  fo.\."'  Prcs- 

cott's  Mcx.,  vol.  i.,  p.  18.S,  note  42. 

I'  '  Un  leon  do  mas  de  do-;  brazas  de  largo  con  sus  alas  y  plunias.'  Hist. 
Chick.,  in  KingsborouffKn  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  252. 

s>  These  figures  wrro  destroyed  by  order  of  t  r  Juan  de  Zuntdrraga,  first 


ORNAMENTAL  GARDENS  AT  TEZCOZINCO. 


171 


erated  states  of  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan.**  Up- 
on the  northern  side  of  the  hill  was  another  pond;  and 
here  upon  the  rock  was  carved  the  coat  of  arms  of  the 
city  of  ToUan,  which  was  formerly  the  chief  town  of 
the  Toltecs;  upon  the  southern  slope  of  the  hill  was 
yet  another  pond,  bearing  the  coat  of  arms  and  the 
name  of  the  city  of  Tenayuca,  which  was  formerly 
the  head  town  of  the  Chichimecs.  From  this  basin  a 
stream  of  water  flowed  continually  over  the  precipice, 
and  being  dashed  into  spray  upon  the  rocks,  was  scat- 
tered like  rain  over  a  garden  of  odorous  tropical 
plants.'^     In  the  garden  were  two  baths,  dug  out  of 

Bishop  of  Mexico.  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Mcx.,  p.  619;  IxtUlxo- 
chitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  Kingsborounh's  Mcx.  Autiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  252.  The 
injury  wrought  by  this  holy  iconoclast  ia  incalculable.  Blinded  by  the  mad 
fanaticism  of  tlie  aye,  he  saw  a  devil  in  every  Aztec  image  and  hieroglyph; 
Iiis  hammers  did  more  in  a  few  years  to  eflface  all  vestiges  of  Aztec  art  and 
greatness  than  time  and  decay  could  have  done  in  as  many  centuries.  It  is 
a  few  such  men  as  this  that  the  world  has  to  tliank  for  tlie  utter  extinction 
in  a  few  short  years  of  a  mighty  civilization.  In  a  letter  to  the  Franciscan 
Chapter  at  Tolosa,  date«l  June  12,  1531,  wc  find  the  old  bigot  exulting  over 
his  vandalism.  'Very  reverend  Fathers,*  he  writes:  'l)e  it  known  to  you 
that  we  are  very  busy  ia  the  work  of  converting  the  hcatlien;  of  whom,  by 
the  gnice  of  Uod,  Howards  of  one  million  have  l>eeu  baptized  at  the  hands 
of  the  brethren  of  tlie  order  of  our  seraphic  Father  Saint  Francis;  five  hun- 
dred temples  have  been  leveled  to  the  ground,  and  more  than  twenty  thous- 
and figures  of  the  deviU  they  woi-shiped  have  lieen  broken  to  pieces  and 
burned.'  And  it  appears  that  the  woithy  zealot  had  even  succeeded  in 
bringing  the  natives  themselves  to  his  way  of  thinking,  for  further  on  lie 
writes:  'They  watch  with  great  care  to  .see  where  their  fathers  hide  the  idols, 
and  then  with  great  fitlelity  they  bring  them  to  the  reli";ious  of  our  order 
that  they  may  lie  destroyed;  and  for  this  many  of  them  have  l)een  brutally 
murdered  by  their  parents,  or,  to  speak  more  jiroperly,  have  been  crowned 
in  glory  with  Christ.'  Dice.  Univ.,  App.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  1131. 

**  'I'here  is  a  singular  confusion  alwut  this  passage.  In  KiunshoroiigtCa 
Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  252,  IxtJilxiicliitl  is  made  to  write:  'Un  poqnito 
mas  abujo  estaban  trcs  all)ercas  de  ugiia,  y  cii  la  del  medio  estaban  en  sus 
bordus  tres  danias  csculpidas  y  lubradas  en  la  misma  i>cna,  que  significa- 
ban  Itt  gran  lacuna;  y  las  raitaa  las  ca1)czas  del  iiiipcrio.'  In  Prcscott's 
Mcx.,  App.,  vol.  iii.,  pp.  430-2,  IxtliLxochitl's  description  of  Tezcoziiico  is 
given  in  full;  the  almve-quoted  ])assage  is  exactly  the  same  here  except 
that  for  raiias,  fro<{s,  we  read  ramus,  branches.  Either  of  these  Avords 
would  render  the  ocscription  incomprehensible,  and  in  my  description  I 
have  assumed  that  they  are  Iwth  misprints  for  dainas.  Mr  Prescott,  Mcx., 
vol.  i.,  pp.  182-3,  surmounts  the  difficulty  as  follows:  'On  a  h>wer  level 
were  three  other  reservoirs,  in  each  of  which  stood  a  marble  statue  of  a 
woman,  emblematic  of  the  three  states  of  the  empire.'  This  is  inaccurate 
as  well  as  iiiconiplete,  inasmuch  as  the  figures  were  not  statues,  each  stand- 
ing in  a  basin,  but  were  all  three  cut  upon  the  face  of  the  rock-border  of 
the  middle  basin. 

>^  I  have  no  doubt  that  this  is  the  basin  known  to  modern  travelers  as 
the  'Baths  of  Montezuma,'  of  which  Ward  says  that  it  ia  neither  of 
the  proper  shaiie,  nor  large  enough  for  a  bath,  but  that  it  more  probably 


172 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


one  large  piece  of  porphyry ,**  and  a  flight  of  steps 
also  cut  from  the  solid  rock,  worked  and  polished  so 
smooth  that  they  looked  like  mirrors,  and  on  the  front 
of  the  stairs  were  carved. the  year,  month,  day,  and 
hour  in  which  information  was  brought  to  King  Neza- 
hualcoyotl  of  the  death  of  a  certain  lord  of  Huexot- 
zinco,  whom  he  esteemed  very  highly,  and  who  died 
while  the  said  staircase  was  being  built."  The  garden 
is  said  to  have  been  a  perfect  little  paradise.  The 
gorgeous  flowers  were  all  transplanted  from  the  dis- 
tant tierra  caliente;  marble  pavilions,  supported  on 
slender  columns,  with  tesselated  pavements  and  spark- 
ling fountains,  nestled  among  the  shady  groves  and 
afforded  a  cool  retreat  during  the  long  summer  days. 
At  the  end  of  the  garden,  almost  hidden  by  the  groups 
of  gigantic  cedars  and  cypresses  that  surrounded  it, 

'  served  to  receive  the  waters  of  a  spring,  since  dried  up,  as  its  depth 
is  considerable,  wliilc  the  edge  on  one  side  is  formed  into  a  spout.*  Mex- 
ico, vol.  ii.,  p.  297.  Of  late  years  this  excavation  has  l)een  repeatedly 
described  by  men  who  claim  to  have  visited  it,  but  whose  statements  it  is 
hard  to  reconcile.  Bullock  mentions  having  seen  on  this  spot  'a  1)eautiful 
basin  about  twelve  feet  lung  by  eight  wide,  having  a  well  about  five  feet 
by  four  deep  in  the  centre,  surrounded  by  a  parapet  or  rim  two  feet  six 
inches  high,  with  a  throne  or  chair,  such  as  is  represented  in  ancient  pictures 
to  have  been  used  by  the  kings.  There  are  steps  to  descend  into  the  basin 
or  bath;  the  whole  cut  out  of  the  living  jiorphyry  rock  with  the  most  math- 
ematical precision,  and  polished  in  the  most  beautiful  manner.'  Mexico, 
vol.  ii.,  pp.  125-6.  Latrolie  says  there  were  'two  singular  Imsins,  of  iier- 
liaps  two  feet  and  a  half  in  diameter,  not  big  enough  for  any  monarch  bis- 
ger  than  Oberon  to  take  a  duck  in.'  Rambler,  p.  187;  Vigne's  Travels,  vol. 

I.,  p.  27,  mentions  'the  remains  of  a  circular  stone  Imth about  a  foot 

deep  and  iive  in  diameter,  with  a  small  snrrounding  and  smoothed  space  cut 
out  of  the  solid  rock.'  Brtuitz  Mayer,  who  both  saw  it  and  gives  a  sketch 
of  it,  writes:  'The  rock  is  smoothed  to  a  perfect  level  for  several  yards, 
around  which,  seats  and  grooves  are  carved  from  the  adjacent  masses.  In 
the  centre  there  is  a  circular  sink,  about  a  yard  and  a  half  in  diameter,  and 
a  yard  in  depth,  and  a  square  pii)e,  with  a  small  ancrtnre,  led  the  water  from 
un  aqueduct,  wliich  appears  to  terminate  in  this  iNisin.'  Mex.  as  it  Was,  p. 
23(.  Beaufoy  rniys  that  two^hirds  up  the  southern  side  of  the  hill  was  a 
mass  of  fine  red  porphyry,  in  Vrh'ch  was  an  excavation  six  feet  square,  with 
steps  leading  down  tlirce  feet,  having  in  the  centre  a  circular  lias'n  four 
ana  a  half  feet  in  diameter  and  five  deep,  also  with  steps.  Mex.  Illustr.,  p. 
195.  'On  the  side  of  the  hill  ,re  two  little  circular  baths,  cut  in  the  solid 
rock.  The  lower  of  the  two  has  a  flight  of  steps  down  to  it;  the  seat  for 
the  bather,  and  the  stone  pine  which  brought  the  water,  are  still  quite 
perfect.'  Ty/or's  yl«nAi«rtC,  p.  152. 

*6  'TroB  este  jardin  se  scguian  los  bafios  hechos  y  lahrados  dc  pefia  viva, 
que  con  dividirs*^  <fn  dos  bailos  era  de  una  pieza.'  Ixtlilxochitl,  Htat.  Chick., 
in  KinqahorouffiCs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  252. 

"/6. 


TOLTEC  PALACES. 


173 


was  the  royal  palace,**  so  situated  that  while  its  spa- 
cious halls  were  filled  with  the  sensuous  odors  of  the 
tropics,  blown  in  from  the  gardens,  it  remained  shel- 
tered from  the  heat.® 

If  the  ancient  traditions  may  be  believed,  the  Tol- 
tec  monarchs  built  as  magnificent  palaces  as  their 
Aztec  successors.  The  sacred  palace  of  that  mysteri- 
ous Toltec  priest-king,  Quetzalcoatl,  had  four  prmcipal 
halls,  facing  the  four  cardinal  points.  That  on  the 
east  was  called  the  Hall  of  Gold,  because  its  halls 
were  ornamented  with  plates  of  that  metal,  delicately 
chased  and  finished;  the  apartment  lying  toward  the 
west  was  named  the  Hall  of  Emeralds  and  Turquoises, 
and  its  walls  were  profusely  adorned  with  all  kinds  of 
precious  stones;  the  hall  facing  the  south  was  deco- 
rated with  plates  of  silver  and  with  brilliant-colored 
sea-shells,  which  were  fitted  together  with  great  skill. 
The  walls  of  the  fourth  hall,  which  was  on  the  north, 
were  red  jasper,  covered  with  carving  and  ornamented 
with  shells.  Another  of  these  palaces  or  temples,  for 
it  is  not  clear  which  they  were,  had  also  four  principal 


'"  DAvil.-i  Padilla  says  that  some  of  the  gateways  of  this  palace  were 
formed  of  one  piece  of  stone,  and  he  saw  one  Mam  of  cedar  tlicre  which  wo-' 
almost  ninety  feet  in  length  and  four  in  breadth.  Hist.  Fend.  Mex.,  p.'  G20. 

'3  Concerning;  the  royal  buildings,  gardens,  &c.,  of  the  Aztecs,  compare 
Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  torn,  i.,  cap.  1.;  Torquemcula,  Monarq. 
IiuL,  toni.  i.,  pp.  107,  2!)6-8;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  m  Kinmborongnrs 
Mcx.  Aiitiq.,  vol.  i.K.,  pj).  243-4,  251-2;  IMoila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fond.  Mex., 
pp.  619-20;  Relatione  Jatta  per  vn  gentiPhuomo  del  Signer  Fernando  Cor- 
tcsc,  in  Raniusio,  Navigationi,  tom.'iii.,  fol.  309;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn, 
ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  302-9;  Cainargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvclles  Annales  dcs 
Vot/.,  1843,  toni.  xcviii.,  p.  196;  Acosta^s  Hist.  Nat.  Ind.,n.  484;  Clavigero, 
Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toui. !.,  pp.  271-4;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  pp. 
305-7,  .504;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.  fol.  69;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in 
hazbalceta.  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  181-5;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol. 
107-11;  Ortega,  in  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  315-19;  Cortis, 
Cur/a.i,  pj».  110-11;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  ix.-xi.;  West- 
Indisc/ie  Sjnecfhel,  pp.  245-6,  343;  Gage's  New  Survey,  pp.  97-9;  Peter  Mar- 
tyr, dec.  v.,  lib.  iii.,  iv.,  x.;  Chevalier,  Mexiquc,  pp.  30-2;  PrcscotCs  Mrx., 
vol.  i.,  pp.  177-84,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  65,  115-21;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Cio.,  tom.  iv.,  pp.  8-1 1;  Pimcntel,  Rata  Indigena,  p.  57;  Tdpia,  Re- 
lacion,  in  Icazbaleeta  Col.  de  Doe.,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  581-3.  Other  works  of  no 
original  value,  which  touch  on  this  subject,  are:  Klemm,  Cultur-Gcschichtc, 
torn,  v.,  pp.  15,244,  65-6,  234-7;  RanXing's  Hist.  Researehes,  pp.  347-51; 
Bitss'ierre,  V  Empire  Mexieain,  pp.  90-4, 109;  Maegregor's  Progress  of  Amer- 
iea,  p.  22;  Dilworth'a  Cotiq.  Mex.,  pp.  66,  70;  Wtst  und  Oat  Indiaclter  Lutt- 
gart,  pt  i.,  p.  126. 


174 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


halls  decorated  entirely  with  feather-work  tapestry. 
In  the  eastern  division  the  feathers  were  yellow;  in 
the  western  they  were  blue,  taken  from  a  bird  called 
Xiuhtototl;  in  the  southern  hall  the  feathers  were 
white,  and  in  that  on  the  north  they  were  red.** 

The  number  of  attendants  attached  to  the  royal 
houses  was  very  great.  Every  day  from  sunrise  until 
sunset  the  antechambers  of  Montezuma's  palace  in 
Mexico  were  occupied  by  six  hundred  noblemen  and 
gentlemen,  who  passed  the  time  lounging  about  and 
discussing  the  gossip  of  the  day  in  low  tones,  for  it 
was  considered  disrespectful  to  speak  loudly  or  make 
any  noise  within  the  palace  limits.  They  were  pro- 
vided with  apartments  in  the  palace,'^  and  took  their 
meals  from  what  remained  of  the  superabundance  of 
the  royal  table,  as  did,  after  them,  their  own  servants, 
of  whom  each  pernon  of  quality  was  entitled  to  from 
one  to  thirty,  according  to  his  rank.  These  retainers, 
numbering  two  or  three  thousand,  filled  several  outer 
courts  during  the  day. 

The  king  took  his  meals  alone,  in  one  of  the  largest 
halls  of  the  palace.  If  the  weather  was  cold,  a  fire 
was  kindled  with  a  kind  of  charcoal  mjide  of  the  bark 
of  trees,  which  emitted  no  smoke,  but  threw  out  a  de- 
licious perfume;  and  that  his  majesty  might  suffer  no 
inconven.'ence  from  the  heat,  a  screen  ornamented  with 
gold  and  carved  with  figures  of  the  idols**  was  placed 
between  his  person  and  the  fire.  He  was  seated  upon 
a  low  leather  cushion,  upon  which  were  thrown  vari- 
ous soft  skins,  and  his  table  was  of  a  similar  descrip- 
tion, except  that  it  was  larger  and  rather  higher,  and 
was  covered  with  white  cotton  cloths  of  the  finest 
texture.  The  dinner-service  was  of  the  finest  ware  of 
Cholula,  and  many  of  the  goblets  were  of  gold  and 

^1  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  107-S. 

31  Close  to  the  great  audience  hall  was  a  verj:  large  court-yard,  'en  ouo 
avia  fieiit  aposeiitos  de  veyntc  i  f inco  6  trej  nta  pies  de  largo  cada  uno  sonre 
si  en  torno  de  dicho  patio,  &  alii  estaban  los  sefiorcs  prin^ipalca  aj)os8entado8, 
como  miardaa  del  pala^io  ordinarias.'  Ovicdo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  lii.,  p.  601. 

3*  '  Vna  como  tabla  labrada  con  oro,  y  otras  figuras  de  idolos.  Bemal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  68. 


MONTEZUMA  AT  TABLE. 


175 


silver,  or  fashioned  of  beautiful  shells.  He  is  said  to 
have  possessed  a  complete  service  of  solid  gold,  but  as 
it  was  considered  below  a  king's  dignity  to  use  any- 
thing at  table  twice,  Montezuma  with  all  his  extrava- 
gance, was  obliged  to  keep  this  costly  dinner-set  in 
the  temple.  The  bill  of  fare  comprised  everything 
edible  of  fish,  flesh,  and  fowl,  that  could  be  procured 
in  the  empire  or  imported  from  beyond  it.  Relays  of 
couriers  were  employed  in  bringing  delicacies  from 
afar,  and  as  the  royal  table  was  every  day  supplied 
witli  fresh  fish  brought,  without  the  modern  aids  of 
ice  and  air-tight  packing,  from  a  sea-toast  more  than 
a  hundred  miles  distant,  by  a  road  passing  chiefly 
through  a  tropical  climate,  we  can  form  some  idea  of 
the  speed  with  which  f  nese  couriers  traveled.  There 
were  cunning  cooks  among  the  Aztecs,  and  at  those 
extravagant  meals  there  was  almost  as  much  variety 
in  the  cooking  as  in  the  matter  cooked.  Sahagun^ 
gives  a  most  formidable  list  of  roast,  stewed,  and  boiled 
dishes  of  meat,  fish,  and  poultry,  seasoned  with  many 
kinds  of  herbs,  of  which,  however,  the  most  frequently 
mentioned  is  chile.'*  He  further  describes  many  kinds 
of  bread,  all  bearing  a  more  or  less  close  resemblance 
to  the  modern  Mexican  tortilla,'®  and  all  most  tre- 
mendously named;  imagine,  for  instance,  when  one 
wished  for  a  piece  of  bread,  having  to  ask  one's  neigh- 
bor to  be  good  enough  to  pass  the  totanquitlaxcallil- 
laquelpacholli ;  then  there  were  tamales  of  all  kinds,** 

"  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  297-.S02. 

3<  This  imngent  condiment  is  at  tlie  jnesent  day  as  omnipresent  in  Span- 
ish American  disJies  as  it  was  at  the  time  of  the  conquest;  and  I  am  seri- 
ously informed  by  a  Spanisli  gentleman  wlio  resided  for  many  years  in  Mex- 
ico, and  was  an  otKcer  in  Maximilian's  army,  that  while  the  wolves  would 
feed  upon  the  dead  bodies  of  the  French  that  lajr  all  night  upon  the  battle- 
field, tlicy  never  touched  the  bodies  of  the  Mexicans,  because  the  flesh  of 
the  latter  was  completely  impregnated  with  chile.  Which,  if  true,  may  bo 
thought  to  show  that  Widves  do  not  object  to  a  diet  seasoned  with  garlic. 

31  Described  too  frequently  in  vol.  i.,  of  this  series,  to  need  repetition. 

3B  The  tamalc  is  another  very  favorite  modern  Mexican  dish.  The  na- 
tives generally  make  them  with  pork;  the  bones  are  crushed  almost  to 
powder;  the  meat  is  cut  up  in  small  pieces,  and  the  whole  washed;  a  small 
quantity  of  maize  paste,  seasoned  with  cinnamon,  saffron,  cloves,  pimento, 
tomatoes,  coarse  penper,  salt,  red  coloring  matter,  and  some  lard  added  to 
it,  is  placed  uu  the  fire  in  a  pan;  as  soon  as  it  has  acquired  the  consistency 


176 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


and  many  other  curious  messes,  such  as  frog-spawn, 
and  stewed  ants  cooked  with  chile,  but  more  loath- 
some to  us  than  even  such  as  these,  and  strangest 
of  all  the  strange  compounds  that  went  to  make  up 
the  royal  carte,  was  one  highly  seasoned,  and  probably 
savory-smelling  dish,  so  exquisitely  prepared  that  its 
principal  ingredient  was  completely  disguised,  yet  that 
ingredient  was  nothing  else  than  human  flesh."  Each 
dish  was  kept  warm  by  a  chafing-dish  placed  under  it. 
Writers  do  not  agree  as  to  the  exact  quantity  of  food 
served  up  at  each  meal,  but  it  must  have  been  im- 
mense, since  the  lowest  number  of  dishes  given  is 
three  hundred,^  and  the  highest  three  thousand.** 
They  were  brought  into  the  hall  by  four  hundred 
pages  of  noble  birth,  who  placed  their  burdens  upon 
the  matted  floor  and  retired  noiselessly.  The  king 
then  pointed  out  such  viands  as  he  wished  to  partake 
of,  or  left  the  selection  to  his  steward,  who  doubtless 
took  pains  to  study  the  likes  and  dislikes  of  the  royal 
palate.  This  steward  was  a  functionary  of  the  highest 
rank  and  importance ;  he  alone  was  privileged  to  place 
vhe  designated  delicacies  before  the  king  upon  the 

of  a  thick  gruel  it  i3  removed,  mixed  vith  the  meat,  some  more  lard  and 
salt  added,  and  tlie  mass  kneaded  for  a  few  moments;  it  is  then  divided  into 
small  portions,  which  are  enveloped  in  a  thin  paste  of  maize.  The  taniales 
thus  prepared  are  covered  with  a  Imnana-leaf  or  a  corn-lii.sk,  and  niaecd  in 
a  pot  or  pan  over  which  large  leaves  are  laid.  They  are  allowed  to  trail  from 
one  hour  and  a  half  to  two  liours.  Game,  poultry,  vegetables,  or  sweet- 
meats are  often  used  instead  of  iiork. 

3'  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ina.,  torn.  i..  p.  229,  regrets  that  certain  per- 
sons, out  of  the  ill-will  they  bore  tlic  Mexicans,  have  falsely  imputed  to 
Montezuma  the  crime  of  eating  hum^n  flesh  without  its  being  well  seasoned, 
but  he  admits  that  when  proixsrly  cooked  and  disguised,  the  flesh  of  those 
sacrificed  to  the  gods  appeared  at  the  royal  btiard.  Some  modem  writers 
seem  to  doubt  even  tliis;  it  is,  however,  certain  that  cannibalism  existed 
among  the  people,  not  as  a  means  of  allaying  amwtite,  but  from  partly  re- 
ligious' motives,  and  there  seems  no  reason  to  uoubt  that  the  kiu^;  shared 
the  superstitions  of  the  people.  I  do  not,  however,  base  the  opinion  upon 
Ovicdo  s  assertion,  which  smacks  strongly  of  the  'giant  stories'  of  the  nur- 
sery, that  certain  'dishes  of  tender  children'  graced  the  monarch's  table. 
Hist.  Gen.,  Una.  iii.,  p.  501.  Benial  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  G8,  also  cannot 
withstand  the  temptation  to  deal  in  the  marvelous,  and  mentions  'carncs  de 
muchachosdc  pocaedad;'  though  it  is  true  the  soldier-like  bluntuess  tho 
veteran  so  prided  himself  upon,  comes  to  his  aid,  and  he  admits  that  per- 
haps after  all  Montezuma  was  not  an  ogre. 

M  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  68. 

»  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  501. 


MONTEZUMA'S  TABLE. 


177 


table;  he  appears  to  have  done  duty  both  as  royal 
carver  and  cupbearer,  and,  according  to  Torquemada, 
to  have  done  it  barefooted  and  on  his  knees.*"  Every- 
thing being  in  readiness,  a  number  of  the  most  beauti- 
ful of  the  king's  women*'  entered,  bearing  water  in 
round  vessels  called  xicales,  for  the  king  to  wash  his 
hands  in,  and  towels  that  he  might  dry  them,  other 
vessels  being  placed  upon  the  ground  to  catch  the  drip- 
pings. Two  other  women  at  the  same  time  brought 
him  some  small  loaves  of  a  very  delicate  kind  of  bread 
made  of  the  finest  maize-flour,  beaten  up  with  eggs. 
This  done,  a  wooden  screen,  carved  and  gilt,  was 
placed  before  him,  that  no  one  might  see  him  while 
eati  iig.**  There  were  always  present  five  or  six  aged 
lor(?s,  who  stood  near  the  royal  chair  barefooted,  and 
witn  bowed  heads.  To  these,  as  a  special  mark  of 
fa^or,  the  king  occasionally  sent  a  choice  morsel  from 
his  own  plate.  During  the  meal  the  monarch  some- 
times amused  himself  by  watching  the  performances 
of  his  jugglers  and  tumblers,  whose  marvelous  feats 
of  strength  and  dexterity  I  shall  describe  in  another 
place ;  at  other  times  there  was  dancing,  accompanied 
by  singing  and  music ;  there  were  also  present  dwarfs, 
and  professional  jesters,  who  were  allowed  to  speak, 
a  privilege  denied  all  others  under  penalty  of  death, 
and,  after  the  manner  of  their  kind,  to  tell  sharp 
truths  in  the  shape  of  jests.  The  more  solid  food 
was  followed  by  pastry,  sweetmeats,  and  a  magnificent 
dessert  of  fruit.  The  only  beverage  drank  at  the  meal 
was  chocolate,*'  of  which  about  fifty  jars  were  pro- 

«  Monarq.  hid.,  torn,  i.,  p.  229. 

*i  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  (58,  says  there  were  four  of  these  women; 
Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  229,  says  there  were  twenty. 

"  '  Jil  ya  que  comen^aua  d  comer,  echauanle  delante  vna  como  puerta  do 
niadera  muy  pintada  de  ore,  porque  no  le  viessen  comer.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Conq.,  fol.  68.  'Luego  que  se  sentaba  h  la  Mesa,  cerraba  el  Maestre-Sala 
vnaVaranda  de  Madera,  que  dividia  la  Sala,  para  que  la  Noblcfa  de  los 
CnlHiIleros,  qiie  acudia  A  verle  comer,  no  emturafase  la  Mesa.'  Torquemada, 
Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  229.  'Tosto  che  il  Re  si  metteva  a  tavola,  cliiude- 
va  lo  Scalco  la  porta  delta  Sala,  acciocch^  nessuno  degli  altri  Nobili  lo 
vedesse  mangiare.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  i.,  p.  270. 

*^  'A  potation  of  chocolate,  flavored  with  vanilla  and  other  spices,  and 
so  prepared  as  to  be  reduced  to  a  froth  of  the  consistency  of  honey,  which 
Voi.n.  w 


178 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


vided,'**  it  was  taken  with  a  spoon,  finely  wrought  of 
gold  or  shell,  from  a  goblet  of  the  same  material. 
Having  finished  his  dinner,  the  king  again  washed 
his  hands  in  water  brought  to  him,  as  before,  by 
the  women.  After  this,  several  painted  and  gilt 
pipes  were  brought,  from  which  he  inhaled,  through 
his  mouth  or  nose,  as  suited  him  best,  the  smoke 
of  a  mixture  of  liquid-amber,  and  an  herb  called 
tobacco.**  His  siesta  over,  he  devoted  himself  to 
business,  and  proceeded  to  give  audience  to  foreign 
ambassadors,  deputations  from  cities  in  the  empire, 
and  to  such  of  his  lords  and  ministers  as  had  business 
to  transact  with  him.  Before  entering  the  presence- 
chamber,  all,  no  matter  what  their  rank  might  be, 
unless  they  were  of  the  blood-royal,  were  obliged  to 
leave  their  sandals  at  the  door,  to  cover  their  rich 
dresses  with  a  large  coarse  mantle,  and  to  approach 
the  monarch  barefooted  and  with  downcast  eyes,  for 
it  was  death  to  the  subject  who  should  dare  to  look 
his  sovereign  in  the  face.**  The  king  usually  answered 
through  his  secretaries,*^  or  when  he  deigned  to  speak 

gradually  dissolved  in  the  mouth.'  Prescolt's  Mex.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  125.  'This 
was  soniethiiig  like  our  chocolate,  and  prepared  in  the  same  way,  but  with 
this  difference,  that  it  was  mixed  with  the  boiled  dough  of  nmise,  and  was 
drunk  cold.'  Beriial  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  [Lockhart's  translation  Lond., 
1844,  vol.  i.,  note,  p.  393].  'La  bcbida.es  agua  mezclada  con  cierta  harina 
de  imas  almcndras  que  llaman  cacao.  Esta  es  dc  mucha  sustancia,  muy 
fresca,  y  sabrosa  y  agradable,  y  no  embriaga.'  Laa  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica, 
MS.,  cap.  ccxi. 

^*  'Entonces  no  mirauamos  en  ello;  mas  lo  que  yo  vi,  que  traian  sobre 
cincuenta  jarros  grandes  hechos  de  buen  cacao  con  su  cspuma,  y  de  lo  (^ue 
bebia.'  Bcrnal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  68.  Oviedo,  as  usual,  is  content  with 
no  number  less  than  three  thousand:  'K  luego  venian  tres  mill  xicalos  (cdn- 
taros  6  dnforas)  de  brevage.'  Hist.  Gen.,  iom.  iii.,  p.  501.  Las  Casaa  makes 
it  three  hundred:  'A  su  tiempo,  en  medio  6  en  fin  de  los  manjares  segun  la 
costumbre  que  tenian,  entravan  otroa  trescientos  pajcs,  cada  uno  con  un 
vaso  urandc  que  cabia  medio  azumbre,  (about  a  quart),  y  auu  tres  quartillos 
de  la  ucbida  en  el  mismo,  v  servia  el  un  vaso  al  rey  el  maestresala,  de  que 
bebia  loque  le  agradava.'  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apoloqitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxi. 

*5  ' Vnas  yervas  que  se  dize  tabaco.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  68. 

*6  Only  five  {Ksrsons  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  looking  Montezuma  II.  in 
the  face:  the  kings  of  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan,  and  the  lords  of  Quauhtitlan, 
Coyouacan,  and  Azcapuzalco.  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxi. 
Bernal  Diaz  says  that  all  who  approached  the  royal  seat  made  three  rev- 
erences, saying  in  succession,  'Lord,*  'my  lord,'  'sublime  lord.'  Hist.  Conq., 
fol.  68. 

^1  This  custom  of  speaking  through  a  secretary  was  adopted  by  the  other 
Aztec  monarchs  as  well  as  Montezuma,  aud  was  also  imitated  by  many  of 


THE  ROYAL  WARDROBE. 


179 


G8. 
II.  in 
bitlan, 
ccxi. 
rev- 
Cong-., 

other 
»ny  of 


directly  to  the  person  who  addressed  him,  it  was  in 
such  a  low  tone  as  scarcely  to  be  heard  ;**  at  the  same 
time  he  listened  very  attentively  to  all  that  was  com- 
municated to  him,  and  encouraged  those  who,  from 
embarrassment,  found  difficulty  in  speaking.  Each 
applicant,  when  dismissed,  retired  backward,  keeping 
his  face  always  toward  the  royal  seat.  The  time  set 
apart  for  business  having  elapsed,  he  again  gave  him- 
self up  to  pleasure,  and  usually  passed  the  time  in 
familiar  badinage  with  his  jesters,  or  in  listening  to 
ballad-singers  who  sang  of  war  and  the  glorious  deeds 
of  his  ancestors,  or  he  amused  himself  by  looking  on 
at  the  feats  of  strength  and  legerdemain  of  his  jug- 
glers and  acrobats;  or,  sometimes,  at  this  hour,  he 
would  retire  to  the  softer  pleasures  of  the  harem. 
He  changed  his  dress  four  times  each  day,  and  a  dress 
once  worn  could  never  be  used  again.  Concerning 
this  custom,  Peter  Martyr,  translated  into  the  quaint- 
est of  English,  writes:  "Arising  from  his  bed,  he  is 
cloathed  after  one  maner,  as  he  commeth  forth  to  bee 
scene,  and  returning  backe  into  his  chamber  after  he 
hath  dined,  he  changeth  his  garments:  and  when  he 
commeth  forthe  againe  to  supper,  hee  taketh  another, 
and  returning  backe  againe  the  fourth  which  he  wear- 
eth  vntill  he  goe  to  bed.  But  concerning  3.  garments, 
which  he  changeth  euery  day,  many  of  them  that  re- 
turned haue  reported  the  same  vnto  me,  with  their 
owne  mouth:  but  howsoeuer  it  be,  all  agree  in  the 
changing  of  garmentes,  that  being  once  taken  into  the 
wardrope,  they  are  there  piled  vp  on  heaps,  not  likely 
to  see  the  face  of  Muteczuma  any  more:  but  what 
manner  of  garmentes  they  be,  we  will  elswhere  de- 
clare, for  they  are  very  light.     These  things  being 

the  ffreat  trihutaiy  lords  and  goveniors  of  provinces  who  wished  to  make  as 
much  display  of  their  rank  and  dignity  as  possible.  See  Motolinia,  Hist 
Iiidios,  in  Icazbaleeta,  Col.  de  Doe.,  torn,  i.,  p.  184;  Laa  Cascu,  Hist.  Apolo- 
gUica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxL;  Tmntmmmda,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  i.,  p.  206. 

**  'Lo  que  los  SBflMwa  haWahao  y  la  palabra  que  niaa  ordinariamente  de- 
oian  al  fin  de  laa  plM«a  ]f  neflDcioa  qae  aa  les  comunicaban,  eran  decir  con 
muy  baja  voz  tlan,  <t— ■uwialUck  "ai  4  Irian,  bien." '  Motolinia,  Hist.  In- 
'*  CWTtiaJlae 


dios,  in  Iccubaledtt, 


K»pklH 


180 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


obserued,  it  wil  not  be  wodred  at,  that  we  made  men-* 
tion  before  concerning  so  many  garments  presented.; 
For  accounting  the  yeares,  and  the  dayes  of  the  yeares, 
especially,  wherein  Muteczuma  hath  inioyed  peace  & 
howe  often  he  changeth  his  garments  eueiy  aaye,  all 
admiration  will  cease.  But  the  readers  will  demand, 
why  he  heapeth  vp  so  great  a  pile  of  garments,  &  that 
iustly.  Let  them  knowe  that  Muteczuma  vsed  to 
giue  a  certeine  portion  of  ganiients  to  his  familiar 
friends,  or  well  deseruing  soldiers,  in  steed  of  a  beneu- 
olence,  or  stipend,  when  they  go  to  the  wars,  or  re- 
turne  from  y*  victory,  as  Augustus  Ccesar  lord  of  the 
world,  a  mightier  Prince  than  Muteczuma,  commaded 
only  a  poore  reward  of  bread  to  be  giuen  ouer  &  aboue 
to  such  as  performed  any  notable  exployt,  while  being 
by  Maro  admonished,  that  so  smal  a  larges  of  bread 
was  an  argumet  y*  he  was  a  bakers  son:  then  al- 
though it  be  recorded  in  writig  that  Ctesar  liked  y* 
mery  coceit,  yet  it  is  to  be  beleued  y*  he  blushed  at 
that  diuinatio,  because  he  promised  Virgil  to  alter 
his  dispositio  &  that  hereafter  he  would  bestow  gifts 
worthy  a  great  king,  &  not  a  bakers  son."*' 

The  kings  did  not  often  appear  among  their  peo- 
ple,* though  we  are  told  that  they  would  sometimes 
go  forth  in  disguise  to  see  that  no  part  of  the  religious 
feasts  and  ceremonies  was  omitted,  to  make  sure  that 
the  laws  were  observed,  and  probably,  as  is  usual  in 
such  cases,  to  ascertain  the  true  state  of  public  opinion 
with  regard  to  themselves."*  Whenever  t'  3y  did  ap- 
pear abroad,  however,  it  was  with  a  parade  that  cor- 
responded with  their  other  observances.  Upon  these 
occasions  the  king  was  seated  in  a  magnificent  litter, 
overshadowed  by  a  canopy  of  feather- work,  the  whole 
being  adorned  with  gold  and  precious  stones,  and  car- 
ried upon  the  shoulders  of  four  noblemen.     He  was 

**  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  iv. 

M  Torquemada  writes  of  Montezuma  II.:  'Su  trato  con  los  Suios,  era 
poco:  raras  veces  se  dejaba  vbr,  y  estabase  encerrado  mucho  tienipo,  pen- 
8ando  en  el  Qpyierno  de  su  Ileino.'  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  205. 

^^  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind. ,iom.i„^.W&. 


THE  KINO  OUT  OF  DOOUS. 


m 


era 

pen- 


attended  by  a  vast  multitude  of  courtiers  of  all  ranks, 
who  walked  without  speaking,  and  with  their  eyes 
bent  upon  the  ground.  The  procession  was  headed 
by  an  official  carrying  three  wands,  whose  duty  it  was 
to  give  warning  of  the  king's  approach,  and  by  others 
who  cleared  the  road  of  all  obstructions.'''  All  who 
chanced  to  meet  the  royal  party,  instantly  stopped, 
and  remained  motionless  with  heads  bent  down,  like 
friars  chanting  the  Gloria  Patri,  says  Father  Motoli- 
nia,  until  the  procession  had  passed.  When  the  mon- 
arch alighted,  a  carpet  was  spread  upon  the  ground 
for  him  to  step  on.  The  meeting  of  Montezuma  II, 
and  Cortds,  as  described  by  Bemal  Diaz,  will  show 
the  manner  in  which  the  Aztec  kings  were  attended 
when  out  of  doors: 

"When  we  arrived  at  a  spot  where  another  narrow 
causeway  led  ♦^ow.irds  Cuyoacan  we  were  met  by  a 
number  of  caciques  and  distinguished  personages,  all 
splenditi!  >  dressed.  They  had  been  sent  by  Monte- 
zuma to  meet  us  and  welcome  us  in  his  name;  and  as 
a  sign  of  peace  each  touched  the  earth  with  his  hand 
and  then  kissed  it."*  While  we  were  thus  detained, 
the  lords  of  Tezcuco,  Iztapalapa,  Tacuba,  and  Cuyoa- 
can, advanced  to  meet  the  mighty  Montezuma,  who 
was  approaching  seated  on  a  splendid  litter,  and  es- 
corted by  a  number  of  powerful  nobles.  When  we 
arrived  at  a  place  not  far  from  the  capital,  where  were 
certain  fortifications,  Montezuma,  descending  from  his 
litter,  came  forward  leaning  on  the  arms  of  some  of 
the  attendant  lords,  while  others  held  over  him  a  can- 
opy of  rich  feather-work  ornamented  with  silver  and 
gold,  having  an  embroidered  border  from  which  hung 
pearls  and  chalchihuis  stones.**  Montezuma  was  very 
sumptuously  dressed,  according  to  his  custom,  and 

"*  Picking  up  straws,  says  Las  Casas:  '£  iban  estos  oficiales  delante 
quitando  las  j^.'ajas  del  suelo  por  finas  que  fuesen.'  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS., 
cap.  ccxi. 

^3  This  was  the  Aztec  manner  of  salutation,  and  is  doubtless  what  Ber- 
nal  Diaz  means  where  he  writes:  'Y  en  sefial  de  paz  tocavan  con  la  mano 
en  el  suelo,  y  besauan  la  tierra  con  la  mesma  mano.'  Hist,  "onq.,  fol.  66. 

M  Green  stones,  more  valued  than  any  other  among  the  Aztecs. 


182 


THE  NAHI'A  NATIONS. 


had  on  hi^  feet  a  kind  of  sandals,  with  soles  of  gold, 
the  upper  part  being  studded  with  precious  stones. 
The  four  grandees**  who  supported  him  were  also  very 
richly  attired,  and  it  seemed  to  us  that  the  clothes 
they  now  wore  must  have  been  held  in  readiness  for 
them  somewhere  upon  the  road,  for  they  were  not 
thus  dressed  when  they  first  came  out  to  meet  us. 
And  besides  these  great  lords  there  were  many  others, 
some  of  whom  held  the  cai.opy  over  the  king's  head, 
while  others  went  in  advance,  sweeping  the  ground 
over  which  he  was  to  walk,  and  spreading  down  cotton 
cloths  that  his  feet  might  not  touch  the  earth.  Ex- 
cepting only  the  four  nobles  upon  whose  arms  he 
leaned,  and  who  were  his  near  relatives,  none  of  all 
his  followers  presumed  to  look  in  the  king's  face,  but 
all  kept  their  eyes  lowered  to  the  ground  in  token  of 
respect."* 

Besides  the  host  of  retainers  already  mentioned 
therewere  innumerable  other  officers  attached  to  the 
royal  household,  such  as  butlers,  stewards,  and  cooks 
of  all  grades,  treasurers,  secretaries,  scribes,  military 
officers,  superintendents  of  the  royal  granaries  and  ar- 
senals, and  those  employed  under  them.  A  great  num- 
ber of  artisans  were  constantly  kept  busy  repairing  old 
buildings  and  erecting  new  ones,  and  a  little  army  of 
jewelers  and  workers  in  precious  metals  resided  per- 
manently at  the  palace  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  the 
king  and  court  with  the  costly  ornaments  that  were 
eventually  such  a  windfall  for  the  conquerors,  and  over 
the  description  of  which  they  one  and  all  so  lovingly 
linger.  Nor  was  the  softer  sex  unrepresented  at  court. 
The  Aztec  sovereigns  were  notorious  for  their  uxori- 
ousness.  Montezuma  II.  had  in  his  harem  at  least 
one  thousand  women,  and  this  number  is  increased  by 
most  of  the  historians  to  three  thousand,  including 
the  female  attendants  and  slaves.     Of  these  wo  are 

w  CorWs  himself  says  that  the  king  was  supported  bv  two  grundeca  only; 
one  of  whom  was  his  nephew,  the  king  of  Tezcuco,  and  the  other  hu  brother, 
the  lord  of  Iztapalapa.  Cartas,  p.  85. 

M  Bernal  Ihaz,  uiat.  Conq.,  fol.  66. 


THE  ROYAL  HAREM. 


183 


were 


toM  on  good  authority  that  he  had  one  hundred  and 
fifty  pregnant  at  one  time,  all  of  whom  killed  their 
offspring  in  the  womb,**^  yet  notwithstanding  this 
wholesale  abortion,  he  had  more  than  fifty  sons  and 
daughters.  His  father  had  one  hundred  and  fifty 
children,  of  whom  Montezuma  II.  killed  all  his  bro- 
thers and  forced  his  sisters  to  marry  whom  he  pleased ; 
— at  least  such  is  the  import  of  Oviedo's  statement.* 
Nezahualpilli,  of  Tezcuco,  had  between  seventy  and  one 
hundred  children.*''  Camargo  tells  us  that  Xicotencatl, 
one  of  the  chiefs  of  Tlascala  had  a  great  number  of  sons 
by  more  than  fifty  wives  or  concubines.*  These  women 
were  the  daughters  of  the  nobles,  who  thought  them- 
selves honored  by  having  a  child  in  the  royal  harem. 
Occasionally  the  monarch  presented  one  of  his  concu- 
bines to  some  great  lord  or  renowned  warrior,  a  mark  of 
favor  which  thenceforth  distinguished  the  recipient  as 
a  man  whom  the  king  delighted  to  honor.  The  ser- 
aglio was  presided  over  by  a  number  of  noble  matrons, 
who  kept  close  watch  and  ward  over  the  conduct  of 
their  charges  and  made  daily  reports  to  the  king,  who 
invariably  caused  the  slightest  indiscretion  to  be  se- 
verely punished.  Whether  eunuchs  were  employed 
in  the  Aztec  harems  is  uncertain;  this,  however,  we 
read  in  Motolinia:  "Moteuczomatzin  had  in  his  palace 
dwarfs  and  little  hunchbacks,  who  when  children  were 
with  great  ingenuity  made  crook-backed,  ruptured,"* 
and  disjointed,  because  the  lords  in  this  country  made 
the  same  use  of  them  as  at  the  present  day  the  Grand 
Turk  does  of  eunuchs.""* 

"  Torquemnda,  Monarq.  Itid.,  torn,  i.,  p.  230;  Gotnara,  Coiiq.  Mex.,  fol. 
107;  Herrcra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  ix. ;  Denial  Diaz,  Jlist.  Conq., 
fol.  67;  IVest-Indische  Spicghct,  p.  24(i.  CIavi<;ero  disbelieves  the  report 
that  ftrontczHiiia  hud  one  huiidrcu  and  tifiy  women  prc<;nant  at  once.  Slo- 
ria  Ant.  del  Mcs.iico,  torn,  i.,  p.  5?f38.  Oviedo  makes  the  number  of  women 
four  thousand.  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  505. 

**  Ooiedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  505. 

*9  Torqiiemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  ioni.  ii.,  p.  435. 

*•  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  Annalcs  dcs  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii.,  p.  169. 

*'  'Quebniban,'  which  probably  here  means  'castrated.' 

<i2  'Tenia  Motcuczoniatzin  en  su  palacio  cnanos  y  corcobadillos,  quo  do 
industria  sicndo  nifios  los  liacian  jibosos,  y  los  quebraban  y  descoynntaban, 
porquo  do  ostos  so  Servian  los  aefioi'CB  on  csta  tierra  conio  ahora  haco  el  Gran 


184 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  enormous  expenditure  incurred  in  the  mainte- 
nance of  such  a  household  as  this,  was  defrayed  by  the 
people,  who,  as  we  shall  see  in  a  future  chapter,  were 
sorely  oppressed  by  car- taxation.  The  management 
of  the  whole  was  entrusted  to  a  head  steward  or  major- 
domo,  who,  with  the  help  of  his  secretaries,  kept 
minute  hieroglyphic  accounts  of  the  royal  revenue. 
Bernal  Diaz  tells  us  that  a  whole  apartment  was  filled 
with  these  account-books. **  In  Tezcuco,  writes  Ixtlil- 
xochitl,  the  food  consumed  by  the  court  was  supplied 
by  certain  districts  of  the  kingdom,  in  each  of  which 
was  a  gatherer  of  taxes,  who  besides  collecting  the 
regular  tributes,  was  obliged  to  furnish  the  royal 
household,  in  his  turn,  with  a  certain  quantity  of  spe- 
cified articles,  for  a  greater  or  less  number  of  days, 
according  to  the  wealth  and  extent  of  his  department. 
The  daily  supply  amounted  to  thirty -one  and  a  quarter 
bushels  of  grain;  nearly  three  bushels  and  three  quar- 
ters of  beans;"  four  hundred  thousand  ready-made 
tortillas;  four  Xiquipiles"*  of  cocoa,  making  in  all 
thirty-two  thousand  cocoa-beans  ;**  one  hundred  cocks 
of  the  country;"''  twenty  loaves  of  salt;  twenty  great 
baskets  of  large  chiles,  and  twenty  of  small  chiles ;  ten 
baskets  of  tomatoes;  and  ten  of  seed.®*  All  this  was 
furnished  daily  for  seventy  days  by  the  city  of  Tezcu- 
co and  its  suburbs,  and  by  the  districts  of  Atenco,  and 
Tepepulco;  for  sixty-five  days  by  the  district  of  Qua- 
uhtlatzinco ;  and  for  forty-five  days  by  the  districts  of 
Azapocho  and  Ahuatepec.®® 

Such,  as  full  in  detail  as  it  is  handed  down  to  us,  was 


Turco  dc  eunucos.'  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  tcni.  i.,  pp. 
184-5.  Turqucmada,  Monarq.  Jnd.,  torn,  i.,  p.  298,  uses  nearly  the  same 
words. 

«  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  08. 

<''  'Otros  tres  TIacopintlix  de  frisoles.'  The  Tlacopintlix  was  one  'fane- 
ga,'  and  three  'alinudes,'  or,  one  bushel  and  a  quarter. 

<i*  'Xiquipilli,  costal,  talega,  alforja,  o  bolsa.'  Molina,  Vocabulario. 

^  'Trcinta  y  doa  mil  cacaos,'  possibly  cocoa-pods  instead  of  cocoa-beans. 

*'  'Cien  gallos.'    ProWbly  turkeys. 

^  Probably  pumpkin  or  melon  seed. 

^  Ixtlilxochttl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix., 
p.  241. 


AZTEC  KINGS  AND  THEIR  SUBJECTS. 


185 


the  manner  in  which  the  Aztec  monarchs  lived.  The 
policy  they  pursued  toward  their  subjects  was  to  en- 
force obedience  and  submission  by  enacting  laws  that 
were  calculated  rather  to  excite  awe  and  dread  than  to 
inspire  love  and  reverence.  To  this  end  they  kept  the 
people  at  a  distance  by  surrounding  themselves  with 
an  impassable  barrier  of  pomp  and  courtly  etiquette, 
and  enforced  obedience  by  enacting  laws  that  made 
death  the  penalty  of  the  most  trivial  offenses.  There 
was  little  in  common  between  king  and  people;  as  is 
ever  the  case  between  a  despot  and  his  subjects.  The 
good  that  the  kings  did  by  their  liberality  and  love  of 
justice,  and  the  success  they  nearly  all  achieved  by 
their  courage  and  generalship,  merited  the  admiration 
of  their  subjects.  On  the  other  hand,  the  oppression 
which  they  made  their  vassals  feel,  the  heavy  burdens 
they  imposed  upon  them,  their  own  pride  and  arro- 
gance, and  their  excessive  severity  in  punishments, 
engendered  what  we  should  now  call  a  debasing  fear, 
but  which  is  none  the  less  an  essential  element  of 
progress  at  certain  stages.''*' 


'">  Concernin<r  the  king's  manner  of  living  and  the  domestic  economy  of 
the  royal  houseliold,  see:  Cortis,  Cartan,  pp.  84-5,  109-13;  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Vonq.,  fol.  66-8;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  286-322; 
Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apoloqitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxi. ;  Torqitemada,  Monarij.  Intl., 
torn,  i.,  pp.  167-8,  205-6,  228-31,  298,  toni.  ii.,  p.  435;  Motolinia,  Uist.Indios, 
iu  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  pp.  184-5;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  iii., 
iv.;  Gonuira,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  103-4,  107-8;  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  507; 


On'edo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii,,  pp.  307,  501,  505;  Clarigcro,  Storia  Ant.  del 
Messico,  torn,  i.,  pp.  268-71;  nerrera.  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  v., 
vii.,  ix.,  xii-xiii.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xiv. ;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  toni. 


iii.,  pp.  189-91;  Ortega,  in  Id.,  pp.  310-17;  West-Indischc  Snieghcl,  p.  246; 
Gage's  New  Survey,  pp.  97,  100-1;  Brasseur  de  Bonrhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  i.,  p.  284,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  9-13;  PrescotVs  Mex.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  121-9;  Zuazo, 
Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  p.  .S62;  Carli,  Cartas,  pt  i.,  pp. 
117-18.  Other  works  of  more  or  less  value  Itcariiig  on  this  subject  are: 
Touron,  Hist.  Gfn.,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  25-.38,  355-7,  359;  Bussierre,  L'Empire 
Mex.,  pp.  109,  119-22,  264-5;  Baril,  Mexiqttc,  pp.  204-7;  Dii/ey,  Rcsnmf, 
torn,  i.,  pp.  136-7;  BrowneWs  Ind.  Races,  pp.  83,  93-5;  Banking's  Hist. 
Rcseardws,  pj).  315-16,  321-3,  342-7,  350;  Sodcn,  Spanier  in  Peru,  p.  136; 
Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  582-4;  Lafond,  Voyages,  tom. 
i.,  pp.  104-5;  Cooper's  Hist.  N.Amr.r.,  pp.  112-13;  Dihforth's  Conq.  Mex., 
pp.  65-6,  70-1;  Hawks,  in  Hakluyt's  Voy.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  469;  Monglave,  Ri- 
««)»<!,  pp.  19,82-3;  Incidents  and  Sketches,  p.  CiO;  Klemm,  Cultur-Geschiehte, 
tom.  v.,  pp.  63-6,  209-11,  234,  242;  Dillon,  Hist.  Mex.,  p.  52;  West  und  Ost 
Indischer  Lustgart,  pp.  123-5. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    PRIVILEGED    CLASSES    AMONG    THE   NAHUA8. 

Titles  of  the  Nobility  and  Gentry— The  Power  of  the  Nobles— 
The  Aristocracy  of  Tezcuco— The  Policy  of  Kino  Techotlal- 
atzin— Privileges  of  the  Nobles  — Montezuma's  Policy- Ri- 
valry between  Nobles  and  Commons— The  Knioiitly  Order  of 
Tecuhtli  — Ceremony  of  Initiation— Origin  of  the  Order— 
The  Nahua  Priesthood— The  Priests  of  Mexico— Dedication  of 
Children— Priestesses— Priesthood  of  Miztecapan— The  Pon- 
tiff of  Yopaa — Tradition  of  Wixipecocha— The  Cave  of  Yopaa 
— The  Zapotec  Priests- Toltec  Priests— Totonac  Priests — 
Priests  of  Michoacan,  Puebla,  and  Tlascala. 

Descending  in  due  order  the  social  scale  of  the  Az- 
tecs, we  now  come  to  the  nobility,  or,  more  properly 
speaking,  the  privileged  classes.  The  nobles  of  Mex- 
ico, and  of  the  other  Nahua  nations,  were  divided  into 
several  classes,  each  having  its  own  peculiar  privileges 
and  badges  of  rank.  The  distinctions  that  existed  be- 
tween the  various  grades,  and  their  titles,  are  not, 
however,  clearly  defined.  The  title  of  Tlatoani  was 
the  highest  and  most  respected;  it  signified  an  abso- 
lute and  sovereign  power,  an  hereditary  and  divine 
right  to  govern.  The  kings,  and  the  great  feudatory 
lords  who  were  governors  of  provinces,  and  could 
prove  their  princely  descent  and  the  ancient  independ- 
ence of  their  families,  belonged  to  this  order.  The 
title  of  Tlatopilzintli  was  given  to  the  eldest  son  of 
the  king,  and  that  of  Tlatoque  to  all  the  princes  in 

(180) 


THE  AZTEC  ARISTOCRACY. 


187 


general.  Tlacahua  signified  a  lord  without  sover- 
eignty, but  who  had  vassals  under  his  orders,  and  was, 
to  a  certain  extent,  master  of  his  people.  The  appel- 
lation of  Pilli  was  given  to  all  who  were  noble,  with- 
out regard  to  rank.  Axcahua,  was  a  rich  man,  a 
proprietor  of  wealth  in  general,  and  Tlaquihua,  a 
landed  proprietor,  or  almost  the  same  thing  as  an 
English  country  gentleman. 

The  title  of  Tlatoani  was  invariably  hereditary,  but 
many  of  the  others  were  conferred  only  for  life,  as  a 
reward  for  important  military  or  other  services  to  the 
state.  Of  the  tenure  by  which  they  held  their  lands 
I  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  hereafter. 

The  power  of  the  nobles,  as  a  body,  was  very  great; 
according  to  some  accounts  there  were,  in  Montezu- 
ma's realms,  thirty  great  lords  who  each  controlled 
one  hundred  thousand  vassals,  and  three  thousand 
other  lords  also  very  powerful.  A  number  of  nobles 
possessing  such  formidable  power  as  this,  would,  if 
permitted  to  live  on  their  estates,  some  of  which  were 
a  long  distance  from  the  capital,  have  been  a  con- 
stantly threatening  source  of  danger  to  the  crown ;  at 
any  moment  an  Aztec  Runnimede  might  have  been 
expected.  To  guard  against  any  such  catastrophe, 
the  more  powerful  nobles  were  required  to  reside  in 
the  capital,  at  least  during  the  greater  part  of  each 
year;  and  permission  to  return  to  their  homes  for  a 
short  time,  could  only  be  obtained  on  condition  that 
they  left  a  son  or  brother  as  a  guarantee  of  good  faith 
during  their  absence.^ 

In  the  kingdom  of  Tezcuco  were  twenty-six  great 
fiefs,''  eacl  '  '  opendent  of  the  rest  and  having  several 
fiefs  of  less  importance  subjected  to  it.  The  greater 
part  of  these  great  chiefs  bore  the  sovereign  title  of 
Tlatoani,  or  a  similar  one.  They  recognized  no  pre- 
rogative of  the  king  except  his  right  to  preside  at 

'  Torqnemada,  Monar^.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  231;  Hen'era,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec. 
ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xii.;  Omcdo,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  iii.,p.&02. 

»  Torqnemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toiii.  i.,  p.  88;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej., 
torn,  ii.,  p.  182,  makes  the  number  twenty -seven. 


188 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I     1 


their  grand  assemblies,  to  receive  their  homage  upon 
his  accession  to  the  throne,  to  levy  certain  tributes  in 
their  provinces,  and  to  call  upon  them  to  appear  in 
the  field  with  a  contingent  of  troops  in  case  of  war. 
For  the  rest,  each  Tlatoani  was  perfectly  independent 
in  his  own  domain,  which  he  governed  with  the  same 
omnipotence  as  the  king  of  Tezcuco  himself  Not- 
withstanding the  precautions  taken,  it  frequently  hap- 
pened that  one  of  these  great  feudatories  would  feel 
himself  strong  enough  to  set  the  authority  of  the  king 
at  defiance,  but  as  their  private  feuds  generally  pre- 
vented any  number  of  the  Tlatoanis  from  uniting  their 
forces  against  the  crown,  the  rebels  were  in  most  in- 
stances speedily  reduced  to  subjection;  in  which  event 
the  leaders  either  suffered  death  or  were  degraded 
from  their  rank. 

They  were  an  unruly  family,  these  overgrown  vas- 
sals, and  the  Aztec  monarchs  were  often  at  their  wit's 
end  in  endeavors  to  conciliate  and  keep  them  within 
bounds.  Torquemada  tells  us  that  Techotlalatzin, 
king  of  Tezcuco,  was  sorely  harrassed  by  the  powerful 
nobles  of  his  realm.  He  accordingly  set  about  reme- 
dying the  evil  with  great  prudence  and  perseverance. 
His  first  step  was  to  unite,  by  strong  bonds  of  interest, 
the  less  important  nobles  to  the  crown.  To  this  end 
he  heaped  favors  upon  all.  The  vanity  of  some  he 
flattered  by  conferring  the  dignity  and  title  of  Tlato- 
ani upon  them,  to  others  he  gave  wealth  and  lands. 
By  this  means  he  weakened  the  individual  power  of 
the  great  vassals  by  increasing  their  number,  a  policy 
the  efficiency  of  which  has  been  frequently  proved  in 
the  old  world  as  well  as  in  the  new.  Techotlalatzin 
next  proceeded  to  summon  them  one  after  another  to 
court,  and  then  under  pretense  of  being  in  constant 
need  of  their  advice,  he  formed  twenty-six  of  their 
number  into  a  council  of  state,  obliging  them  by  this 
means  to  reside  constantly  in  the  capital.  With  this 
council  he  conferred  upon  all  grave  and  difficult  ques- 
tions, whatever  might  be  their  nature.     It  was  the 


ORDERS  OF  NOBILITY. 


189 


duty  of  its  members  to  dmw  up  and  issue  ordinances, 
both  for  the  general  government  and  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  affairs  in  particular  provinces;  and  to 
enact  laws  for  enforcing  good  order  in  towns  and 
villages,  as  well  as  those  relating  to  agriculture, 
science  and  art,  military  discipline,  and  the  tribunals 
of  justice. 

At  the  same  time  Techotlalatzin  created  a  large 
number  of  new  offices  and  honorary  trusts,  which  were 
dependent  on  the  crown.  Four  of  the  most  powerful 
nobles  were  invested  with  the  highest  dignities.  The 
first,  with  the  title  Telahto,  was  made  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  army,  and  president  of  the  military  coun- 
cil. The  second  was  entitled  Yolqui;  his  office  was 
that  of  grand  master  of  ceremonies;  it  was  his  duty 
to  receive  and  introduce  the  ambassadors  and  minis- 
ters of  foreign  princes,  to  conduct  them  to  court,  to 
lodge  them  and  provide  for  their  comfort,  and  to  offer 
them  the  presents  appointed  by  the  king.  The  third 
lord  received  the  title  of  Tlami  or  Calpixcontli ;  he 
was  master  of  the  royal  household,  and  minister  of 
finance,  and  was  assisted  in  his  functions  by  a  council 
of  other  nobles.  It  was  the  duty  of  this  body  to  keep 
strict  account  of  all  taxes  paid  by  the  people;  its 
members  were  required  to  be  well  informed  as  to 
the  exact  condition  of  each  town  and  province,  with 
the  nature  of  its  produce,  and  the  fertility  of  its  soil ; 
they  had  also  to  distribute  the  taxes  with  equality 
and  justice,  and  in  proportion  to  the  resources  of  the 
people.  The  care  and  management  of  the  interior  of 
the  palace  was  also  intrusted  to  them,  and  it  was  their 
place  to  provide  all  the  food  for  the  consumption  of 
the  royal  household.  The  fourth  great  officer  was 
styled  Amechichi;  he  acted  as  grand  chamberlain, 
and  attended  to  the  king's  private  apartments.  Like 
the  Tlami,  he  was  assisted  by  other  nobles.  A  fifth 
officer  was  afterward  appointed,  who  bore  the  title  of 
Cohuatl,  and  superintended  the  workers  in  precious 
metals,  jewels,  and  fea£hers,  who  were  employed  by 


190 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


the  court.  At  first  sight  it  may  appear  that  such 
duties  as  these  would  be  below  the  dignity  of  a 
haughty  Aztec  grandee,  yet  we  find  the  nobles  of 
Europe  during  the  middle  ages  not  only  filling  the 
same  positions,  but  jealous  of  their  right  to  do  so, 
and  complaining  loudly  if  deprived  of  them.  Sis- 
mondi  tells  us  that  the  count  of  Anjou,  under  Louis 
VL,  claimed  the  office  of  grand  seneschal  of  France; 
that  is,  to  carry  dishes  to  the  king's  table  on  state 
days.  The  court  of  Charlemagne  was  crowded  with 
officers  of  every  rank,  some  of  the  most  eminent  of 
whom  exercised  functions  about  the  royal  person 
which  would  have  been  thought  fit  only  for  slaves  in 
the  palace  of  Augustus  or  Antonine.  The  free-born 
Franks  saw  nothing  menial  in  the  titles  of  cup-bearer, 
steward,  marshal,  and  master  of  the  horse,  which  are 
still  borne  by  some  of  the  noblest  families  in  many 
parts  of  Europe. 

As  soon  as  habits  of  submission  and  an  appreciation 
of  the  honors  showered  upon  them  had  taken  root 
among  his  great  vassals,  Techotlalatzin  subdivided 
the  twenty-six  provinces  of  his  kingdom  into  sixty-five 
departments.  The  ancient  lords  were  not  by  this 
measure  despoiled  of  all  their  authority,  nor  of  those 
estates  which  were  their  private  property;  but  the 
jurisdiction  they  exercised  in  person  or  through  their 
officials  was  greatly  diminished  by  the  nomination  of 
thirty-five  new  governors,  chosen  by  the  king,  and  of 
whose  fidelity  he  was  well  assured.  This  was  a  mortal 
blow  to  the  great  aristocrats,  and  a  preliminary  step 
toward  the  total  abolition  of  feudal  power.  But  the 
master-stroke  was  yet  to  come.  The  inhabitants  of 
each  province  were  carefully  counted  and  divided  into 
sections.  They  were  then  changed  about  from  place 
to  place,  in  numbers  proportioned  to  the  size  and  pop- 
ulation of  the  territory.  For  example,  from  a  division 
containing  six  thousand  people,  two  thousand  were 
taken  and  transported  into  the  territory  of  another 
lord,  from  the  number  of  whose  vassals  two  thousand 


PRIVILEGES  OF  THE  NOBLES. 


101 


were  also  taken  and  placed  upon  the  vacated  land  in 
the  first  lord's  possessions;  each  noble,  however,  re- 
tained his  authority  over  that  portion  of  his  vassals 
which  had  been  removed.  By  this  means,  although 
the  number  of  each  lord's  subjects  remained  the  same, 
yet  as  a  large  portion  of  each  territory  was  occupied 
by  the  vassals  of  another,  a  revolt  would  be  difficult. 
Nor  could  two  nobles  unite  their  forces  against  the 
crown,  as  care  was  taken  that  the  interchange  of  de- 
pendents should  not  be  effected  between  two  estates 
adjoining  each  other. 

These  measures,  despotic  as  they  were,  were  never- 
theless executed  without  opposition  from  either  nobles 
or  people, — such  was  the  awe  in  which  the  sovereign 
was  held  and  his  complete  ascendancy  over  his  sub- 
jects.^ 

The  privileges  of  the  nobles  were  numerous.  They 
alone  were  allowed  to  wear  ornaments  of  gold  and 
gems  upon  their  clothes,  and,  indeed,  in  their  entire 
dress,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  they  were  distin- 
guished from  the  lower  classes.  The  exact  limits  of 
the  power  they  possessed  over  their  vassals  is  not 
known,  but  it  was  doubtless  nearly  absolute.  Fuen- 
leal,  bishop  of  Santo  Domingo,  writes  to  Charles  V. 
of  the  lower  orders,  that  "they  were,  and  still  are,  so 
submissive  that  they  allow  themselves  to  be  killed  or 
sold  into  slavery  without  complaining."*  In  Mexico 
their  power  and  privileges  were  greatly  augmented  by 
Montezuma  II.,  who  we  are  told  ousted  every  plebeian 
that  l\eld  a  position  of  high  rank,  and  would  allow 
none  who  were  not  of  noble  birth  to  be  employed  in 
his  palace  or  about  his  person.  At  the  time  of  this 
monarch's  accession  there  were  many  members  of  the 
royal  council  who  were  men  of  low  extraction;  all 


'  Tor(^ucmadn,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  88,  etseq.:  sec  also  Veytia,  Hist. 
Ant.  Mej.,  toiu.  ii.,  p.  182,  f.tscq.;  lirasxciir  dc  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  ii.,  pn.  428,  et  seq.;  IxtUlxochitl,  Relaciones,  in  KingsboroiigKs  Mex. 
Anti(j.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  333,  etseq.;  Ooiedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  502;  Herrera, 
dec.  li.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xii. 

*  Letlre,  in  Tcrnaux-Compans,  Voy.,  sdrie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  251. 


192 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


these  he  dismissed  and  supplied  their  places  with 
creatures  of  his  own. 

It  is  related  that  an  old  man  who  had  formerly  been 
his  guardian  or  tutor  had  the  boldness  to  remonstrate 
with  him  against  such  a  course;  telling  him  with  firm- 
ness that  he  acted  contrary  to  his  own  interests,  and 
ad^'ising  him  to  weigh  well  the  consequences  of  the 
measures  he  was  adopting.  To  banish  the  plebeians 
from  the  palace,  added  the  old  man,  was  to  estrange 
them  forever  from  the  king;  and  the  time  would  come 
when  the  common  people  would  no  longer  either  wish 
or  dare  to  look  upon  him.  Montezuma  haughtily 
made  answer,  that  this  was  precisely  what  he  wished; 
it  was  a  burning  shame,  he  said,  chat  the  low  and 
common  people  should  be  allowed  to  mix  with  the 
nobles  in  the  royal  service ;  he  was  astonished  and  in- 
dignant that  his  royal  predecessors  had  so  long  suf- 
fered such  a  state  of  things  to  be.' 

By  these  measures  the  services  of  many  brave  sol- 
diers, promoted,  as  a  reward  for  their  gallantry,  from 
the  ranks  of  the  people,  were  lost  to  the  crown ;  nor 
were  such  men  likely  to  be  slow  to  show  their  discon- 
tent. The  new  policy,  incited  by  a  proud  aristocracy, 
struck  exactly  those  uen  who  had  the  best  right  to  a 
share  in  the  government.  It  was  the  officers  pro- 
moted for  their  merits  from  the  ranks  who  had  con- 
tributed most  to  the  success  of  the  Mexican  arms; 
it  was  the  great  merchants  who,  by  their  extended 
commerce,  had  made  the  wealth  of  the  country.  A 
spirit  of  rivalry  had  long  existed  between  the  poor 
well-born  nobles,  and  the  wealthy  base-born  mer- 
chants. During  many  successive  reigns  the  import- 
ance of  the  latter  class  had  been  steadily  increasing, 
owing  to  the  valuable  services  they  had  rendered  the 
state.  From  the  earliest  times  they  were  permitted  a 
certain  degree  of  familiarity  with  the  kings,  who  tool", 
great  delight  in  hearing  them  recount  the  wonderful 
adventures  they  had  met  with  while  on  their  long 

*  Torquemacla,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  196. 


CLASS  CONFLICTS. 


193 


expeditions  into  strange  parts.  Doubtless  the  royal 
ear  did  not  always  meet  the  truth  unombellished,  any 
more  than  did  that  of  Haroun  Alraschid  upon  similar 
occasions,  but  probably  the  monarchs  learned  many 
little  secrets  in  this  way  that  they  could  never  know 
by  other  means.  Afterward  these  merchants  were 
admitted  to  the  royal  councils,  and  during  the  latter 
years  of  the  reign  of  Ahuitzotl  we  find  them  enjoying 
many  of  the  exclusive  privileges  hitherto  reserved  to 
the  warrior  aristocracy. 

The  merchants  appear  to  have  partly  brought  upon 
themselves  the  misfortunes  which  subsequently  over- 
took them,  by  aggravating  the  envious  feelings  with 
which  they  were  already  regarded.  Not  content  with 
being  admitted  to  equal  j)rivilegcs  with  the  nobles, 
and  vexed  at  not  beinjy  able  to  vie  with  them  in  bril- 
liant  titles  and  long  lines  of  illustrious  ancestry,  they 
did  their  utmost  to  surpass  them  in  the  magnificence  of 
their  houses,  and  in  the  pomp  which  they  displayed  up- 
on every  occasion.  At  the  public  feasts  and  ceremonies 
these  parvenus  outshone  the  proudest  nobles  by  the 
profuseness  of  their  expendiUire;  they  strove  for  and 
obtained  honors  and  exalted  positions  which  the  aris- 
tocracy could  not  accej)t  for  lack  of  wealth ;  they  were 
sparing  of  money  in  no  place  where  it  could  be  used 
for  their  own  advancement.  It  is  easy  to  conceive 
the  effect  such  a  state  of  things  had  on  the  proud  and 
overbearing  nobles  of  Mexico.  On  several  occasions 
they  complained  to  their  kings  that  their  order  was  los- 
ing its  prestige  by  being  obliged  to  mix  on  equal  terms 
with  the  plebeians;  but  the  services  that  the  great 
commercial  body  rendered  every  day  to  the  crown 
were  too  material  to  allow  the  kings  to  listen  patiently 
to  such  complaints.  During  the  reign  of  Ahuitzotl, 
the  pride  of  the  merchants  had  reached  its  zenith; 
it  is  not  therefore  surprising  that  the  leaders  of  the 
aristocratic  party,  when  that  monarch  was  dead,  elect- 
ed as  his  successor  Montezuma  II.,  a  prince  well 
known  for  his  partiality  for  the  higher  classes.     His 


Vol.  II.    13 


104 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


■I 


policy,  as  events  proved,  was  a  far  less  wise  one  than 
that  of  Techotlalatzin  of  Tezcuco,  of  which  we  have 
already  spoken.  By  not  restraining  his  overweening 
pride  he  prepared  the  way  for  disaffection  and  revolt ; 
he  furnished  his  enemies  with  weapons  which  they 
were  not  slow  to  use;  he  alienated  the  affections  of 
his  subjects,  so  that  when  aid  was  most  needed  there 
was  none  to  help  him,  and  when,  fettered  and  a  pris- 
oner in  the  hand  of  the  Spaniards,  he  called  upon  his 
people,  the  only  replies  were  hoots  and  missiles. 

Tlie  generals  of  the  army  and  military  officers  of 
the  higher  ranks,  must  of  course  be  included  among 
the  privileged  classes;  usually,  indeed,  they  were 
noble  by  birth  as  well  as  influential  by  position,  and 
in  Mexico,  from  the  time  of  Montezuma's  innovations 
this  was  always  the  case.  There  were  several  mili- 
tary orders  and  titles  which  were  bestowed  upon  dis- 
tinguished solders  for  services  in  the  field  or  the  coun- 
cil. Of  those  which  were  purely  the  reward  of  merit, 
and  such  as  could  be  attained  by  a  plebeian,  I  shall 
speak  in  a  future  chapter.  There  was  one,  however, 
the  membership  of  which  was  confined  to  the  nobility ; 
this  was  the  celebrated  and  knightly  order  of  the  Te- 
cuhtli. 

To  obtain  this  rank  it  was  necessary  to  be  of  noble 
birth,  to  have  given  proof  in  several  battles  of  the 
utmost  courage,  to  have  arrived  at  a  certain  age,  and 
to  have  sufficient  wealth  to  support  the  enormous  ex- 
penses incurred  by  members  of  the  order. 

For  three  years  before  he  was  admitted,  the  candi- 
date and  his  parents  busied  themselves  abo  it  making 
ready  for  the  grand  ceremor  /,  and  collecting  rich  gar- 
ments, jewels,  and  golden  o  laments,  for  presents  to 
the  guests.  When  the  time  oproached,  the  auguries 
were  consulted,  and  a  luck}  lay  having  been  fixed 
upon,  the  relations  and  frien«  of  the  candidate,  as 
well  as  all  the  great  nobles  ar  Tecuhtlis  that  could 
be  brought  together,  were  in  Ited  to  a  sumptuous 
banquet.     On  the  morning  of  the  all-important  day 


CEREMONY  OF  INITIATIN(J  A  TECUIITLI. 


195 


I 


andi- 
king 

gar- 
ts  to 
uries 
fixed 
,e,  as 
■could 

uous 
day 


the  company  set  out  in  a  body  for  the  temple  of  Ca- 
maxtli,*  followed  by  a  multitude  of  curious  spectators, 
chiefly  of  the  lower  orders,  intent  upon  seeing  all  there 
is  to  see.  Arrived  at  the  summit  of  the  pyramid  conse- 
crated to  Camaxtli,  the  aspirant  to  knightly  honors 
bows  down  reverently  before  the  altar  of  the  god.  The 
high-priest  now  api)roache8  him,  and  with  a  ])ointed 
timer's  bone  or  an  eagle's  claw  perforates  the  cartilage 
of  his  nose  in  two  places,  inserting  into  t'le  holes  thus 
made  small  pieces  of  jet  or  obsidian,''  which  remain 
there  until  the  year  of  probation  is  passed,  when  they 
are  exchanged  for  beacls  of  gold  and  precious  stones. 
This  piercing  the  nose  with  an  eagle's  claw  or  a  tiger's 
bone,  signifies,  says  Torquemada,  that  he  who  aspires 
to  the  dignity  of  Tecuhtli  must  be  as  swift  to  over- 
take an  enemy  as  the  eagle,  as  strong  in  fight  as  the 
tiger.  The  high-priest,  speaking  in  a  loud  voice,  now 
begins  to  heap  insults  and  injurious  epithets  upon 
the  man  standing  meekly  before  him.  His  voice 
grows  louder  and  louder;  he  brandishes  his  aims 
aloft,  he  waxes  furious.  The  assistant  priests  are 
catching  his  mood;  they  gather  closer  about  the  ob- 
ject of  the  pontifTs  wrath;  they  jostle  him,  they 
point  their  fingers  sneeringly  at  him,  and  call  him 
coward.  For  a  moment  the  dark  eyes  of  the  victim 
gleam  savagely,  his  hands  close  involuntarily,  he 
seems  about  to  spring  upon  his  tormentors;  then  with 
an  effort  he  calms  himself  and  is  passive  as  ever. 
That  look  made  the  taunters  draw  back,  but  it  was 
only  for  a  moment;  they  are  upon  him  again;  they 
know  now  that  he  is  strong  to  endure,  and  they  will 
j>rove  him  to  the  uttermost.  Screaming  insults  in  his 
ears,  they  tear  his  garments  piece  by  piece  from  his 
body  until  nothing  but  the  maxtli  is  left,  and  the  man 

^  Camaxtli  was  the  Tlascaltec  god  of  war,  corresponding  with  and  prob- 
ably the  same  as  tlic  Mexican  Huitzilopochtli.  The  order  of  Tecuhtli  being 
helil  in  higher  esteem  in  Tlascala  than  elsewhere,  the  ceremony  of  initiation 
is  generally  described  as  it  took  place  in  that  state. 

7  '  Unas  piedras  chemiitaa  de  piedra  negra,  y  creo  eran  de  la  piedra  de 
que  hacen  las  navajas.'  Las  Casas,  Hiat  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  Ixvii. 


196 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


h  i 


stands  bruised  and  naked  in  their  midst.  But  all  is 
useless,  their  victim  is  immovable,  so  at  lenj^th  they 
leave  him  in  peace.  He  has  passed  safely  through 
one  of  the  severest  ordeals  of  the  day,  but  that  fierce 
look  a  while  ago  was  a  narrow  escape ;  had  he  lifted  a 
finger  in  resistance,  he  must  have  gone  down  from  the 
temple  to  be  scorned  and  jeered  at  by  the  crowd  below 
as  one  who  had  aspired  to  the  dignity  of  Tecuhtli,  yet 
who  could  restrain  his  temper  no  better  than  a  woman. 
The  long  months  of  careful  preparation  would  have 
been  all  in  vain,  his  parents  would  have  spat  upon 
him  for  vexation  and  shame,  perchance  he  would  have 
been  punished  for  sacrilege.  But  he  is  by  no  means 
a  member  of  the  coveted  order  yet.  He  is  next  con- 
ducted to  another  hall  of  the  temple,®  where  he  com- 
mences his  noviciate,  which  is  to  last  from  one  to  two 
years,  by  four  days  of  penance,  prayer,  and  fasting. 
As  soon  as  he  is  conducted  to  this  hall  the  banquet 
which  has  been  prepared  for  the  guests  commences, 
and  after  a  few  hours  of  conviviality  each  returns  to 
his  home. 

During  these  first  four  days  the  candidate's  powers  of 
endurance  are  sorely  taxed.  Tlie  only  articles  of  furni- 
ture allowed  him  are  a  coarse  mat  and  a  low  stool;  his 
garments  are  of  the  coarsest  description.  When  night 
con\es,  the  priests  bring  him  a  black  preparation  with 
which  to  besmear  his  face,  some  spines  of  the  maguey- 
plant  to  draw  blood  from  his  body  with,  a  censer  and 
some  incense.  His  only  companions  are  three  veteran 
war  iors,  who  instruct  him  in  his  duties  and  keep  him 
awake,  for  during  the  four  days  he  is  only  allowed  to 
sleep  for  a  few  minutes  at  a  time,  and  then  it  must  be 
sitting  upon  his  stool.  If,  overcome  by  drowsiness,  he 
exceed  this  time,  his  guardians  thrust  the  maguey- 


»  'Sc  iba  a  vna  do  los  Salas,  f)  Aposcntos  dc  los  Ministroa  que  Servian 
al  Dcinonio,  que  sc  llaniaba  TIaniacazealco.'  Torqw.mada,  Moiiarq.  Ind^, 
toin.  ii.,  p.  362.  It  scenio  unlikely,  however,  that  tlic  candidate  wouhl  be 
taicen  to  another  temple  at  thiei  juncture.  Brasscnr  explains  the  ininie  of 
the  hall  to  wtiich  he  was  taken  as  '!c  Lieu  des  habitations  des  Ministres, 
pretres  de  Camaxtli.'  Hint.  Nnt.  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  587. 


FINAL  CEREMONIES. 


197 


thorns  into  his  flesh,  crying :  Awake,  awake  I  learn  to 
1)6  vigilant  and  watchful ;  keep  your  eyes  open  that 
you  may  look  to  the  interests  of  your  vassals.  At 
midnight  he  goes  to  burn  incense  before  the  idol,  and 
to  draw  blood  from  different  parts  of  his  body  ay  a 
sacrifice.  He  then  walks  round  the  temple,  and  as  he 
goes  he  burns  paper  and  copal  in  four  holes  in  the 
ground,  which  he  makes  at  the  four  sides  of  the  build- 
ing, facing  the  cardinal  points;  upon  each  of  these 
fires  he  lets  fall  a  few  drops  of  blood  drawn  from  his 
body.  These  ceremonies  he  repeats  at  dawn  and  sun- 
set. He  breaks  his  fast  only  once  in  twenty-four 
hours,  at  midnight :  and  then  his  repast  consists  merely 
of  four  little  dumplings  of  maize-meal,  each  about  the 
size  of  a  nut,  and  a  small  quantity  of  water;  but  even 
this  he  leaves  untasted  if  he  wishes  to  evince  extraor- 
dinary powers  of  enduranca  The  four  days  having 
elapsed,  he  obtains  permission  from  the  high-priest  to 
complete  his  time  of  probation  in  some  temple  of  his 
own  district  or  parish;  but  he  is  not  allowed  to  go 
home,  nor,  if  married,  to  see  his  wife  during  this 
period. 

For  two  or  three  months  preceding  his  formal  ad- 
mission into  the  order,  the  home  of  the  postulant  is 
in  a  bustle  of  preparation  for  the  coming  ceremony. 
A  grand  display  is  made  of  rich  stuffs  and  dresses,  and 
costly  jewels,  for  the  use  of  the  new  knight  when  he 
shall  cast  off  his  present  chrysalis-husk  of  coarse 
nequen  and  emerge  a  full-blown  Tecuhtli.  A  great 
number  of  presents  are  provided  for  the  guests;  a 
sumptuous  banquet  is  prepared,  and  the  whole  house 
is  decorated  for  the  occasion.  The  oracles  are  again 
consulted,  and  upon  the  lucky  day  appointed  the  com- 
pany assemble  once  more  at  the  house  of  the  candi- 
date, in  the  same  manner  as  at  the  commencement  of 
his  noviciate.  In  the  morning  the  new  knight  is  con- 
ducted to  a  bath,  and  after  having  undergone  a  good 
scrubbing,  he  is  again  carried,  in  the  midst  of  music 
and  dancing,  to  the  temple  of  Camaxtli.     Accompa- 


i 


ii 


198 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


nied  by  his  brother  Tecuhtlis  he  ascends  the  steps  of 
the  teocalli.  After  he  has  respectfully  saluted  the 
idol,  the  mean  garments  he  has  worn  so  long  are  taken 
off,  and  his  hair  is  bound  up  in  a  knot  on  the  top  of 
his  head  with  a  red  cord,  from  the  ends  of  which  hang 
some  fine  feathers ;  he  is  next  clad  in  garments  of  rich 
and  fine  materials,  the  principal  of  which  is  a  kind  of 
tunic,  ornamented  with  a  delicately  embroidered  de- 
vice, which  is  the  insignia  of  his  new  rank;  in  his 
right  hand  he  receives  some  arrows  and  in  his  left  a 
bow.  The  high-priest  completes  the  ceremony  with  a 
discourse,  in  which  he  instructs  the  new  knight  in  his 
duties,  tells  him  the  names  which  he  is  to  add  to  his 
own,  as  a  member  of  the  order ;  describes  to  him  the 
signs  and  devices  which  he  must  emblazon  on  his 
escutcheon,  and  impresses  upon  his  memory  the  ad- 
vantages of  being  liberal  and  just,  of  loving  his  coun- 
try and  his  gods.  As  soon  as  the  newly  made 
Tecuhtli  has  descended  into  the  court  of  the  temple, 
the  music  and  dancing  recommence,  and  are  kept  up 
until  it  is  time  to  begin  the  banquet.  This  is  served 
with  great  magnificence  and  liberality,  and,  to  the 
guests  at  least,  is  probably  the  most  interesting  feature 
of  the  day.  In  front  of  each  person  at  table  are 
placed  the  presents  intended  for  him,  consisting  of 
costly  stuffs  and  ornaments  in  such  quantity  that  each 
bundle  was  carried  with  difficulty  by  two  slaves ;  each 
guest  is  also  given  a  new  garment,  which  he  wears  at 
table. 

The  value  of  the  gifts  was  proportioned  to  the  rank 
of  the  receiver,  and  such  distinctions  must  be  made 
with  great  care,  for  the  Aztec  nobility  were  very  jeal- 
ous of  their  rights  of  precedence.  The  places  of  such 
nobles  as  had  been  invited  to  the  feast  but  were  from 
illness  or  other  cause  unable  to  attend  were  left  vacant, 
and  their  share  of  presents  and  food  was  placed  upon 
the  table  exactly  as  if  they  had  been  present;  Tor- 
quemada  tells  us,  moreover,  that  the  same  courtesy 
was   extended  to  the  empty  sef.t  as  to  the  actual 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  ORDER. 


199 


guest.'  Upon  these  occasions  the  absent  noble  gen- 
erally sent  a  substitute,  whose  seat  was  placed  next  to 
that  of  the  person  he  represented.  On  the  following 
day  the  servants  and  followers  of  the  guests  were 
feasted  and  presented  with  gifts,  according  to  the 
means  and  liberality  of  the  donor. 

The  privileges  of  the  Tecuhtlis  were  important  and 
numerous.  In  council  they  took  the  first  places,  and 
their  votes  outweighed  all  others ;  in  the  same  man- 
ner at  all  feasts  and  ceremonies,  in  peace  or  in  war, 
they  were  always  granted  preeminence.  As  before 
remarked,  the  vast  expenses  entailed  upon  a  Tecuhtli 
debarred  the  honor  from  many  who  were  really  worthy 
of  it.  In  some  instances,  however,  when  a  noble  had 
greatly  distinguished  himself  in  war,  but  was  too  poor 
to  bear  the  expenses  of  initiation,  these  were  defrayed 
by  the  governor  of  his  province,  or  by  the  other  Te- 
cuhtlis.*" 

The  origin  of  the  order  of  Tecuhtli  is  not  known. 
Both  the  Toltecs  and  the  Tlascaltecs  claim  to  have 
established  it.  Veytia,  however,  asserts  that  this  was 
not  the  case,  but  that  it  was  first  instituted  by  Xolotl, 
king  of  the  Chichimecs."  M.  I'Abbd  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  infers  from  ancient  Toltec  history  that  the 
ceremony  of  initiation  and  the  probation  of  the  can- 
didate derive  their  origin  from  the  mysterious  rites  of 
which  traces  are  still  found  among  the  nations  of 
Mexico  and  Central  America.  The  traditions  relating 
to  Votan  and  Quetzalcoatl,  or  Gucumatz,  evidently 
allude  to  it.  The  birth  of  Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl  is  cele- 
brated by  his  father,  Mixcohua-Camaxtli,  at  Culhua- 
can,  with  great  rejoicings  and  the  creation  of  a  great 

'  '  Y  ii  las  Sillas  solaa  quo  rcprcHcntaban  las  Personas  auncntes,  hacian 
tanta  cortesia,  y  le  captalMiii  Bencvolencia,  conio  si  realniente  estuvicrau 
prcscntes  los  Senorcs  que  faltaban.'  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind,,  toiu.  ii., 
p.  364. 

'*>  Concerning  the  ceremony  of  initiation  see:  Torquemada,  Monar^. 
Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  361-6;  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  Ixvii. ; 
Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  306-8;  Ctavigero,  Sloria  Ant.  del  Messtco,  torn, 
ii.,  pp.  120-1;  Catruirgo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  m  Houvelles  Annates  des  Voy.,  1843, 
torn,  xcviii.,  pt>.  147-9. 

"  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  58-60. 


) 


aoo 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


number  of  knights;  it  is  these  same  knights  who  are 
afterwards  sent  to  avenge  his  death  upon  his  assassins 
at  Cuitlahuac,  a  town  which  appears,  since  that  time, 
to  have  been  always  the  principal  place  of  residence  of 
the  order.  After  the  separation  of  Cholula  from  the 
rest  of  the  Toltec  empire  by  Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl,  that 
town,  together  with  Huexotzinco  and  Tlascala,  appears 
to  have  had  special  privileges  in  this  particular.  It  is 
in  these  places  that  after  the  conquest  of  the  Aztec 
plateau  by  the  Teo-Chichimecs,  we  find  most  of  their 
chiefs  bearing  the  title  of  Tecuhtli ;  it  may  be  that  the 
priests  were  forced  into  confirming  their  warlike  con- 
querors in  the  honor,  or  it  may  be  that  they  did  so 
voluntarily,  hoping  by  this  means  to  submit  the  war- 
riors to  their  spiritual  power.  This,  however,  is  cer- 
tain, that  the  rank  of  Tecuhtli  remained  to  the  last 
the  highest  honor  that  a  prince  or  soldier  could  acquire 
in  the  states  of  Tlascala,  Cholula,  and  Huexotzinco." 

The  priesthood  filled  a  very  important  place  among 
the  privileged  classes,  but  as  a  succeeding  volume  has 
been  set  apart  for  all  matters  relating  to  religion,  I 
will  confine  myself  here  to  such  an  outline  of  the 
sacerdotal  system  as  is  necessary  to  make  our  view  of 
Aztec  social  distinctions  complete.  The  learned  Abbd, 
M.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  gives  us  a  very  correct 
and  concise  account  of  the  Mexican  priesthood,  a  par- 
tial translation  of  which  will  answer  the  present  pur- 
pose. ( 

Among  the  nations  of  Mexico  and  Central  America, 
whose  civilization  is  identical,  the  priesthood  always 
occupied  a  high  rank  in  the  state,  and  up  to  the  last 
moment  its  members  continued  to  exercise  a  powerful 
influence  in  both  public  and  private  affairs.  In  And- 
huac  the  priestly  offices  do  not  appear  to  have  been 
appropriated  exclusively  by  an  hereditary  caste;  all 
had  an  equal  right  to  fill  them,  with  the  exception  of 
the  offices  about  the  temple  of  Huitzilopochtli,  at 
Mexico,  which  were  granted  to  some  families  dwelling 

'*  Brasseur  de  Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat,  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  586. 


THE  MEXICAN  PRIESTHOOD. 


201 


in  certain  quarters  of  that  city."  The  ministers  of 
the  various  temples,  to  be  fitted  for  an  ecclesiastical 
career,  must  be  graduates  of  the  Calmecac,  colleges  or 
seminaries  to  which  they  had  been  sent  by  their 
parents  in  their  infancy.  The  dignities  of  their  order 
were  conferred  by  vote;  but  it  is  evident  that  the 
priests  of  noble  birth  obtained  almost  invariably  the 
highest  honors.  The  quarrels  between  the  priest  and 
warrior  classes,  which,  in  former  times,  had  brought 
so  much  harm  to  the  Mexican  nation,  had  taught  the 
kings  to  do  their  best  to  effect  a  balance  of  power  be- 
tween the  rival  bodies ;  to  this  end  they  appropriated 
to  themselves  the  privilege  of  electing  priests,  and 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  clergy  a  priest  or  a  warrior 
of  high  rank,  as  they  saw  fit;  this  could  be  all  the 
more  easily  done,  as  both  classes  received  the  ,«ame 
education  in  the  same  schools. 

The  august  title  of  Topiltzin,  which  in  ancient  times 
expressed  the  supreme  military  and  priestly  power, 
came  to  mean,  in  after  years,  a  purely  ecclesiastical 
authority.  In  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan,  where  the  crown 
was  inherited  in  a  direct  line  by  one  of  the  sons  of 
the  deceased  monarch,  the  supreme  pontiff  was  usually 
selected  from  among  the  members  of  the  royal  family ; 
but  in  Mexico,  where  it  involved,  almost  always,  the 
duties  of  Tlacochcalcatl,  or  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army,  and,  eventually,  succession  to  the  throne,  the 
office  of  high-priest,  like  that  of  king,  was  elective. 
The  election  of  the  spiritual  king,  for  so  we  may  call 
him,  generally  followed  close  upon  that  of  the  tem- 
poral monarch,  and  such  Avas  the  honor  in  which  the 
former  was  held,  that  he  was  consecrated  with  the 
same  sacred  unguent  with  which  the  king  was  anointed. 
In  this  manner  Axayacatl,  Montezuma  II.,  and  Qua- 
uhtemoc,  were  each  made  pontiff  before  the  royal 
crown  was  placed  upon  their  head.  The  title  of  him 
who  held  this  dignity  was  Mexicatl-Teohuatzin,  that 
is  to  say,  the    'Mexican  lord  of  sacred   things;'  he 

"  Ifcrrcra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xv. 


ao2 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


added  also,  besides  a  great  number  of  other  titles,  that 
of  Teotecuhtli,  or  'divine  master,'  ai.d  he  was,  by 
right,  high-priest  of  Huitzilopochtli ;  he  was  the  'head 
of  the  church,'  and  of  all  its  branches,  not  only  at 
Mexico,  but  in  all  the  provinces  of  the  Mexican  em- 
pire; he  had  absolute  authority  over  all  priests,  of 
whatever  rank,  and  the  colleges  and  monasteries  of 
every  class  were  under  his  control.  He  was  elected 
by  the  two  dignitaries  ranking  next  to  himself  in  the 
aboriginal  hierarchy.  The  Mexicatl-Teohuatzin  was 
looked  upon  as  the  right  arm  of  the  king,  particularly 
in  all  matters  of  war  and  religion,  and  it  rarely  hap- 
pened that  any  important  enterprise  was  set  on  foot 
without  his  advice.  At  the  same  time  it  is  evident 
that  the  high-priest  was,  after  all,  only  the  vicar  and 
lieutenant  of  the  king,  for  on  certain  solemn  occasions 
the  monarch  himself  performed  the  functions  of  grand 
sacrificer. 

The  Quei-zalcoatl,  that  is,  the  high-priest  of  the  god 
of  that  name,  was  almost  equal  in  rank  to  the  Mexi- 
catl-Teohuatzin;  but  his  political  influence  was  far 
inferior.  The  ordinary  title  of  the  priests  was  Teo- 
pixqui,  or  'sacred  guardian;'  those  who  were  clothed 
with  a  higher  dignity  were  called  Huey-Teopixqui,  or 
'great  sacred  guardian.'  The  Huitznahuac-Teo- 
huatzin  and  the  Tepan-Teohuatzin  followed,  in  priestly 
rank,  the  high-priest  of  Huitzilopochtli;  they  were 
his  vicars,  and  superintended  the  colleges  and  monas- 
teries in  every  part  of  his  kingdom.  The  Tlaquimi- 
lol-Tecuhtli,  or  'grand  master  of  relics,'"  took  charge 
of  the  ornaments,  furniture,  and  other  articles  specially 
relating  to  worship.  The  Tlillancalcatl,  or  'chief  of 
the  house  of  Tlillan,'  exercised  the  functions  of  prin- 
cipal sacristan ;  he  took  care  of  the  robes  and  utensils 
used  by  the  high-priest.  The  choristers  were  under 
the  orders  of  the  Ometochtli,  the  high-priest  of  the 
god  so  named,  who  had,  as  director  of  the  singing- 

'•  The  Tlaquimilloli,  from  whence  the  title  is  derived,  was  a  sacred 
{lackoge  or  bundle,  contuning  relics  of  gods  and  heroes. 


SACERDOTAL  OFFICES. 


schools,  an  assistant  styled  Tlapitzcatzin ;  it  was  this 
latter  officer's  duty  to  instruct  his  pupils  in  the  hymns 
which  were  chanted  at  the  principal  solemnities.  The 
Tlamacazcatlotl,  or  'divine  minister'  overlooked  the 
studies  in  the  schools;  another  priest  discharged  the 
duties  of  grand  master  of  the  pontifical  ceremonies; 
another  was  archdeacon  and  judge  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical courts;  the  latter  had  power  to  employ  and  dis- 
charge the  attendants  in  the  temples;  besides  these 
there  was  a  crowd  of  other  dignitaries,  following  each 
other  rank  below  rank  in  perfect  order. 

In  Mexico  and  the  other  towns  of  the  empire,  there 
were  as  many  complete  sets  of  priests  as  there  were 
temples.  Besides  the  seventy-eight  sanctuaries  ded- 
icated to  Huitzilopochtli,  which  were  in  part  directed 
by  the  priests  we  have  already  enumerated,  the  capi- 
tal contained  many  others.  Each  had  jurisdiction 
in  its  own  section,  which  corresponded  to  our  parish; 
the  priests  and  their  pupils  dwelling  in  a  school  or  col- 
lege which  adjoined  the  temple. 

It  was  the  province  of  the  priests  to  attend  to  all 
matters  relating  to  religion  and  the  instruction  of 
youth.  Some  took  charge  of  the  sacrifices,  others 
were  skilled  in  the  art  of  divination;  certain  of  them 
were  entrusted  with  the  arrangement  of  the  festivals 
and  the  care  of  the  temple  and  sacred  vessels,  others 
applied  themselves  to  the  composition  of  hymns  and 
attended  to  the  singing  and  music.  The  priests  who 
were  learned  in  science  superintended  the  schools  and 
colleges,  made  the  calculations  for  the  annual  calendar, 
and  fixed  the  feast-days;  those  who  possessed  literary 
talent  compiled  the  historical  works,  and  collected  ma- 
terial for  the  libraries.  To  each  temple  was  attached 
a  monastery,  or  we  might  call  it  a  chapter,  the  mem- 
bers of  which  enjoyed  privileges  similar  to  those  of 
our  canons. 

The  Tlamacazqui,  'deacons'  or  'ministers'  and  the 
Quaquacuiltin,  'herb-eaters,'  were  those  who  dedi- 
cated themselves  to  the  service  of  the  gods  for  life. 


9M 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


They  led  a  very  ascetic  life;  continence  was  strictly 
imposed  upon  them,  and  they  mortified  the  flesh  by 
deeds  of  penance  in  imitation  of  Quetzalcoatl,  who 
was  iheir  patron  deity.  The  name  of  Tlamacazcayotl, 
signifying  'government  of  the  religious,'  was  given 
to  these  orders,  and  they  had  monasteries  for  the  recep- 
tion of  both  sexes.  The  high-priest  of  the  god  Quet- 
zalcoatl was  their  supreme  lord;  he  was  a  man  of 
great  authority,  and  never  deigned  to  put  his  foot  out 
of  doors  unless  it  was  to  confer  with  the  king.  When 
a  father  of  a  family  wished  to  dedicate  one  of  his  chil- 
dren to  the  service  of  Quetzalcoatl,  he  with  great 
humility  advised  the  high-priest  of  his  intention. 
That  dignitary  deputed  a  Tlamacasqui  to  represent 
him  at  the  feast  which  was  given  in  his  honor,  and  to 
bring  away  the  child.  If  at  this  time  the  infant 
was  under  four  years  of  age,  a  slight  incision  was 
made  on  his  chest,  and  a  few  drops  of  blood  were 
drawn  as  a  token  of  his  future  position.  Four  years 
was  the  age  requisite  for  admission  into  the  monastery. 
Some  remained  there  until  they  were  of  an  age  to 
enter  the  world,  some  dedicated  their  whole  lives  to 
the  service  of  the  gods;  others  vowed  themselves 
to  perpetual  continence.  All  were  poorly  clothed, 
wore  their  hair  long,  lived  upon  coarse  and  scanty 
fare,  and  did  all  kinds  of  work.  At  midnight  they 
arose  and  went  to  the  bath ;  after  washing,  they  drew 
blood  from  their  bodies  v.  ith  spines  of  the  maguey- 
plant;  then  they  watched  and  chanted  praises  of  the 
gods  until  two  in  the  morning.  Notwithstanding  this 
austerity,  however,  these  monks  could  betake  them- 
selves alone  to  the  woods,  or  wander  through  the 
mountains  and  deserts,  there  in  solitude  to  spend  the 
time  in  holy  contemplation. 

Females  were  consecrated  to  the  service  of  the  gods 
in  several  ways.  When  a  girl  was  forty  days  old,  the 
father  carried  her  to  the  neighboring  temple;  he 
I)laced  in  her  little  hands  a  broom  and  a  censer,  and 
thus  presented  her  to  the  Teopixqui,  or  priest;  who  by 


MEXICAN  PIUESTESSES. 


906 


accepting  these  symbols  of  his  future  state,  bound  him- 
self to  perform  his  part  of  the  engagement.  As  soon 
as  the  little  one  was  able  to  do  so  in  person,  she  carried 
a  l)room  and  a  censer  to  the  temple,  witli  some  pres- 
ents for  the  priest ;  at  the  required  age  she  entered 
the  monastery.  Some  of  the  girls  took  an  oath  of 
perpetual  continence;  others,  on  account  of  some  vow 
which  they  had  made  during  sickness,  or  that  the 
gods  might  send  them  a  good  husband,  entered  the 
monastery  for  one,  two,  three,  or  four  years.  They 
were  called  Cihuatlamacasque,  'deaconesses,'  orCihua- 
quaquilli,  'eaters  of  vegetables.'  They  were  under 
the  surveillance  of  a  number  of  staid  matrons  of  good 
character;  upon  entering  the  monastery  each  girl  had 
her  hair  cut  short."  They  all  slept  in  one  dormitory, 
and  were  not  allowed  to  disrobe  befoi'e  retiring  to  rest, 
in  order  that  they  might  always  be  ready  when  the 
signal  was  given  to  rise.  They  occupied  themselves 
with  the  usual  labors  of  their  sex;  weaving  and  em- 
broidering the  tapestry  and  ornamental  work  for  the 
temple.  Three  times  during  the  night  they  rose  to 
renew  the  incense  in  the  braziers,  at  ten  o'clock,  at 
midnight,  and  at  dawn.^*  On  these  occasions  a  matron 
led  the  procession ;  with  eyes  modestly  bent  upon  the 
ground,  and  without  daring  to  cast  a  glance  to  one 
side  or  the  other,  the  maidens  filed  up  one  side  of  the 
temple,  while  the  priests  did  the  same  on  the  other, 
so  that  all  met  before  the  altar.  In  returning  to  the 
dormitory  the  same  order  was  observed.  They  spent 
part  of  the  morning  in  preparing  bread  and  confec- 
tionery, which  they  placed,  while  warm,  in  the  tem- 
ple, where  the  priests  partook  of  it  after  sacrifice." 


'*  Clavigero  asserts  that  the  hair  of  such  only  as  entered  the  scr\ifc  on 
account  of  some  private  vow,  was  cut. 

•o  (Jhiviycro  says  that  only  a  part  of  tlicni  rose  upon  each  occasion. 
'S'alzavano  alcune  due  ore  incirca  innanzi  alia  niezzanotte,  altrc  alia  nirzza 
notte,  ed  altre  alio  sjiuntar  del  dl  per  attizzar,  e  niantcncr  vivo  il  fuoco,  o 
per  incensare  gl'Idoh.'  Storin  Ant.  del  Messico,  toni.  ii.,  p.  42. 

"  'Ellcs  passaient  une  partie  do  la  matiniie  h  preparer  Ic  pain  en  galctto 
et  les  p.ltisseries  qu'elles  prcscntaicnt,  toutes  chaudcs,  dans  Ic  temple,  oil 
lea  pretres  allaient  les  prendre  apriis  I'oblatioii.'  Brasseur  dc  liourbonrg. 


906 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  young  women,  for  their  part,  fasted  strictly;  they 
first  broke  their  fast  at  noon,  and  with  the  exception 
of  a  scanty  meal  in  the  evening,  this  was  all  they  ate 
during  the  twenty-four  hours.  On  feast-days  they 
were  permitted  to  taste  meat,  but  at  all  other  times 
their  diet  was  extremely  meagre.  While  sweeping 
the  temple  they  took  great  care  never  to  turn  their 
back  to  the  idol,  lest  the  god  should  be  insulted. 

If  one  of  these  young  women  unhappily  violated 
her  vows  of  chastity  she  redoubled  her  fasting  and 
severity,  in  the  fear  that  her  flesh  would  rot,  and  in 
order  to  appease  the  gods  and  induce  them  to  conceal 
her  crime,  for  death  was  the  punishment  inflicted  on 
the  Mexican  vestal  who  was  convicted  of  such  a  tres- 
pass. The  maiden  who  entered  the  service  of  the 
gods  for  a  certain  period  only,  and  hot  for  life,  did  not 
usually  leave  the  monastery  until  she  was  about  to  be 
married.  At  that  time  the  parents,  having  chosen  a 
husband  for  the  girl,  and  gotten  everything  in  readi- 
ness, repaired  to  the  monastery,  taking  care  first  to 
provide  themselves  with  quails,  copal,  hollow  canes 
filled  with  perfume,  which  Torquemada  says  they 
called  poquietl,  a  brasier  for  incense,  and  some  flowers. 
The  girl  was  then  clothed  in  a  new  dress,  and  the 
party  went  up  to  the  temple ;  the  altar  was  covered 
with  a  cloth,  upon  which  were  placed  the  presents 
they  had  brought  with  them,  accompanied  by  sundry 
dishes  of  meats  and  pastry.  A  complimentary  speech 
was  next  made  by  the  parents  to  the  Tequaquilli,  or 
chief  priest  of  the  temple,  and  when  this  was  con- 
cluded the  girl  was  taken  away  to  her  father's  house. 
But  of  those  young  men  and  maidens  who  stayed  in 
the  temple-schools  for  a  time  only,  and  received  a 
regular  course  of  instruction  at  the  hands  of  the 
priests,  it  is  my  intention  to  speak  further  when  treat- 
ing of  the  education  of  the  Mexican  youth.     The 

Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  556.  Clavigero  says  tliey  prepared  the  offer- 
ing of  provisions  which  was  presented  to  tlie  idols:  'Tiittc  Ic  niattine  pra- 
paravano  I'obblazioni  di  coniniestibili  da  presentarsi  ogl'Idoli.'  Storia  Ant. 
del  Messico,  toin.  ii.,  p.  42. 


DRESS  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PRIESTS. 


907 


original  accounts  are  rather  confused  on  this  point,  so 
that  it  is  difficult  to  separate  with  accuracy  those  who 
entered  with  the  intention  of  becoming*  permanent 
priests  from  those  who  were  merely  temporary  scholars. 

The  ordinary  dress  of  the  Mexican  priests  differed 
little  from  that  of  other  citizens;  the  only  distinctive 
feature  being  a  black  cotton  mantle,  which  they  wore 
in  the  manner  of  a  veil  thrown  back  upon  the  head. 
Those,  however,  who  professed  a  more  austere  life, 
such  as  the  Quaquaquiltin  and  Tlamacazqui  before 
mentioned,  wore  long  black  robes ;  many  among  them 
never  cut  their  hair,  but  allowed  it  to  grow  as  long  as 
it  would;  it  was  twisted  with  thick  cotton  cords,  and 
bedaubed  with  unctuous  matter,  the  whole  forming  a 
weighty  mass,  as  inconvenient  to  carry  as  it  was  dis- 
gusting to  look  at.  The  high-priest  usually  wore,  as 
a  badge  of  his  rank,  a  kind  of  fringe  which  hung 
down  over  his  breast,  called  Xicolli ;  on  feast-days  he 
was  clothed  in  a  long  robe,  over  which  he  wore  a  sort 
of  chasuble  or  cope,  which  varied  in  color,  shape,  and 
ornamentation,  according  to  the  sacrifices  he  made  and 
the  divinity  to  which  he  offered  them." 

Among  the  Miztecs  and  Zapotecs  the  priests  had  as 
much  or  even  more  influence  than  among  the  Mexi- 
cans. In  briefly  reviewing  the  sacerdotal  system  of 
these  nations,  let  us  once  more  take  M.  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  for  our  guide. 

The  kingdom  of  lilantongo,  which  comprised  upper 
Miztecapan,  was  spiritually  governed  by  the  high- 
priest  of  Achiuhtla;  he  l.ad  the  title  of  Taysacaa,^" 

'8  Clavigero  AXTites:  'L'insegna  de'  Sommi  Sacerdoti  di  Messico  era  un 
fiocco,  o  nappa  di  cotonc  pendente  dal  petto,  e  nellc  festc  prineipali  vesti- 
vaiisi  abiti  sfnrzosi,  ne'  qiiali  vcdevansi  fi^uratc  Ic  insej^ne  di  quel  Dio,  la 
cui  festa  celebravano.'  Storia  Ant.  del  Alcssico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  38.  The  most 
important  works  tliat  can  1>c  consulted  concerning  the  Mexican  priesthood 
are:  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  549-59;  from 
which  I  have  principally  taken  n»y  account;  Torqnemada,  Monarq.  Ind., 
torn,  ii.,  pp.  163-5,  175-91;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  caps,  cxxxiii., 
cxxxix.,  cxl. ;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  112et8eq.,  218- 
23,  lib.  iii.,  pp.  276-7;  Gon\tra,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  323-5;  Acosta,  Hi.it.  delns 
Ynd.,  pp.  3.35-42;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xv-xvii.; 
Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  ii.,  p.  36  et  seq. 

''This  is  the  title  given  by  the  Spanish  authors;  it  is  probably  derived 


906 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


and  his  power  equalled,  if  it  did  not  surpass,  that  of 
the  sovereiijn.  f  liis  office,  it  appears,  was  reserved 
for  the  royal  family,  and  was  transmitted  I'rom  male 
to  male;  a  memher  of  any  free  family  could,  however, 
become  a  sacaa,  or  simple  priest.  All,  even  to  the 
successor  of  the  Taysacaa,  had  to  submit  to  a  vigor- 
ous noviciate  of  one  year's  duration,  and  to  this  rule 
no  exceptions  were  made.  Up  to  the  time  of  com- 
mencing his  noviciate,  and  for  four  years  after  it  was 
ended,  the  candidate  for  the  priesthood  was  supposed 
to  have  led  a  perfectly  chaste  life,  otherwise  he  was 
judged  unworthy  to  be  admitted  into  the  order.  His 
only  food  during  the  year  of  probation  was  herbs, 
wild  honey,  and  roasted  maize;  his  life  was  passed  in 
silence  and  retirement,  and  the  monotony  of  his  exist- 
ence was  only  relieved  by  waiting  on  the  priests,  tak- 
ing care  of  the  altars,  sweeping  the  temple,  and 
gathering  wood  for  the  fires. 

When  four  years  after  his  admission  to  the  priest- 
hood had  elapsed,  during  which  time  he  seems  to  have 
served  a  sort  of  apprenticeship,  he  was  pennitted  to 
marry  if  he  saw  fit,  and  at  the  same  time  to  perform 
his  priestly  functions.  If  he  did  not  marry  he  entered 
one  of  the  monasteries  which  were  dependent  on  the 
temples,  and  while  performing  his  regular  duties,  in- 
creased the  austerity  of  his  life.  Those  priests  who 
were  entrusted  with  the  higher  and  more  important 
offices,  such  as  the  instruction  of  youth  or  a  seat  in 
the  royal  council,  were  selected  from  the  latter  class. 
The  king,  or  the  nobles,  each  in  his  own  state,  pro- 
vided for  their  wants,  and  certain  uonien,  sworn  to 
chastity,  prepared  their  food.  They  never  left  the 
monastery  except  on  special  occabJ  ms,  to  assist  at 
some  feast,  to  play  at  ball  in  the  court  of  their  sov- 
ereign lord,  to  go  on  a  pilgrimage  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  a  vow  made  by  the  king  or  by  themselves,  or 
to  take  their  place  at  the  head  of  the  army,  which,  on 

from  lay,  a  man,  and  sacaa,  a  priest.     Vocabul.  en  lengva  Mixteca,  etc., 
according  to  Braaseur  tie  Bourbovrg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  17,  note. 


THE  PONTIFF  OF  YOPAA. 


200 


certain  occasions,  they  commanded.  If  one  of  these 
monks  fell  sick,  he  was  well  cared  for  in  the  monas- 
tery; if  he  died  he  was  interred  in  the  court  of  the 
building.  If  one  of  them  violated  his  vow  of  chastity, 
he  was  bastinadoed  to  death. 

In  Zapotecapan  the  supreme  pontiff  was  called  the 
Wiyatao;'"  his  residence  was  in  the  city  of  Yopaa," 
and  there  he  was  from  time  immemorial  spiritual  and 
temporal  lord,  though,  indeed,  he  made  his  temporal 
power  felt  more  or  less  throughout  the  whole  king- 
dom ;  and  he  appears  in  the  earliest  history  of  this 
country  as  master  and  lord  of  both  the  princes  and  the 
people  of  those  nations  who  acknowledged  him  as  the 
supreme  head  of  their  religion.  The  origin  of  the 
city  of  Yopaa  is  not  known ;  it  was  situated  on  the 
slope  of  Mount  Teutitlan,"  which  in  this  place  formed 
a  valley,  shut  in  by  overshadowing  rocks,  and  watered 
by  a  stream  which  lower  down  flowed  into  the  river 
Xalatlaco.  The  original  inhabitants  of  this  region 
were  the  disciples  and  followers  of  a  mysterious, 
white-skinned  personage  named  Wixipecocha.  What 
race  he  uelonged  to,  or  from  what  land  he  came  when 
he  presented  himself  to  the  Zapotecs,  is  not  known ; 
a  certain  vague  tradition  relates  that  he  came  by  sea 
from  the  south,  bearing  a  cross  in  his  hand,  and  de- 
barked in  the  neighborhood  of  Tehuantepec ; '^^  a 
statue  representing  him  is  still  to  be  seen,  on  a  high 
rock  near  the  village  of  Magdalona.  He  is  described 
as  a  man  of  a  venerable  aspect,  having  a  bushy, 
white  beard,  dressed  in  a  long  robe  and  a  cloak,  and 
wearing  a  covering  upon  his  head  resembling  a  monk's 

*«  Wiyatao,  Burgoa  writes  Ami;Vi/oo,  and  translates,  'great  watchman;* 
the  Zanotec  vocabulary  translates  it  by  the  word  papa,  or  jiriest. 

*'  Vojpaa,  Biirgoa  also  writes  Lyobaa  and  Yoboa;  it  signifies  the  Place  of 
Tombs,  trum  Yo,  place,  or  ground,  and  paa,  tomb,  in  the  Zapotcc  tongue, 
'the  centre  of  rest.' 

''  Teutitlan  was  its  name  in  the  Nahuatl  language.  Its  Zapotecan  name 
was  Xaquiya. 

*'  Rasqos  y  st,?ales  tie  la  primera  predicacion  en  el   Nuevo-Mundo, 
MS.  de  l)on   Isidro  Gondra;  Uarriedo,   Estudioa  histdricos  y  estadisticot 
del  Estado  Oaxaqveilo,  Mexico,  1850,  tom.  i.,  cap.  i.;  quotea  in  Brasseur 
de  Bourbovrq,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  9. 
Vol.  11.    14 


i 


i 


210 


THE  NAHIJA  NATIONS. 


cowl.  The  statue  represents  liim  seated  in  a  pensive 
attitude,  apparently  occupied  in  hearin<jf  the  confession 
of  a  woman  who  kneels  by  his  side.''*  His  voice,  to 
accord  with  his  appearance,  must  have  been  of  remark- 
able sweetness.  Wixipecocha  taujrht  liis  disciples  to 
deny  themselves  the  vanities  of  this  world,  to  mortify 
the  flesh  with  penance  and  fasting,  and  to  abstain 
from  all  sensual  pleasures.  Addin»if  example  to  pre- 
cej)t,  he  utterly  abjured  female  society,  and  sufl'ered 
no  woman  to  approach  him  except  in  the  act  of  auri- 
cular confession,  which  formed  j)art  of  his  doctrine.'" 
This  extraordinary  conduct  caused  him  to  be  much 
re8[)ected ;  esj)ecially  as  it  was  an  unheard-of  thinj^ 
amon<r  these  peo[»le  for  a  man  to  devote  his  life  to 
celibacy.  Nevertheless,  he  was  frecpiently  j)ersecuted 
by  those  whose  vices  and  superstitions  he  attacked. 
Passin*^  throu<i;'h  one  province  after  another  he  at 
lenj.fth  arrived  in  the  Zapotec  valley,  a  lar<jfe  ])ortion 
of  which  was  at  that  time  occupied  by  a  lake  named 
Kualo.  Afterwards,  beinjjf  entered  into  the  country 
of  the  Miztecs,  to  labor  for  their  conversion,  the  peo- 
ple souLfht  to  take  his  life.  Those  who  were  sent  to 
take  him  prisoner,  overtook  him  at  the  footof  (empo- 
altepec,  the  most  lofty  peak  in  the  country;  but  ai 
the  moment  they  thought  to  lay  hands  uj)(»n  him,  he 
disap|)eared  suddenly  from  their  si<^ht,  and  soon  after- 
wards, adds  the  tradition,  his  tii^ure  was  seen  standin<if 
on  the  sunmiit  «»^'  the  hij^hest  peak  of  the  mountain. 
Filled  with  astonishment,  his  persecutors  hastened  to 
scale  the  rocky  hei<^ht.  When  after  ^reat  labor  they 
arrived  at  the  i)oint  where  they  had  seen  the  H^^ure, 
Wixi[)ecocha  apj)earcd  to  them  a«^ain  for  a  few  in- 
stants, then  as  suddenly  vanished,  leavinjjf  no  traces 
of  his  presence  save  the  imprints  of  his  i'eut  deeply 
impressed  upon  the  rock  where  he  had  stood.""     Since 

•♦  Hiirr/on,  Geoff.  Dcscrip.,  torn,  ii.,  pt  ii.,  caj).  Ixxii. 

*■*  liaHfioH  y  srilnles  de  la  primera  prcdicnrion  en  el  Nurvo-Mundo, 
M8.  do  l>(>ii  IhuIi'o  (ioiidra;  <iu<)tcd  in  lirasneur  dc  liuurbourij,  Hist. 
Nat.  Viv.,  toiii.  iii.,  p.  1». 

w  Uurtjoa,  Uevg.  Dcscrip.,  torn,  ii.,  pt  ii,,  cap.  Ixxii. 


THE  CAVE  OF  YOPAA. 


211 


tlien  we  do  not  know  that  Wixipecocha  reappeared  in 
the  ordinary  world,  tJiotij^h  tradition  relates  that  he 
afterwards  HJiowed  hirnselt'  in  the  enchanted  island  of 
MonapoHtiac,  near  Teh uan tepee,  whither  he  [)rohaV)ly 
went  for  the  purpose  of  ohtainin<(  new  proselytes.  In 
spite  of  the  silence  which  history  maintains  concem- 
in<if  the  time  of  his  advent  and  the  disciples  which  he 
left  hehii^d  him,  there  can  he  no  douht  that  the  jiriests 
of  Yopaa  did  not  continue  to  promul<(ate  his  doctrines, 
or  that  the  Wiyatao,  the  su[)reme  pontiff  in  Zap<)teca- 
pan,  was  not  there  as  the  vicar  and  successor  of  the 
prophet  of  Monapostiac.  Like  the  ancient  Brahmans 
of  Hindustan,  the  firr^t  disciples  of  Wixipecocha  cele- 
brated the  rites  of  their  reli<(ion  in  a  deep  cavo,  which 
M.  de  Bourl)our<j^  thinks  was  most  probably  hollowed 
out  in  the  side  of  the  mountain  by  the  waters  of  the 
flood.  This  was  afterwards  used  as  a  place  of  wor- 
ship by  the  Wiyataos,  who,  as  the  number  of  their 
proselytes  increased,  broUjL^ht  art  to  the  aid  of  nature, 
an<l  under  the  hands  of  able  'irchitecits  the  vuva  of 
Yopaa  was  soon  turned  into  a  tetnple,  haviiii''  halls, 
ffallerioH,  and  numerous  apartments  all  <!ut  in  the 
solid  rock,  it  was  into  the  j^Ioomy  recesses  of  this 
temple  that  the  priests  des<^ended  on  solemn  feast- 
days  to  assist  at  those  mysterious  sacrifices  which 
were  sacred  from  the  profane  j^aze  of  the  vul^jfar,  or 
to  take  ]>art  in  the  burial  rites  at  the  death  of  a  kiu;^.''^ 
The  classes  of  relijjfious  men  wcsre  as  numerous  and 
their  names  and  duties  as  varied  amon;.*'  the  Za|)otecs 
as  elstiwhere.  A  certain  order  of  priests  who  made 
the  interpreting^  of  dreams  tiijir  spi'cial  provinc(j  were 
called  (Jolanii  (jobee  l*ecala.  Each  form  of  divina- 
tion was  made  a  special  study.  Some  professed  to 
foretell  the  future  by  the  aid  (»!' stars,  earth,  win<l,  fire, 
or  water;  others,  by  the  fli;^ht  of  bird.-s,  the  entrails  of 
Hacrifi(;ial  victims,  or  by  mai^ic  sijij^ns  and  <;ircles. 
Amonj^  ot'.^r  divinities  a  sj)ecies  of  parro(piet,  with 


"  Ihirffoa,  Geog.  Dettrip.,  torn,  'v,.,  pt  ii.,  cap.  iiii. 


2ia 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


flaming  plumage,  called  the  ara,^  was  worshiped  in 
some  districts.  In  thi  i  bird  a  god  was  incai;.ate,  who 
was  said  to  have  descended  from  the  sky  like  a  meteor. 
There  were  among  the  Zapotecs  hermits  or  fakirs, 
who  passed  their  entire  lives  in  religious  extasy  and 
meditation,  shut  up  in  dark  caves,  or  rude  huts,  with 
no  other  companion  but  an  ara,  which  they  fed  respect- 
fully upon  a  species  of  altar;  in  honor  of  the  bird 
they  lacerated  their  flesh  and  drew  blood  from  their 
bodies;  upon  their  knees  they  kissed  it  morning  and 
evening,  and  offered  it  with  their  prayers  sacrifices  of 
flowers  and  copal. 

Priests  of  a  lower  order  were  styled  Wiyana  and 
Wizaechi,  and  the  monks  Copapitas.  The  influence 
which  they  were  supposed  to  have  with  the  gods,  and 
the  care  which  they  took  to  keep  their  number  con- 
stantly recruited  with  scions  of  the  most  illustrious 
families,  gained  them  great  aut)iority  among  the  peo- 
ple. No  noble  was  so  great  but  he  would  be  honored 
by  having  a  son  in  the  temple.  They  added,  also,  to 
the  credit  of  their  profession  by  the  strict  i)ropriety 
of  their  manners,  and  the  excessive  rigor  with  which 
they  guarded  their  chastity.  Parents  who  wished  to 
consecrate  one  of  their  children  to  the  service  of  the 
gods,  led  hin),  while  still  an  infant,  to  the  chief  priest 
of  the  district,  who  after  carefully  catechizing  the  lit- 
tle one,  deliveied  him  over  to  the  charge  of  the  master 
of  the  novices.  Besides  the  care  of  the  sanctuary, 
which  fell  to  their  lot,  these  children  v^ere  taught 
singing,  the  history  of  their  country,  and  such  sciences 
as  were  within  their  comprehension. 

These  religious  bodies  were  looked  upon  witli  much 
respect.  Their  members  were  taught  to  bear  them- 
selves properly  at  home  and  in  the  street,  and  to  pre- 
serve a  modest  and  humble  demeanor.  The  least 
infraction  of  the  rules  was  severely  punished ;  a  glance 
or  a  sign  which  might  be  construed  into  a  carnal  de- 


^  So  called  from  the  cry  of  ara,  ara,  which  it  constantly  repeats. 


ZAPOTEC  PRIESTS. 


218 


siro,  was  punished  as  criminal,  and  those  who  showed 
by  their  actions  a  strong  disposition  to  violate  their 
vow  of  chastity  were  relentlessly  castrated. 

The  Wivanas  were  divided  into  several  orders,  but 
all  were  ruled  in  the  most  absolute  manner  by  the 
pontiff  of  Yopaa.  I  have  already  spoken  of  the  ven- 
eration in  which  this  spiritual  monarch  was  held,  and 
of  the  manner  in  which  he  surmounted  the  difficulty 
of  having  children  to  inherit  the  pontifical  chair,  when 
continence  was  strictly  imposed  upon  him.'® 

The  ordinary  dress  of  the  Zapotec  priests  was  a  full 
white  robe,  with  openings  to  pass  the  arms  through, 
b;«*  no  sleeves;  this  was  girt  at  the  waist  with  a  col- 
oft  1  cord.  During  the  ceremony  of  sacrifice,  and  on 
fciv.?,c-days,  the  Wiyatao  wore,  over  all,  a  kind  of 
t  jtiic,  with  full  sleeves,  adorned  with  tassels  and  em- 
broidered in  various  colors  with  representations  of 
birds  and  animals.  On  his  head  he  wore  a  mitre  of 
feather-work,  ornamented  with  a  very  rich  crown  of 
gold;  his  neck,  arms,  and  wrists  were  laden  with 
costly  necklaces  and  bracelets;  upon  his  feet  were 
golden  sandals,  bound  to  his  legs  with  cords  of  gold 
and  bright-colored  thread.** 

The  Toltec  sacerdotal  system  so  closely  resembled 
the  Mexican  already  described  that  it  needs  no  further 
description  ia  this  volume.     Their  priests  wore  a  long 


29  See  this  vol,, 

30 


Ih'  ijo.i.  C-:o'i  bcscrip.,Uim\\.,  cap.  liii.  Of  the  Miztec  high-priest  1 
iuL  wri;-.-  ';■•>!  vcstia,  para  celebnir  sus  Fiestas,  de  Puiitilical,  de  ( 


i)p.  142-3. 

--  -     -- ,p^^ 

para  celcbrar  8us  t'lestas,  ae  t'uiitilical,  dc  esta 
Jiiaiiera  Uii;i^  '  iwitiis  i.",ui  variiwlaa  de  colores,  niati<;ada»,  y  pintados  de 
Histinias  u^'^eui'.  ^s  ii  i<;,Lr«nus  de  sus  Diuacs:  poiiiase  viias  coiiin  (JaniisoH,  6 
11'.  ^iietes,  sill  ii,  ■  •;.  .s  (ii  difereucia  de  lo,^  Alexiaiiios)  que  llega)>aii  nios 
al>iij»  de  la  roiltUa,  y  cii  las  picriias  vuus  coiuo  aiiti|Hiras,  que  le  cubriaii  la 
]iaiiti>rrilla;  y  cm  cuia  casi  coiuiin  {i  tudos  lus  Sacerdutes  btiinos,  y  caifado, 
C(>;i(|uc  adoriiaUaii  las  Estatiias  de  los  Dioscs;  y  en  el  brafo  izquicnki,  vn 
]>cdavi>  dc  manta  labrada,  i\  niancra  de  listoii,  como  Riicleii  atarsc  algiinoB 
al  brago,  (piaiido  salcii  a  Fiestas,  o  Canos,  con  vna  boria  osida  dc  clla,  que 
)»arcuia  niuiiipulo.  Vcstia  cnciniu  dc  tndo  vna  Capa,  como  la  nticstra  de 
Ci>ro,  con  vna  borIa  col<rando  ii  las  CHpaldas,  y  vna  K''*^'*  ^litra  en  la  calwfa, 
hcc.lia  dc  plunius  verdes,  con  niucho  artiticio,  y  toda  scmhruda,  y  labrada 
dc  los  w  s  prin'.^inalcs  Dioses,  que  tenian.  Quando  hailaban,  en  otras  oca- 
BioncH,  ,)atios  ae  los  Teniplos  (que  era  el  niodo  ordinario  dc  cantar  sua 
Hortv'  ^  co.-ir  hu  UHcio)  se  vestian  de  ropa  blanua  pintado,  y  vnos  roiietaa, 
como  .:n   .;-<'  t(!4  do  Galeote.'  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  217. 


214 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


ill  I' 

■ii 


■f]; 


black  robe  reaching  to  the  ground;  their  heads  were 
covered  with  a  hood,  and  their  hair  fell  down  over  their 
shoulders  and  was  braided.  They  rarely  put  sandals 
on  their  feet,  except  when  about  to  start  on  a  long 
journey."  Among  the  Totonacs  six  great  ecclesiastics 
were  elected,  one  as  high-priest,  one  next  to  him 
in  rank,  and  so  on  with  the  other  four.  When 
the  high-priest  died,  the  second  priest  succeeded  him. 
He  was  anointed  and  consecrated  with  great  cere- 
mony; the  urction  used  upon  the  occasion  was  a 
mixture  of  a  fluid  called  in  the  Totonac  tongue  ole, 
and  blood  drawn  a  "'' '  circumcision  of  children.*" 
There  existed  also  aiu  these  people  an  order  of 
monks  devoted  to  their  gc  Jess  Centeotl.  They  lived 
a  very  austere  and  retired  life,  and  thoir  character, 
according  to  the  Totonac  standard,  was  irreproachable. 
None  but  men  above  sixty  years  of  age,  who  were 
widowers  of  virtuous  life  and  estranged  from  the  so- 
ciety of  women,  were  admitted  into  this  order.  Their 
number  was  fixed,  and  when  one  of  them  died  another 
was  received  in  his  stead.  They  were  so  much  rcT 
spected  that  they  were  not  only  consulted  by  the 
common  people,  but  likewise  by  the  great  nobles  and 
the  high-priest.  They  listened  to  those  who  consulted 
them,  sitting  upon  their  heels,  with  their  eyes  fixed 
upon  the  ground,  and  their  answers  were  received  as 
oracles  even  by  the  kings  of  Mexico.  They  were  em- 
ployed in  making  historical  paintings,  which  they  gave 
to  the  high-priest  that  he  might  exhibit  them  to  the 
people.  The  common  Totonac  priests  wore  long  black 
cotton  robes  with  hoods;  their  hair  was  braided  like 
the  other  common  priests  of  Mexico,  and  anointed 
with  the  blood  of  human  sacrifices,  but  those  who 
served  the  goddess  Centeotl  were  always  dressed  in 
the  skins  of  foxes  or  coyotes. '^      At  Izacapu,  in  Mi- 


I! 
■I 


327. 


'I  Ixtlilxochitl,  Rclaciones,  in  Kingsborottgh'a  Mex.  Antiq.,  torn,  ix.,  p. 


'*  Las  Cusas,  Hist.  Apolofftlica,  MS.,  cop.  cxxxiii. 

3'  Las  Caaas,  Hist.  Apolofftlica,  MS.,  cap.  cxxi.;  Torqt4einada,  Monarq. 


PRIESTS  OF  MICHOACAN. 


215 


choacan,  there  was  a  pontiff  named  Curinacanery,  who 
was  looked  upon  with  such  deep  veneration  that  the 
king  himself  visited  him  once  a  year  to  ofter  him  the 
first-fruits  of  the  season,  which  he  did  upon  his  knees, 
having  first  respectfully  kissed  his  hand.  The  com- 
mon priests  of  Michoacan  wore  their  hair  loose  and 
disheveled;  a  leathern  band  encircled  their  foreheads; 
their  robes  were  white,  embroidered  with  black,  and 
in  their  hands  they  carried  feather  fans.'**  In  Puebla 
they  also  wore  white  robes,  with  sleeves,  and  fringed 
on  the  edges.^  The  papas,  or  sacrificing  priests  of 
Tlascala,  allowed  their  hair  to  grow  long  and  anointed 
it  with  the  blood  of  their  victims.^  Much  more  might 
be  written  concerning  the  priests  of  these  countries, 
but  as  it  does  not  strictly  come  within  the  province  of 
this  volume,  it  is  omitted  here." 


Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  181;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  44; 
Ilcrrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  xiv. 

3*  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mcchoacan,  MS.,  pp.  52-3;  Herrera  says  of  the 
priests  of  Mechuacan,  '  trahian  los  vabellos  largos,  y  coronas  abiertas  en  la 
cabefa,  conio  \oa  de  la  Yglcsia  Catolica,  y  guirnaldas  de  tluccos  colorados.' 
Hist,  lien.,  Dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  x. 

3*  Torqucnmda,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  438. 

'*  Gamargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  dcs  Voy.,  1843,  torn, 
xcviii.,  p.  201. 

"  Less  important,  or  more  modern,  authorities  that  treat  of  the  priv- 
ileged classes  among  the  Aztecs,  are:  Pimentcl,  Mem.  sobre  la  Raza  In- 
difjena,  pp.  19-22;  Garbnjal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  495-504; 
Garli,  Cartas,  pt  i.,  pp.  114-15;  Carbajal,  Discurso,  pp.  108-14;  Chaves, 
Ranport,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.,  tom.  v.,  pp.  303-6,  337; 
DilwortlCs  Gonq.  Mex.,  p.  36;  Mon<jlave,  R^.sumf,  pp.  14-19,  32-5;  Hazart, 
Kirchen-Ge^chirhte,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  503-5;  Montanus,  Nieuwe  Weereld,  pp. 
74,  235-6,  264-5;  West  nnd  Ost  Indischer  Lnsfijnrt,  pt  i.,  pp.  73-7,  98- 
100;  Cortes,  Avcntvras,  pref.,  p.  6;  Baril,  Mexique,  pp.  201-2;  Klemm, 
Cultur-Gcschichte,  tom.  v.,  pp.  55^-70,  88-98,  209-10;  Soden,  Spanier  in 
Peru,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  12-13,  19;  Chevalier,  Mex.  Ancien  ct  Mod.,  pp.  116- 
120. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


PLEBEIANS,  SLAVES,  TENURE  OF  LANDS,  AND  TAXATION. 

Influence  of  the  Commoners  — Oppression  by  Nobles— Deprived 
OF  Office  by  Montezuma  II.— Classes  of  Slaves— Penal  Slaves 
— Voluntary  Slavery— Slave  Market  at  Azcapuzalco— Pun- 
ishment AND  Pmvii  ;aESOF  Slaves— Division  of  Lands— Crown 
Lands— Lands  of  the  Nobli^s- Municipal  Property— Property 
OF  the  Temples— Tenure  of  Lands  in  Zapotecapan,  Mizteca- 
PAN,  Michoacan,  Tlascala,  Cholula,  and  Huexotzinco— Simi. 
larity  to  Feudal  System  of  Europe  —  System  of  Taxation- 
Municipal  Taxes  — Lice  Tribute  — Tribute  from  Conquered 
Provinces— Revenue  Officers— Injustice  of  Montezuma  II. 


I  "  i 


No  writer  seems  to  have  thought  it  worth  v/hile  to 
define  the  exact  condition  of  the  lower  orders  of  free 
citizens  among  the  Aztecs.  In  Mexico,  under  the 
earlier  kings,  they  appear  to  have  enjoyed  considerable 
privileges.  They  were  represented  in  the  royal  coun- 
cils, they  held  high  offices  at  court  and  about  the 
king's  person,  their  wishes  were  consulted  in  all  affairs 
of  moment,  and  they  were  generally  recognized  as  an 
important  part  of  the  community.  Gradually,  how- 
ever, their  power  lessened  as  that  of  the  nobles 
increased,  until,  in  the  time  of  Montezuma  II.,  they 
were,  as  we  have  seen,  deprived  of  all  offices  that  were 
not  absolutely  menial,  and  driven  from  the  palace. 
Still,  there  is  no  doubt  that  from  the  earliest  times 
the  plebeians  were  always  much  oppressed  by  the 
nobles,  or  that,  as  the  Bishop  of  Santo  Domingo, 

(216) 


PLEBEIANS  AND  SLAVES. 


217 


before  quoted,*  remarks,  "they  were,  and  still  are,  so 
submissive  that  they  allow  themselves  to  be  killed  or 
sold  into  slavery  without  complaining. "  Father  Acosta, 
also,  writes  that  "so  great  is  the  authority  which  the 
caciques  have  assumed  over  their  vassals  that  these 
latter  dare  not  open  their  lips  to  complain  of  any  order 
given  them,  no  matter  how  difficult  or  disagreeable  it 
may  be  to  fulfill ;  indeed,  they  would  rather  die  and 
perish  than  incur  the  wrath  of  their  lord ;  for  this  rea- 
son the  nobles  frequently  abuse  their  power,  and  are 
often  guilty  of  extortion,  robbery,  and  violence  towards 
their  vassals."'  Camargo  tells  us  that  the  plebeians 
were  content  to  work  without  pay  for  the  nobles,  if 
they  could  only  insure  their  protection  by  so  doing.^ 
Of  those  who  stood  below  the  macehuales,  as  the 
plebeians  were  called,  and  lowest  of  all  in  the  social 
scale,  the  slaves,  we  have  more  definite  information. 
Slavery  was  enforced  and  recognized  by  law  and  usage 
throughout  the  entire  country  inhabited  by  the  Nahua 
nations.  There  were  in  ancient  Mexico  three  classes 
of  slaves;  namely,  prisoners  of  war,  persons  con- 
demned for  crime  to  lose  their  freedom,  and  those  who 
sold  themselves,  or  children  sold  by  their  parents. 
The  captor  of  a  prisoner  of  war  had  an  undisputed 
right  to  doom  his  prize  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  gods; 
this  power  he  almost  invariably  exerted,  and  it  was 
held  a  punishable  crime  for  another  to  deprive  him  of 
it  by  rescuing  the  prisoner  or  setting  him  free.*  Sa- 
hagun  tells  us  that  the  captor  could,  if  he  chose, 
either  sell  or  hold  his  prisoners  as  sLves;  and  if 
among  them  any  man  or  woman  showed  unusual 
ability  in  music,  embroidering,  weaving,  or  other  do- 
mestic occupation,  he  or  she  was  frequently  purchased 
by  the  king  or  some  noble  or  wealthy  man,  and  em- 


*  See  page  191  of  this  volume. 

*  Aco.ifa,  De  procnranda  indorum  salute;  quoted  in  Pimentel,  Mem. 
tohre  In  Rasa  Inutgcna,  p.  81. 

3  Hkl.  Tlnx.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcix.,  p.  130. 

*  C'lnmocro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  134-6;  Cortis,  Carta 
Inid.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  p.  474. 


218 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


ployed  in  his  house,  and  thus  saved  from  the  sacrifice." 
The  offences  which  the  Aztecs  punished  with  slavery 
were  the  following:  firstly,  failure  on  the  part  of  any 
relation  of  a  person  convicted  of  high  treason,  to  give 
timely  information  of  the  plot  to  the  proper  authori- 
ties, provided  he  or  she  had  knowledge  of  it,  the 
wives  a  id  children  of  the  traitor  being  also  enslaved; 
secondly,  the  unauthorized  sale  of  a  free  man  or 
woman  or  of  a  free  child  kidnapped  or  found  astray, 
the  kidnapper  fraudulently  asserting  such  person  to 
be  a  slave,  or  such  child  to  be  his  own;  thirdly,  the 
sale  or  disposal,  by  a  tenant  or  depositary,  of  another's 
property,  without  the  permission  of  the  owner  or  his 
representative,  or  of  a  proper  legal  authority ;  fourthly, 
hindering  a  collared  slave  from  reaching  the  asylum 
of  the  sovereign's  palace,  provided  it  was  the  act  of 
one  who  was  not  the  owner  or  the  owner's  son ;  fifthly, 
stealing  things  of  value,  or  being  an  inveterate  thief; 
sixthly,  stealing  from  a  field  a  certain  number  of  ears 
of  corn  or  of  useful  plants,  exception  being  made  to 
this  law  when  the  act  was  committed  by  a  child  under 
ten  years  of  age,  or  when  the  stolen  property  was 
paid  for;  seventhly,  the  impregnating,  by  a  free  man, 
of  another's  female  slave,  if  the  woman  died  during 
her  pregnancy,  or  in  consequence  of  it.  This  latter 
statement  is  contradicted  by  Torquemada,  upon  the 
strength  of  information  given  him,  as  he  alleges,  by 
Aztecs  well  acquainted  with  the  laws  of  their  country.* 

^  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  i.,  pp.  32-3;  sec  also,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  pp. 
258-9,  lib.  ix.,  pp.  333,  370.  The  Anonyrnoua  Conqueror  agrees  with  8alia- 
gun;  'Tutti  quei  chc  si  pigliauano  nella  guerra,  6  erano  niagiati  <ln  loro,  6 
crano  tcnuti  per  schiaui.'  Relatione  fatta  per  vn  gentiPhuomo  del  Siffnor 
Fernando  Cortege,  in  Ramusio,  Navigationi,  torn.  lii.,  fol.  304.  Motolinia, 
however,  asserts  that  all  prisoners  of  war  were  sacrificed:  'por  que  ningun 
esclavo  se  haciun  en  ellas,  ni  rescataban  ninguno  de  los  que  en  las  guerraa 
prendian,  mas  todos  los  giiardavan  para  sacrificar.'  Carta  al  Enifterador 
Cdrlos  v.,  Jan.  2,  1555,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  p.  272.  Go- 
niaraalso  confirms  this  with  a  grim  joke:  'Los  catiuos  en  gnerra  no  siruian 
de  esclauos,  sino  de  sacrificados:  y  no  hazian  mas  de  comer  para  scr  comi- 
dos.'  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  320-1;  see  also  fol.  309. 

<>  'Algunos  quisieron  deeir,  que  si  vn  libre  tenia  acccso  &  algnna  Es- 
clavo, y  quedaba  preilada  de  la  copula,  era  Esclavo  el  Varon  que  cometib 
auto  cou  Esclavo,  y  scrvia  ol  Se&or  de  lo  Esclova;  pero  esto  uo  fue  osi, 


PENAL  AND  VOLUNTARY  SLAVERY. 


219 


Gomara  asserts,  though  he  allows  that  others  deny  it, 
that  when  a  man  died  insolvent,  his  son  or  his  wife  be- 
came the  property  of  his  creditors.'  Torquemada 
affirms  that  it  was  customary  for  a  creditor  to  look  for 
payment  of  his  claim  to  the  estate,  real  or  personal,  if 
any  there  was,  but  no  member  of  the  debtor's  family 
was  awarded  to  him  to  cancel  the  debt.*  It  sometimes 
happened  that  persons  too  poor  to  pay  their  taxes 
were  put  up  for  sale,  but  this  mostly  occurred  in  con- 
quered provinces.  Penal  slaves  did  not  become  the 
property  of  the  king  or  the  state,  but  were  publicly 
sold  to  private  persons,  or  assigned  to  the  parties 
whom  they  had  injured;  nor  were  such  offenders  held 
to  be  slaves,  or  their  punishment  considered  to  have 
commenced  until  they  had  been  formally  delivered  to 
the  new  owner. 

Among  those  who  voluntarily  surrendered  their 
freedom  for  a  consideration,  besides  such  as  were  driven 
by  extreme  poverty  to  do  so,  were  the  indolent  who 
would  not  trust  to  their  own  exertions  for  a  livelihood, 
gamesters,  to  obtain  the  wherewithal  to  satisfy  their 
passion  for  gambling,"  and  harlots,  to  provide  them- 
selves with  showy  clothing  <ind  finery.  The  two  lat- 
ter classes  were  not  obliged  to  go  into  service  until 
after  the  expiration  of  a  year  from  the  time  of  receiving 
the  consideration  for  which  they  sold  themselves. 

Slaves  were  continually  offered  for  sale  in  the  pub- 
lic market-place  of  every  town,  but  the  principal 
slave-mart  in  the  Mexican  empire  seems  to  have  been 
the  town  of  Azcapuzalco,  which  was  situated  about 
two  leagues  from  the  city  of  Mexico ;  it  occupied  the 
site  of  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Tepanec  kingdom, 
which  was  destroyed  by  King  Nezahualcoyotl  of  Tez- 
cuco.  Great  numbers  of  slaves  were  brought  to 
Azcapuzalco  from  all  the  provinces;  and  it  is  said  that 

scgun  ronfcsion  de  los  mismos  Indios  Sabios,  que  sabian  sub  Leier    y  las 
pructicuban.'  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  566. 

1  Conq.  Mex.,to\.  320. 

*  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  566. 

»  Duvan,  Hist.  Indiaa,  MS.,  torn,  iii.,  cap.  xxii.,  xxiii. 


m 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I 


the  merchants  who  traded  in  them  had  to  adopt  great 
precautions  to  prevent  their  property  from  being  stolen 
or  rescued  on  the  journey.  With  a  view  to  advan- 
tageous sales  the  slaves  thus  exposed  in  the  public 
markets  Avere  kept  well  clothed  and  fed,  and  were 
forced  to  dance  and  look  cheerful. 

Parents  could  pawn  or  sell  a  son  as  a  slave,  but 
were  allowed  to  take  him  back  on  surrendering  another 
son  to  serve  in  his  stead ;  on  such  occasions  the  mas- 
ter was  wont  to  show  his  generosity  by  allowing  an 
extra  compensation  for  the  new  servant.  There  was 
yet  another  kind  of  slavery,  called  by  the  Mexicans 
huehuetlatlacolli,  meaning  'ancient  servitude.'  When 
one  or  more  families  were  entirely  destitute  and  fam- 
ine-stricken, they  sold  a  son  to  some  noble,  and  bound 
themselves  to  always  'keep  that  slave  alive,'  that  is 
to  say,  to  supply  another  to  fill  his  place  if  he  died  or 
became  incapacitated.  This  obligation  was  binding 
upon  each  member  of  the  families  making  the  con- 
tract, but  was  null  and  void  if  the  man  who  was 
actually  serving  died  in  his  master's  house,  or  if  his 
employer  took  from  him  anything  that  he  had  law- 
fully acquired;  therefore,  to  prevent  this  forfeiture  of 
ownership,  the  master  neither  took  from  his  slave  any- 
thing but  personal  service,  nor  allowed  him  to  dvvell 
in  his  house.  It  frequently  happened  that  as  many 
as  four  or  five  families  were  bound  in  this  manner  to 
supply  a  noble  and  his  heirs  with  a  slave.  But  in 
1505  or  150G,  a  year  of  famine  in  the  country,  Neza- 
hualpilli  of  Tezcuco,  foreseeing  the  evils  that  this  sys- 
tem of  perpetual  contract  would  entail  upon  his 
subjects  if  the  scarcity  of  food  continued  long,  repealed 
the  law,  and  declared  all  families  exempt  from  its  ob- 
ligations; it  is  recorded  that  Montezuma  II.  soon 
after  followed  his  example.*" 

Slavery  in  Mexico  was,  according  to  all  accounts, 

"  Torqucmada,  Monarq.  Iiid.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  564-5;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen., 
torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  p.  .S03.  Brassciir  de  Bourbourg  asserts  that  tliesc  con- 
tracts remained  in  force  down  to  tlie  time  of  the  Spanisli  conquest.  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  Cll. 


CONDITION  AND  TREATMENT  OF  SLAVES. 


221 


a  moderate  subjection,  consisting  merely  of  an  obliga- 
tion to  render  personal  service,  nor  could  that  be 
exacted  without  allowing  the  slave  a  certain  amount 
of  time  to  labor  for  his  own  advantage.  Slaves  were 
kindly  treated  and  were  allowed  far  greater  j)rivileges 
than  any  in  the  old  world;  they  could  marry  and 
bring  up  families,  hold  property,  including  other  slaves 
to  serve  them,  and  their  children  were  invariably  born 
free.  There  is,  however,  some  obscurity  on  this  point, 
as  Sahagun  tells  us  that  in  the  year  Ce  Tochtli,  which 
came  round  every  fifty-two  years,  there  was  generally 
a  great  famine  in  the  land,  and  at  that  time  many 
persons,  driven  to  it  by  hunger,  sold  not  only  them- 
selves as  slaves,  but  also  their  children  and  descend- 
ants for  countless  generations."  Very  young  or  poor 
slaves  lived  at  the  home  of  their  master,  and  were 
treated  almost  as  members  of  the  fomilv:  the  other 
slaves  lived  independently,  either  on  their  owner's 
land,  or  upon  their  own.  It  frequently  happened  that 
a  master  succumbed  to  the  charms  of  one  of  his  female 
slaves  and  made  her  his  wife,  or  that  a  comely  bond- 
man found  favor  in  the  sight  of  his  mistress,  and 
became  her  lord ;  nor  was  this  so  strange  as  it  may 
at  first  appear,  there  being  no  dift'erence  of  race  or 
color  to  make  such  alliances  repugnant  or  shameful. 
Feelings  of  afl^ection  and  respect  existed,  as  a  rule, 
between  master  and  servant.  A  slave  who  had  served 
long  and  faithfully  was  often  entrusted  with  the  stew- 
ardship of  his  owner's  household  and  property,  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  if  the  master  through  misfortune 
should  become  poor,  his  bondmen  would  cheerfully 
labor  for  his  support.     No  well-behaved  slave  could 


^1  '  Y  cimndo  acoiitccia  la  dicha  hambrc,  cnt6nccs  sc  vcndiaii  pnr  csclavos 
nmchos  jMjbres  hunibrea  y  inugercs,  y  coinprdbunlus  los  rioos  que  tenian 
imiclias  provisioncs  allc<^ada.s,  y  no  solanicnte  los  dichos  ]H)brcs  sc  vciidian 
a  si  misiiioa,  sino  que  tambieu  vendian  &  bub  hijos,  y  d  bub  dcsccudicntes,  y 
A  todo  811  liimjc,  y  mi  cran  csclavos  perpetuamcntc,  porquc  dcuiun  que  esta 
servidumbrc  que  'sc  cobraba  en  tal  ticni])0,  no  tenia  rcniedio  para  acabaree 
en  alp;un  ticmno,  porquc  bus  padres  se  habiau  vcndido  por  cscapar  de  la 
inuertc,  6  por  librar  su  vida  dc  la  liltiina  nccesidad.'  Hist.  Gen.,  toin.  ii., 
lib.  vii.,  pp.  258-9. 


222 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


i 


be  sold  without  liis  consent  unless  his  owner  could 
prove  that  jioverty  or  debt  made  such  sale  unavoida- 
ble; nor  could  such  faults  as  laziness,  disobedience,  or 
running  away,  be  punished  without  due  warning, 
which  the  master  for  his  own  justification  usually  gave 
in  the  presence  of  respectable  witnesses.  If  atter  this 
had  occurred  two  or  three  times  the  slave  continued 
refractory,  a  wooden  collar  was  placed  on  his  neck,  and 
thea  his  master  was  authorized  to  transfer  him  against 
his  will.  Purchasers  of  a  collared  slave  always  in- 
quired how  many  times  he  had  been  so  disposed  of 
before,  and  if  after  two  or  three  such  sales  he 
continued  incorrigible,  he  could  be  sold  for  the  sac- 
rifice. But  even  yet  he  has  one  chance  left;  if  he 
can  escape  from  his  master's  premises  and  gain  the 
courtyard  of  the  royal  palace,  he  not  only  avoids 
punishment,  but  he  is  from  that  day  forth  a  free 
man;  moreover,  no  person,  save  his  owner  or  his 
owner's  sons,  is  allowed  in  any  manner  to  prevent  him 
froin  reaching  the  asylum,  under  penalty  of  being 
made  the  slave  of  him  whom  he  attempts  to  deprive 
of  his  chance  for  freedom. 

The  sale  of  a  slave  was  conducted  with  much 
formality,  and  nmst  be  made  in  the  presence  of  at 
least  four  respectable  witnesses;  in  cases  of  self-sale 
the  witnesses  acted  as  conscientious  arbitrators  to 
secure  the  highest  price  and  most  favorable  conditions 
for  him  who  sold  himself.  The  usual  price  lor  an 
average  slave  was  twenty  mantles,  equivalent  to  one 
load  of  cotton  cloth;  some  were  worth  less,  while 
others  brought  as  many  as  forty  mantles. 

Slavery  among  the  Nahua  nations  appears,  then,  to 
have  been  only  a  partial  deprivation  of  a  freeman's 
rights.  As  a  slave  was  permitted  to  possess  property 
and  even  other  slaves  of  his  own,  and  as  his  children 
were  born  free  and  he  had  complete  control  of  his  own 
family,  we  can  scarcely  say  he  lost  his  citizenship, 
although  it  is  true  he  was  not  eligible  for  public  office. 
It  was  a  common  practice  for  a  master  during  his 


TENURE  OF  LANDS. 


22B 


lifotimo,  or  on  hia  death-bed,  to  emancipate  his  slaves, 
but  if  no  such  provision  were  made  they  went  to  the 
heirn  with  the  rest  of  the  property.  Murder  of  a 
slave,  even  by  his  master,  was  a  capital  offence. 

Yet  in  spite  of  all  this  testimony  in  favor  of  the 
mildness  of  slavery  among  the  Nahua  nations,  there 
is  still  room  for  some  reasonable  doubt  concerning  the 
patriarchal  character  of  the  system;  inasmuch  as  we 
are  told  that  many  slaves,  not  mentioned  as  being 
prisoners  of  war  or  criminals,  as  well  as  servants, 
dwarfs,  or  deformed  persons,  and  purchased  children, 
were  i)ut  to  death  at  religious  feasts  and  royal 
funerals." 

The  lands  were  divided  between  the  crown,  the 
nobility,  the  various  tribes  or  clans  of  the  people,  and 
the  temples.  The  division,  however,  was  by  no  means 
equal,  by  fur  the  greater  portion  being  appropriated 


i>  'Vcndian  niilosrccien  nacidos,  y  de  dos  afios,  para  ciiinplir  hub  pro- 
mesas,  y  ofrcucr  cii  lo8  tciiiplos,  coiiio  nosotnis  las  caiidclas,  y  sacriticarloa 
para  ulcanijar  sua  pretcnniuncs.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  can. 
xvi.  '  Pontic  cuiuu  aiidabuii  todus  los  Keiiios,  con  sua  inercaiicias,  traiuii  uo 
todos  cllos  iiiiiclios  csiilavou,  los  qiiales,  si  no  erau  todos,  h  lu  incnoa,  loa  man, 
sacrilicaban.'  Turifitemada,  Monara.  Ind.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  272.  'Porqiio  cosi 
todoa  los  que  aacrificubau  d  los  idolos  craii  los  que  prcndiiiii  en  Iuh  giicrrua 

inui  |>i)quitos  erau  los  otros  que  sacrilicovan.'  Motolinia,  Vitrln  al  J-Jin- 

perndor  Lkbios  V.,  Jan.  2,  1555,  in  Icuzbalceta,  Col.  dc  Doc,  torn,  i.,  pp. 
'2(jl,  272.  'Luego  proponian  tin  parlaniento  &  los  csclavos,  cnanos  y  corco- 
bados,  dicicnilo:  hijos  niios,  id  d  la  bucna  ventura  con  vuestro  sefior  Axayaca 

&  la  otra  vida Lucgo  Ic  abrieron  cl  pecho,  tcnicndolo  scis  6  siete  saccr- 

dotcs,  y  el  mayoral  le  sacaba  el  corazon,  y  todo  el  dia  y  toda  la  noche  ardiu 
cl  cucrpo  del  rcy,  con  los  corazones  dc  los  miscrables  csclalras  que  niorian 
sin  culi)a.'  Tezozmoc,  Crditica  Mex.,  in  Kmr/sborouyh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol. 
\\.,  pp.  90,  142.  'Sacriticando  en  sus  honros  doscientos  csclavos,  y  cieu 
csdavas.'  Ixllilxochitl,  Hist.  Chichimcca,  in  Id.,  pp.  282,  250.  'Quaiido 
muria  algun  principal,  niatavan  juntamentc  con  61  un  csclavo,  y  cnterra- 
van  con  el  para  que  le  fuese  &  servir.'  Codex  Teller iano-Rcmen.ii,i,  in  /(/., 
vol.  v.,  p.  1.30.  'Avee  lui,  de  jcunes  fdles,  des  eselaves  ct  des  bossus.' 
Cainargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  Animlcs  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii., 
p.  202.  '8c  quemaba  junto  con  sus  cuer]M)s  y  con  los  corazones  dc  los  cuu- 
tivos  y  csclavos  que  mataban.'  Leon  y  Gama,  Dos  Picdrns,  p.  35;  lirassctir 
dc  Uonrbourff,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  453,  57.3-4;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant. 
Mrj.,  ton>.  iii.,  pp.  6,  8;  Pimentel,  Mem,  sobre  la  Raza  Indigena,  p.  65; 
Among  those  wlio  in  later  times  have  treated  of  slavery  amon^  the  Nuliua 
naUons  are  the  following:  Montamts,  Nieuwe  Wecreld,  p.  261;  Dapper,  Neue 
\yyit,  p.  294;  Chevalier,  Mex.,  Ancien  et  Mod.,  p.  62;  Bussierre,  L'Einpire 


Mex.,  pp.  1.55-6;  Miiller,  A »ierikanisc/ic  Urreligtotien,  p.  541;  Klcmm,  Cul- 

tur-Gesehichte,  pp.  f"^  ""•  ''—'--   " .•—-•-  n —  * —  :-    —  i,i  le.  c<.-, — »- 

Ten  Tribes,  p.  273. 


tur-Geschichte,  pp.  69-70;  Soden,  Spanicr  in  Peru,  torn,  if.,  pp.  14-15;  SiinonU 
~     ~   ■  273. 


23i 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


4 


by  the  king  and  the  aristocracy."  All  landed  prop- 
erty was  duly  surveyed,  and  each  estate  was  accurately 
marked,  out  on  maps,  or  paintings,  kept  on  file  by  a 
competent  officer  in  the  district  where  they  were  sit- 
uated. The  crown  lands  were  painted  in  purple, 
those  of  the  nobility  in  scarlet,  and  those  of  the  cal- 
pullis,  or  wards,  in  light  yellow.  Certain  portions 
of  the  croAvn  property  called  tecpantlalU,  or  'lands 
of  the  palace,'  were  granted  to  nobles  of  the  rank  of 
of  Tecuhtli,  who  were  called  tecpanpouhque  or  tec- 
pantia^a,  'people  of  the  palace.'  They  had  the  free 
use  and  enjoyment  of  such  lands,  and  in  return  cer- 
tain servio<^s  were  expected  of  them.  It  was  their 
duty  to  attend  to  the  repairs  and  proper  arrangement 
of  the  royal  residences,  and  to  cultivate  and  keep  in 
order  the  royal  gardens,  for  all  of  which  they  had  to 
provide  the  necessary  number  of  woikmen;  besides 
this  they  were  obliged  to  wait  on  the  kiig  and  accom- 
pany him  whenever  he  appeared  iii  public.  Although 
m  consideration  of  these  services  t'le  'people  of  the 
palace'  paid  no  rent,  yet  the  eminent  domain  of  their 
lands  was  vested  in  the  sovereign.  When  one  of  them 
died  his  eldest  son  inherited  his  privileges,  subject  to 
the  same  obligations,  but  if  he  changed  his  residence 
to  another  part  of  the  country,  or  died  without  male 
issue,  the  usufruct  was  forfeited  and  the  land  reverted 
to  the  sovereign,  who  transferred  it  to  another  usufruc- 
tuary, or  left  the  choice  of  one  to  the  community  in 
whose  district  the  property  was  situated."  The  pro- 
duce of  other  lands  belonging  to  the  crown  was  set 
apart  for  the  support  of  the  royal  household,  and  for 
benevolent  purposes. 

In  conquered  provinces,  the  habits  and  customs  and 
established  form  of  government  of  the  vanquished 
were  usually  respected.  The  sovereigns  of  Anslhuac 
retained  the  native  princes  in  power,  and  allowed  the 

»  Tovibio  and  Olarte,  Hi  Ternaux-Compana,  Voy.,  wSrie  i.,  torn,  x., 
p.  405. 

"  Torqurmnda,  Monarq.  fnd.,  torn,  ii.,  j  ^.  645-'^;  Clavigero,  Storia 
Ant.  del  measico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  122. 


LANDED  PROPERTY  OF  THE  NOBLES. 


225 


people  to  keep  their  property;  but  they  invariably 
set  apart  a  certain  part  of  the  territory,  proportioned 
to  the  conquest,  which  became  the  property  of  the 
conquering  monarch.  These  lands,  called  yaotlalli, 
which  means  'war  lands,'  were  cultivated  by  the  con- 
quered people  for  the  benefit  of  their  conqueror.  If 
they  belonged  to  Mexico  their  name  was  mexica- 
tlalii;  if  to  Acolhuacan,  acolhua-tltdli,  and  so  on." 

The  lands  of  the  nobility  were  called  jnllalli,  and 
were  either  ancient  possessions  of  the  nobles  trans- 
mitted by  inheritance  from  father  to  son,  or  were 
rewards  of  valor  granted  by  the  king.  They  were 
held  by  various  tenures;  some  of  them  could  be  alien- 
ated at  the  will  of  the  owner,  subject  only  to  the 
restriction  that  they  should  not  pass  into  the  hands  of 
a  plebeian ;  others  were  entailed  upon  the  eldest  male 
issue  and  could  not  be  otherwise  disposed  of.  Man^ 
of  the  Aztec  estates  were  of  very  ancient  origin. 
After  the  Chichimecs  obtained  undisputed  possession 
of  the  vallej'^  of  Mexico,  their  chief  or  sovereign 
Xolotl  made  grants  of  land  to  his  own  people,  and  to 
others  who  acknowledged  him  as  their  supreme  lord, 
ui.  ler  the  condition  that  the  grantees  should  render 
sei  vice  to  the  crown  with  their  persons,  vassals,  and 
estates,  whenever  he  should  require  it  of  them,  and 
the  same  policy  was  adopted  by  his  successors."'  Sons 
generally  inherited  their  father's  estates  by  right  of 
primogeniture,  but  if  the  eldest  son  was  judged  inca- 
pable of  taking  proper  care  of  the  property,  the  father 
left  it  to  whichever  sou  he  pleased,  stipulating,  how- 
ever, that  the  heir  should  insure  a  competency  to  him 
he   had   supplanted."     In   the   republic   of    Tlascala 

^^  Zuritn,  Rapport,  in  Tcrnaux-Compmui,  Voy.,  scric  ii.,  torn,  i.,  p.  (57; 
lirasscur  de  Uourbourg,  Hint.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  (iO.1;  Carhajal,  Dis- 
fiirso,  p.  61;  I'ezozomoc,  Crdnica  Mcx.,  in  Kin(jsborovgh\<i  Mcx.  Antiq., 
torn,  ix.,  p.  40. 

'8  lioturitU,  Idea,  p.  165;  Ixtlilxor Mtl,  His*    Chick.,  in  Kinffshorouffh'n 
Mex.    Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  208,  216,  224-5,  241;  Id.,  Relariones,  in  Id., 
}.  339-43,  346,  353,  386-7,  395,  451,  463;  Hcredia  y  Sarmiento.  Sermon, 
^,.,  pp.  51-2;  Veytia,    Hist.   Ant.  Mej.,   toni.   iii.     p.    189;  Vetancvrt, 


l\ 


Tentrn,  Mex.,  pt  ii.,  pp.  13-14. 

'^  Hcrrcra,   Hist.   Gen.,  dec.  11.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  xvii.,  saya  that  brothers 
Vol.  II.    IS 


226 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


daughters  could  not  inherit  an  estate,  the  object  being 
to  prevent  landed  property  from  going  into  the  hands 
of  strangers.  In  the  kingdoms  of  Mexico,  Tezcuco, 
and  Tlacopan  it  is  probable  !:hat  the  law  was  the  same 
in  this  respect,  but  the  authorities  give  us  no  informa- 
tion concerning  the  matter."  These  feudatories  paid 
no  rent  for  their  lands,  but  were  bound  to  assist  their 
suzerain,  the  king,  with  their  persons,  vassals,  and 
fortunes  in  all  cases  of  foreign  or  civil  war.  Each 
king,  on  his  accession,  confirmed  the  investiture  of 
estates  derived  from  the  crown."  The  lands  of  the 
people  were  called  calpulli,  and  every  city  was  divided 
mto  as  many  of  these  as  there  were  wards  in  it,  and 
the  whole  number  of  calpulli  being  collectively  named 
altepatlalli.  The  calpulli,  as  well  as  the  tlaxicalli,  or 
streets,  were  all  measured  out  and  their  boundaries 
marked,  so  that  the  inhabittits  of  one  ward  or  street 
could  not  invade  the  possessions  of  another.  Each  of 
these  divisions  belonged  to  its  respective  community, 
and  was  of  greater  or  less  extent  and  importance 
according  to  the  partition  which  had  been  made  by  the 
first  settlers  in  Andhuac.  The  owners  of  a  calpulli 
were  all  members  of  the  same  clan  or  tribe,  and  their 
district  bore  their  name.  The  right  of  tenure  was 
perpetual  and  inalienable,  and  was  the  common  prop- 
erty of  the  community  and  not  of  individuals.  Any 
member  of  the  community  not  possessed  of  any  land, 
had  the  right  to  ask  for  a  portion  suitable  to  his  posi- 
tion ind  requirements,  \^ich  was  granted  him.  This 
portion  he  was  entitled  to  hold  as  long  as  he  culti- 
vated and  improved  it,  and  he  could  transmit  it  to  his . 

inherited  estates  and  not  sons;  but  this  assertion  is  not  hornn  out  by 
any  otiier  authority. 

'i*  Torqtieitiada,  Mnnarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  348;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant. 
del  Measico,  toni.  ii.,  p.  123. 

'>  Fueideal,  Lettre,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  &4riei.,  torn,  x.,  pp.  252- 
4;  Cor  Us,  Cartas,  p.  68;  Witt,  Lettre,  in  Ternaux-'Jompans,  Voy.,  sdrio 
ii.,  torn,  v.,  p.  287;  Carhajal,  Discurso,  j).  63;  OoUdo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn. 
Hi.,  p.  535;  Torqueinada,  Monarq^  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  231;  Ziirita,  Raj^ort, 
in  TernaxtX'CompaHs,  Voy.,  s^ne  ii.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  -iS-O,  65;  Clavigero, 
Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toin.  ii.,  pp.  122-4;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  304; 
Vttancwt,  Teatro,  Mex.,  pt  ii.,  pp.  63-4. 


I 


INHERITANCE  OF  ESTATES. 


227 


ti- 
lls 

by 


heirs ;  he  had  no  authority  to  sell  his  portion,  but  he 
could  let  it  to  another  for  a  number  of  years.     If  he 
neglected  to  cultivate  it  for  two  years  the  head  man 
of  the  calpulli  remonstrated  with  him ;  if  he  paid  no 
heed  to  t^ns  warning  he  was  ousted  the  following  year 
in  favor  of  some  other  person ;  a  reasonable  excuse  for 
such  neglect  was,  however,  always  accepted.     If  the 
land  assigned  to  anyone  proved  unfruitful  and  barren, 
he  was  at  liberty  to  abandon  it  and  another  portion 
was  granted  him.     Under  no  pretext  whatever  could 
any  person  settle  upon  the  land  lawfully  occupied  by 
another,  nor  could  the  authorities  of  the  calpulli  de- 
prive the   latter  of  his  right.     If  a  land-owner  died 
without  heirs,  his  portion  was  considered  vacant  and 
assigned  to  the  first  applicant  for  it.    If  a  calpulli  was 
in  great  need  the  authorities  were  allowed  to  lease  its 
lands,  but  under  no  circumstances  were  the  inhabitants 
permitted  to  work  on  the  lands  of  another  district.    The 
elders  of  the  tribe  formed  the  council  of  the  calpulli ; 
this  body  elected  a  principal,  called  calpullec,  whose 
duty  is  was  to  watch  over  the  interests  of  the  com- 
munity; he  acted  only  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  council.     Each  city  set  apart  a  piece  of  land  in 
the  suburbs  wherefrom  to  supply  the  needs  of  the 
army  in  time  of  war.     These   portions  were   called 
milchimalli,   or  caccdomilli,   according  to    the    kind 
of  grain  they  produced,  and  were  cultivated  jointly 
by  all  the  calpullis.     It  was  not  unusual  for  the  kings 
to  make  a  life-grant  of  a  portion  of  the  people's  prop- 
erty to  some  favorite  noble,  for  though  there  is  no 
doubt  that  the  calpulli  lands  of  right  belonged  to  the 
j)eople,  yet  in  this  respect  as  in  others,  the  kings  were 
wont  to  usurp  a  power  not  their  own.*     Every  tem- 

'•'Cc  n'est  pas  qu'ils  eussent  ccs  tcrres  en  propre;  car,  conime  les 
MsigncurH  cxcrfaicnt  uii  pouvoir  tyranniquc,  iis  dispusaient  den  terrains  et 
(Ics  vossaux  Buivant  leiir  bon  plaisir.  Les  Indicns  n'etnicnt  done,  propre- 
meiit  dit,  ni  propri^taires  ni  maftres  de  ces  villages;  ilii  n'etaicnt  que  Ics 
labuurcurg  ou  lea  aniodiateurs  des  seigneurs  terriers,  de  telle  fapon  que  Ton 
pourrait  dire  que  tout  Ic  territoirc,  soit  des  plaines,  soit  des  niontagiies,  d6- 
pendait  du  caprice  des  seigneurs  et  qu'il  Icur  uppartcnait,  puisqii'ils  y 
exercaient  un  pouvoir  tyraunique,  et  que  les  Inuiens  vivuient  au  jour  le 


228 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


pie,  great  and  insignificant,  had  its  own  lands  and 
country  estates,  the  produce  of  which  was  applied  to 
the  support  of  the  priests  and  of  public  worship;  the 
tenants  who  occupied  these  lands  were  looked  upon  as 
vassals  of  the  temples.  The  chief  priests,  who,  on 
the  temple  lands,  exercised  a  power  similar  to  that  of 
the  royal  governors,  frequently  visited  these  festates 
to  inspect  their  condition  and  to  administer  justice  to 
their  tenants.  The  temple  of  Huitzilopochtli  was 
considered  the  wealthiest  in  Mexico.  Torquemada 
says  that  in  Tezcuco  fifteen  large  cities  furnished  the 
temples  of  that  kingdom  with  wood,  provisions,  and 
other  necessaries.^^  Clavigero  makes  the  number  of 
towns  twenty-nine.*' 

Throughout  Zapotecapan  and  Miztecapan  landed 
property  was  invariably  transmitted  from  male  to 
male,  females  being  excluded  from  the  succession.  No 
one  had  the  right  to  sell  his  land  in  perpetuity ;  the 
law  forbade  its  transfer  out  of  a  family  either  by  mar- 
riage or  otherwise ;  and  if  a  proprietor  was  compelled 
by  the  force  of  necessity  to  dispose  of  his  real  estate, 
it  returned  after  the  lapse  of  some  years  to  his  son 
or  his  nearest  relative,  who  paid  to  the  holder  the 
consideration  for  which  it  had  been  pledged  or  its 
equivalent.**  In  Miztecapan  the  first-born  son,  before 
taking  possession  of  his  inheritance,  had  to  do  pen- 
ance for  a  year;  he  was  confined  in  a  religious  house, 
clothed  in  rags,  daubed  with  India-rubber  juice,  and 


jour;  les  seigneurs  partascant  ontre  eux  toua  leuni  produitB.*  Simancas,  De 
TOrdredc  Siicrcssioii,  in  rernaiix-Vompans,  Vot/.,  serie  i.,  toni.  x.,  pn.  224-5; 
Zuritn,  Rapport,  in  Id.,  B«5rie  ii.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  51-7;  Fuenleal,  Lettre,  in 
Id.,  torn,  v.,  p.  221;  Brasseur  de  Bourbotirtj,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn  iii.,  pp. 
603-7;  Carbajtd  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  toni.  i.,  p.  590;  Variedades  Civ., 
toni.  i.,  pp.  158-9;  i'imcntel,  Mem.  sobre  la  Raza  Indigena,  pp.  35-C;  Bus- 
sierve,  DEinpire  Mex.,  pp.  153-5. 

«'  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  Itt4. 

**  Clatfiijero,  Storin  Ant.  ael  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  36.  Sec  furtlier:  Lns 
Casas,  Hist.  Apoloffftiea,  MS.,  cap.  141;  Brasseur  de  Bourbottrg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  5.58-9;  Carbaial,  Diseurso,  p.  36;  Sodcii,  Spanicr 
in  Peru,  torn,  ii.,  p.  13;  Dillon,  Hist.  Alex.,  p.  43;  Chevalier,  Mex.  Ancien 
el  Mod.,  pp.  117-18. 

«  Bur^oa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  torn,  i.,  pt  ii.,  fol,  188;  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg,  Htst.  Nat,  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  39-40. 


ESTATES  IN  MICHOACAN. 


229 


his  face  and  body  rubbed  with  fetid  herbs ;  during  that 
time  he  had  to  draw  blood  repeatedly  from  his  body 
and  limbs,  and  was  subjected  to  hard  labor  and  pri- 
vation. At  the  expiration  of  the  year  he  was  washed 
with  odorous  water  by  four  girls,  and  then  conducted 
by  friends  to  his  house  with  great  pomp  and  fes- 
tivity.** 

Early  writers  say  nothing  about  the  tenure  of  lands 
among  the  Tarascos  of  Michoacan,  but  merely  state 
in  general  terms  that  the  sovereign's  power  over  the 
lives  and  property  of  his  subjects  was  unlimited.*' 

The  tenure  of  lands  in  the  republic  of  Tlascala 
had  its  origin  in  the  division  made  at  the  time  when 
the  country  was  first  settled;  which  was  as  follows: 
Any  Tecuhtli  who  established  an  entail,  called  teccalli, 
or  pilcalli,  took  for  his  own  use  the  best  and  largest 
part  of  the  lands  that  fell  to  his  lot  or  were  awarded 
to  him  in  the  partition,  including  woods,  springs, 
rivers,  and  lakes ;  of  the  remainder  a  fair  division  was 
made  among  his  servitors  and  vassals,  or,  in  other 
wordii,  his  soldiers,  friends,  and  kinsmen.  All  were 
bound  to  keep  the  manor-house  in  repair  and  to  sup- 
ply their  lord  with  game,  flowers,  and  other  comforts, 
and  he  in  his  turn,  was  expected  to  entertain,  protect, 
and  feed  them  in  his  house.  To  these  kinsmen, 
friends,  and  servitors,  was  given  the  name  of  teix- 
huihuan,  meaning  the  'grand-children  of  the  manor- 
house.'  In  this  manner  all  the  nobles  divided  their 
land.  All  were  greatly  respected  by  their  vassals. 
They  derived  their  income  from  the  taxes  that  their 
tenants  paid  them  out  of  what  they  obtained  from 
the  chase,  from  the  soil,  and  by  raising  domestic  ani- 
mals.*' 

No  information  has  reached  us  respecting  the  pro- 
visions under  which  land  was  held  in  Cholula  and 


**  Clavigcro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messieo,  torn,  ii.,  p.  64;  Klemtn,  Cultur- 
Geschichti,  torn,  v.,  pp.  95-6. 

*i  Jkiunioiit,  CrtSa.  Mechoacan,  MS.  p.  52. 

**  Canutrqo,  Hist.  Tlux.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn, 
xcviii.,  p.  ifO;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  276-7. 


aao 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Huexotzinco,  or  among  the  Totonacs.  In  the  province 
of  Pdnuco,  the  eldest  son  was  the  sole  inheritor  of 
land  and,  therefore,  the  only  one  that  paid  tribute;  the 
other  sons  had  to  rent  land  from  those  who  were  in 
possession  of  it.*" 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  all  this  there  is,  as 
so  many  writers  have  observed,  a  strong  resemblance 
to  the  feudal  systems  of  Europe.  The  obligation  of 
military  service,  and  other  relations  of  lord  and  vas- 
sal smack  strongly  of  the  institutions  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  but,  as  Mr  Prescott  says,  the  minor  points 
of  resemblance  "fall  far  short  of  that  harmonious 
system  of  reciprocal  service  and  protection,  which 
embraced,  in  nice  gradation,  every  order  of  a  feudal 
monarchy.  The  kingdoms  of  Anahuac  were,  in  their 
nature,  despotic,  attended,  indeuii,  with  many  mitigat- 
ing circumstances,  unknown  to  the  despotisms  of  the 
East ;  but  it  is  chimerical  to  look  for  much  in  com- 
mon— ^beyond  a  few  accidental  forms  and  ceremonies — 
with  those  aristocratic  institutions  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  which  made  the  court  of  every  petty  baron  the 
precise  image  in  miniature  of  that  of  his  sovereign." 
I  have  no  inclination  to  draw  analogies,  believing 
thenl,  at  least  in  a  work  of  this  kind,  to  be  futile ;  and 
were  I  disposed  to  do  so,  space  would  not  permit  it. 
Nations  in  their  infancy  are  almost  as  much  alike  as 
are  human  beings  in  their  earlier  years,  and  in  study- 
ing these  people  I  am  struck  at  every  turn  by  the 
similarity  between  certain  of  their  customs  and  insti- 
tutions and  those  of  other  nations;  comparisons  might 
be  happily  drawn  between  the  division  of  lands  in 
Andhuac  and  that  made  by  Lycurgus  and  Numa  in 
Laconia  and  Rome,  or  between  the  relations  of  Aztec 
master  and  slave  and  those  of"  Roman  patron  and 
client,  for  the  former  were  nearly  as  mild  as  the  latter; 
but  the  list  of  such  comparisons  would  never  be  com- 
plete, and  I  am  fain  to  leave  them  to  the  reader. 


"  Witt,  Ltttre,  in  Ternattx-Compant,  Voy.,  B^rie  ii.,  torn,  v.,  p.  289. 


SYSTEM  OF  TAXATION. 


281 


The  people  of  Andhuac  and  of  the  surrounding 
countries  paid  taxes  to  the  crown  and  to  the  tem- 
ples, either  with  personal  service  or  with  the  produc- 
tions or  results  of  their  labor;  in  short,  with  every- 
thing useful.  We  have  seen  that  in  the  kingdom  of 
Tezcuco  twenty-nine  cities  were  appointed  to  pro- 
vide the  king's  household  with  everything  requisite  of 
food,  furniture,  and  so  forth,  and  were,  consequently, 
exempt  from  pU  other  taxes.  Fourteen  of  these  cities 
served  in  this  manner  during  one  half  of  the  year,  and 
fifteen  during  the  other  half.  They  likewise  furnished 
the  workingmen  and  laborers,  such  as  water-carriers, 
sweepers,  tillers  of  the  palace  lands,  and  gardeners. 
Boys  who  were  too  young  to  do  men's  work  were  re- 
quired to  provide  annually  four  hundred  armfuls  of 
wood  for  the  fires  which  were  kept  up  day  and  night  in 
the  principal  rooms  of  the  palace.  The  young  men  of 
ToUantzinco,  either  themselves  or  through  their  ser- 
vants supplied  fine  rushes  for  mats,  stools,  or  seats, 
called  icpalli,  pine-wood  splinters  for  lighting  fires, 
other  wood  for  torches,  acayetl,  or  pipes  with  tobacco, 
various  kinds  of  dyes,  liquid  amber  both  in  cakes  and 
in  vessels,  copal  incense  in  their  golden  cylinders,  and 
a  large  quantity  of  other  articles,  which  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  specify.'"  Manufacturers  paid  their  taxes  with 
the  objects  produced  by  their  industry.  Journejmaen 
mechanics,  such  as  carpenters,  masons,  workers  in 
feathers  and  precious  metals,  and  musicians,  were, 
according  to  Oviedo,  exempt  from  such  tax,  and  in 
lieu  thereof  rendered  personal  service  to  the  sovereign 
without  remuneration.*  Merchants  paid  their  taxes 
with  such  articles  as  they  traded  in.  The  last  c  ass  of 
tribute-payers  were  the  tlamaitl,  tenants  attached  to  a 
nobleman's  land,  who  tilled  the  same  for  their  own 
benefit.  They  were  obliged  to  do  a  certain  amount  of 
work  every  year  for  the  landlord,  and  to  render  mili- 

» Ixllilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  KingsborougK'a  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
241-2. 

o  Hiat.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  535,  305-6. 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


tary  service  when  it  was  required  of  them  by  the 
sovereign.  Brasseur  says  that  these  tenants  paid  no 
tribute  to  the  king,  but  his  statement  is  contradicted 
by  Clavigero.*  Taxes  paid  in  fruit  and  grain  were 
collected  immediately  after  harvest;  other  tributes 
were  collected  at  different  times  through  the  year.  In 
each  town  there  was  a  magazine  for  storing  the  rev- 
enues, from  which  supplies  were  drawn  as  required. 
In  the  vicinity  of  Mexico  it  was  customary  to  convey 
the  agricultural  produce  into  the  capital,  in  order  that 
the  inhabitants,  who,  being  surrounded  with  the  waters 
of  the  lake,  had  no  land  of  their  own  to  cultivate, 
might  be  regularly  supplied  with  food.  There  was  no 
uniform  system  of  collecting  taxes  from  the  merchants 
and  manufacturers.  Payments  were  made  by  them  in 
accordance  with  their  circumstances  and  the  nature  of 
the  articles  they  contributed.  There  were  about  three 
hundred  and  seventy  tributary  towns  in  the  Mexican 
empire,  some  of  which  paid  their  taxes  every  twenty 
days,  and  some  every  four  days,  while  others  only  did 
so  once  in  six  months,  or  even  only  once  a  year.  The 
people  of  Tlatelulco,  says  Purchas,*^  "were  charged  for 
tribute,  alwayes  to  repaire  the  Church  called  Huizna- 
huac.  Item,  fortie  great  Baskets  (of  the  bignesse  of 
half  a  Bushell)  of  cacao  ground,  with  the  Meale  of 
Maiz  (which  they  called  ChianpinoU,)  and  euery  Bas- 
ket had  sixteene  hundred  Almonds  of  Cacao.  Item, 
other  fortie  Baskets  of  Chianpinoli.  '  Item,  eight  hun- 
dred burthens  of  great  Mantels.  Item,  eightie  pieces 
of  Armour,  of  slight  Feathers,  and  as  many  Targets 
of  the  same  Feathers,  of  the  deuices  &  colours  as 
they  are  pictured.  All  the  which  tribute,  except  the 
said  armes  and  targets  they  gaue  euery  24.  dayes," 
and  the  said  armes  and  targets  they  gaue  for  tribute 


>o  'N^  i  Yaaalli  de'  Feudatari  erano  esenti  da'  tributi,  che  pagavano  al 
Re  gli  altri  Vassalli  della  Corona.'  Clavigero,  StoriaAnt.  del  Messico,  torn, 
ii.,  pp.  122-7. 

"  His  Pilgrimea,  vol.  iv.,  p.  1080. 

'•  In  the  Codex  Mendoza,  in  Kingsborotigh'a  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  v.,  p.  54, 
we  read  that  it  was  pa.d  every  eighty  days. 


TAXES  PAID  BY  CITIES. 

but  once  in  the  whole  yeere.  The  said  tribute  had 
his  beginning  since  the  time  of  Quauhtlatoa  and  Mo- 
quihuix,  which  were  Lords  of  Tlatilulco.  The  Lords 
of  Mexico,  which  first  enioyned  to  those  of  Tlatilulco, 
to  pay  tribute,  and  to  acknowledge  their  subiection, 
were  Yzcoat9i  and  Axiaca^i."  Sometimes  merchants' 
guilds  or  individuals  did  not  pay  their  taxes  at  the 
regular  assessment  of  the  town  in  which  they  lived, 
but  did  so  according  to  prior  arrangement  made  with 
the  revenue  officers. 

In  addition  to  the  taxes  levied  upon  private  indi- 
viduals, each  town  contributed  a  large  number  of  cot- 
ton garments,  with  a  certain  quantity  of  breadstuffs 
and  feathers  and  such  other  productions  as  were  a 
specialty  of  the  province  in  which  it  was  situated. 
Mazatlan,  Xoconocho,  Huehuetlan,  and  other  towns  on 
the  Pacific  coast,  paid,  besides  the  cotton  garments, 
four  thousand  bundles  of  fine  feathers  of  divers  colors, 
two  hundred  sacks  of  cocoa,  forty  tiger-skins,  and  one 
hundred  and  sixty  birds  of  a  certain  species.  Coyola- 
pan,  Atlacuechahuaxan,  Huaxyacac,  and  other  towns 
of  the  Zapotecs,  forty  pieces  of  gold  of  a  specified  size, 
and  twenty  sacks  of  cochineal.  Tlachquiauhco,  Ayot- 
lan,  and  Teotzapotlan,  twenty  vessels  of  a  fixed  size 
filled  with  gold  dust.  Tochtepec,  Otlatitlan,  Coza- 
malloapan,  Michapan  and  other  places  on  the  gulf  of 
Mexico,  besides  cotton  garments,  cocoa,  and  gold,  paid 
twenty-four  thousand  bundles  of  exquisite  feathers  of 
various  qualities  and  colors,  six  necklaces,  two  of 
which  were  of  the  finest  emerald,  and  four  of  the  com- 
moner description,  twenty  ear-rings  of  amber  set  in 
gold,  and  an  equal  number  made  of  crystal  rock,  one 
hundred  pots  of  liquid  amber,  and  sixteen  thousand 
loads  of  India-rubber.  Tepeyacac,  Quecholac,  Teca- 
machalco,  Acatzinco  and  other  towns  of  that  region 
of  country,  each  contributed  four  thousand  sacks  of 
lime,  four  thousand  loads  of  solid  reed  for  building 
purposes,  with  as  many  of  smaller  reed  for  making 
darts,  and  eight  thousand  loads  of  reeds  filled  with 


284 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


aromatic  substances.  Malinaltepec,  Tlalcozauhtitlan, 
Olinallan,  Ichcatlan,  Qualac,  and  other  southern  towns 
situated  in  the  warm  region,  paid  each  six  hundred 
measures  of  honey,  forty  large  jars  of  yellow  ochre 
for  paint,  one  hundred  and  sixty  copper  shields,  forty 
round  plates  of  gold  of  fixed  dimensions,  ten  small 
measures  of  fine  turquoises,  and  one  load  of  smaller 
turquoises.  Quauhnahuac,  Panchimalco,  Atlacholo- 
ayan,  Xiuhtepec,  Huitzilac,  and  other  towns  of  the 
Tlahuicas,  paid  each  sixteen  thousand  large  leaves 
of  paper,  and  four  thousand  xicalli,  or  gourds,  of  dif- 
ferent sizes.  Quauhtitlan,  Tehuilloyocan,  and  other 
neighboring  towns,  each  gave  eight  thousand  mats 
and  eight  thousand  icpalli,  or  stools.  Some  cities  paid 
their  taxes  with  fire- wood,  stone,  and  beams  for  build- 
ing; others  with  copal-gum;  others  sent  to  the  royal 
houses  and  forests  a  certain  number  of  birds  and 
animals,  such  as  Xilotepec,  Michmaloyan,  and  other 
cities  of  the  Otomis,  which  were  each  compelled  to 
furnish  yearly  forty  live  eagles  to  the  king.  After 
the  Matlaltzincas  were  made  subject  to  the  Mexican 
crown  by  King  Axayacatl,  they  were  required  not  only 
to  pay  a  heavy  tax  in  kind,  but  also  to  keep  under 
cultivation  a  field  of  seven  hundred  toesas^  by  three 
hundred  and  fifty,  for  the  benefit  of  the  army.  As 
the  Saxon  king  imposed  a  tax  of  wolves'  heads  upon 
his  subjects  for  the  purpose  of  ridding  his  kingdom  of 
those  ravenous  animals,  so  did  the  Mexican  monarchs 
exact  from  those  who  were  too  poor  to  pay  the  regular 
taxes  a  certain  quantity  of  snakes,  scorpions,  centi- 
pedes and  other  obnoxious  creatures.  Lice,  especially, 
were  contributed  in  large  numbers  in  Mexico."  It  is 
related  that  soon  after  Cortds  arrived  in  the  city  of 
Mexico,  certain  cavaliers  of  his  force,  among  whom 


3,3  xhe  tocsa  is  the  same  thing  as  the  French  toise,  which  is  6.3945  Eng- 
lish feet,  or  seven  Castilian  feet. 

^*  Tezozomoc,  Crdnica  Mex.,  in  Kingsborow/h's  Mex.  Antiq.,  torn,  ix., 
pp.  17-18;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  206;  Clavigero,  Storia 
Ant.  del  Mesneo,  torn,  i.,  p.  275;  Zutuo,  Carta,  in  Jcazbalceta,  Col.  de 
Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  366;  Cortia,  Hist.  N.  Espaiia,  p.  173. 


TAXES  PAID  IN  Y^KMIN 

were  Alonso  de  Ojeda  and  Alonso  de  Mata,  were 
roaming  through  the  royal  palace,  admiring  its  great 
extent  and  all  its  wonders,  doubtless  with  an  eye 
to  plunder,  when  they  came  across  some  ba^s,  filled 
with  some  soft,  fine,  and  weighty  material;  never 
doubting  but  that  it  umst  bo  valuable,  they  hastened 
to  untie  the  mouth  of  one  of  the  sacks,  when  to  their 
disgust  and  disappointment  they  found  its  contents  to 
consist  of  nothing  but  lice,  which,  as  they  afterwards 
ascertained,  had  been  paid  as  tribute  by  the  poor.** 
Duties  were  levied  upon  property,  manufactures,  and 
articles  exposed  for  sale  in  the  market-places,  in  pro- 
portion to  the  wealth  of  the  person  taxed  or  the  value 
of  the  merchandize  sold.  Produce  and  merchandize 
of  every  description,  carried  into  the  city  of  Mexico, 
was  subject  to  toll  duties,  which  were  paid  into  the 
royal  treasury. 

The  proportion  in  which  taxes  were  paid  is  stated 
at  from  thirty  to  thirty-three  per  cent.,  or  about  one 
third  of  everything  made  and  produced.  Oviedo  affirms 
that  each  taxpayer,  in  addition  to  one  third  of  his 
property,  delivered  one  out  of  every  three  of  his  chil- 
dren, or  in  lieu  thereof  a  slave,  for  the  sacrifice;  if  he 
failed  to  do  this  he  forfeited  his  own  life.* 

The  government  had  in  the  head  town  of  each 
province  large  warehouses  for  the  storage  of  bread- 
stuffs  and  merchandize  received  by  the  tax-gatherers; 

^  Torquetnada  adds;  '  Ai  qiiien  diga,  que  no  eran  Pioios,  sino  Gusanillos; 
pero  A'o""":  de  Ojeda  en  sua  Menioriales,  lo  certifica  de  vista,  y  lo  misnio 
Aiuaso  de  Mata.'  Monarq.  Lid.,  ton",   i.,  p.  461. 

30  'Ddbanle  sus  vassallos  en  tribute  ordinario  de  tres  hiios  uno,  y  el 
que  no  tenia  hijos  avia  de  dar  un  indio  6  india  para  sacrificar  a  sus  dieses,  6 
si  no  lo  daban,  avian  de  sacriticarle  d  61.'  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  p. 
502.  Nowhere  else  do  I  find  mention  of  such  a  custom,  although  in  Mi- 
choacan  the  despotic  power  of  the  king,  and  his  tyrannous  abuse  of  it,  led 
to  almost  the  same  results.  In  Michoacan:  'Tributauan  al  Key  quanto 
tcnian  y  el  queria,  hasta  las  mugeres  y  hijos,  si  los  queria;  do  manera  quo 
eran  mas  que  esclauos,  y  viuian  en  terrible  seruidumbre.'  Herrera,  Hist. 
Gen.,Aec.  lii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  x.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xiii.  'Si  bien  toda.s  las 
atenciones  dedicadas  &  los  decorosos  mugeriles  privilegios  destruian  la  su- 
jecion  del  tributo  li  sus  Monarcas,  sirviendolos  en  la  ceguedad  de  of  recerles 
no  solo  la  hacienda,  y  la  vida,  sinud  sus  proprias  mugeres,  en  caso  de  discur- 
rir  aceptable  el  vergonzoso  obsequio.'  balazary  Olarle,  Hist.  Conq.  Mex., 
torn,  ii.,  pp.  69-70. 


THE  JIAHUA  NATIONS. 


also  auditing  ofRces  to  which  the  calpixques,  or  stew- 
ards of  the  revenue,  were  required  to  render  a  very 
strict  account  of  their  collections,  and  such  as  were 
convicted  of  embezzlement,  were  immediately  put  to 
death  and  their  property  confiscated.*'  In  the  royal 
treasury  were  pamtings  by  which  were  recorded  the 
tributary  towns,  and  the  quantity  and  kind  of  tribute 
paid  by  each.  In  the  Codex  Mendoza  may  be  seen 
thirty-six  such  paintings,  each  one  of  which  represents 
the  principal  towns  of  one  or  of  several  provinces  of 
the  empire,  together  with  the  quantity  and  quality  of 
the  taxes  and  the  time  when  they  were  paid.** 

The  personal  and  ordinary  service  consisted  in  pro- 
viding every  day  iAie  water  and  wood  needed  at  the 
chiefs'  houses;  this  was  distributed  from  day  to  day 
among  the  towns  or  wards,  and  thus  each  individual 
was  occupied  in  rendering  such  service  once  or  twice 
in  the  year  at  the  utmost.  Residents  in  the  vicinity 
were  the  only  ones  so  subjected,  and  then,  in  considera- 
tion of  such  service,  were  exempted  from  paying  a 
portion  of  the  imposts.  Other  labor  wa  mostly  done 
by  slaves,  of  whom  there  were  large  numbers. 
Foreign  provinces  subjected  by  the  empire  without 
having  made  any  resistance,  were  not  required  to  pay 
a  fixed  tribute,  but  sent  several  times  in  the  year 
whatever  they  thought  proper,  as  a  present  to  the 
king,  who  showed  himself  more  or  less  gracious  accord- 
ing to  the  value  of  the  presents.  No  calpixques  or 
tax-gatherers  were  placed  in  such  provinces  by  the 
Mexican  sovereign,  but  they  continued  under  the  rule 
of  their  own  chiefs.  Such  countries  as  were  reduced 
by  war,  had  to  submit  to  the  rigorous  conditions  im- 
posed by  the  conqueror,  and  bore  the  name  of  tequitin 
tlacotl,  which  means  'paying  tribute  like  slaves.'  Ov 
them  were  stationed  stewards  and  calpixques,  wh< 
authority  even  over  the  lords  of  the  country,  and       o 

"  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lilt,  viii.,  p.  307. 

^i  Codex  Mendoza,  in  Purchas  hiit  Pilgrtmes,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  1080-1101; 
Id.,  in  Kingshorouqh'a  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  v.,  pp,  54-89,  vol.  i.,  plates  xix- 
Ivii;  Cortia,  Hist.  N.  Espaila,  p.  176;  Cortfs,  t^artas,  p.  110, 


TAXATION  UNDEIl  MONTEZUMA  H. 


987 


besides  recovering  the  tributes  forced  men  to  cultivate 
land,  and  women  to  spin,  weave,  and  embroider  Cor 
their  private  benefit;  indeed,  so  great  was  their 
tyranny,  that  whatever  they  coveted  they  were  sure 
to  obtain  by  fair  means  or  foul.  Tlie  kings  of  Tezcuco 
and  TIacopan,  and  other  sovereign  lords,  allies  of  the 
king  of  Mexico,  shared  these  tributes  if  they  aided  in 
the  co.iquest." 

The  sovereigns  selected  the  calpixques  from  among 
the  Aztec  p'dli,  or  nobles  of  inferior  rank.  They  were 
under  the  supervision  of  the  chief  treasurers  or  huey- 
calpix(juen,  who  resided  at  the  several  capitals,  and 
it  was  their  duty  to  gather  the  tributes  or  taxes,  and 
to  see  that  the  lands  belonging  to  the  municipalities  or 
to  private  persoas  were  kept  under  cultivation.  The 
duties  of  these  calpixques  were  not  very  arduous  at 
first,  as  the  people  generally  hastened  to  pay  their 
taxes  before  being  called  upon ;  but  during  the  reign 
of  Montezuma  1 1,  the  taxes  increased  so  enonnously, 
owing  to  the  great  extravagance  of  the  court,  that  this 
commendable  zeal  cooled  down  very  considerably.  The 
bulk  of  tlie  immense  wealth  which  the  conquerors  saw 
with  so  much  admiration  at  Montezuma's  court  was 
the  result  of  this  excessive  taxation,  and  it  was  one 
of  the  main  causes  of  that  alienation  of  the  people 
from  their  sovereign  which  rendered  the  conquest  a 
possible  achievement.  Notwithstanding  the  easy  dis- 
position of  the  taxpayers,  they  could  not  submit 
patiently  to  a  yoke  so  onerous.  The  merchants, 
whose  trading  expeditions  had  been  so  useful  to  the 
state  in  former  times,  were  no  less  overwhelmed  by 
the  taxes  than  the  inhabitants  of  conquered  prov- 
inces by  the  tributes.  It  was  among  that  powerful 
class  that  the  first  symptoms  of  defection  were  noticed. 
To  the  main  grievance  was  addod  tiiv?!  tyranny  and 
harshness  exhibited  by  the  revenue  officei£  in  collect- 
ing the  taxes.     They  carried  a  small  rod  in  one  hand 

^  Tdpia,  Relacion,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  692. 


mm 


■ 


988 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


and  a  feather  fan  in  the  other,  and,  accompanied  by  a 
large  retinue  of  understrappers,  went  throujSfh  cities 
and  fields,  unmercifully  maltreating  the  unfortunate 
beings  who  could  njt  promptly  comply  with  their 
demands,  and  even  ielling  them  into  slavery ;  at  least 
it  is  certain  that  such  sales  occurred  in  conquered 
provinces. 

From  the  first  years  of  his  reign  Montezuma  II. 
began  to  oppress  the  merchants  with  heavy  taxation, 
even  upon  the  most  trifling  things.  The  greatest  suf- 
ferers were  the  retail  dealers,  who  had  to  pay  excess- 
ive duties  upon  the  merchandise  they  introduced  into 
the  principal  tiangueZy  or  market-place,  from  which 
such  merchandise  was  taken  to  the  lesser  market-places. 
But  the  king  and  his  creatures  finding  that  this  did 
not  directly  injure  the  wholesale  traders,  among  whom 
were  the  judges  of  the  mercantile  court, — that  is  to 
say,  the  consuls  and  syndics,  so  to  name  them,  of  the 
company  of  Tlatelulco, — witnesses  were  soon  found  to 
trump  up  charges  of  high  treason  against  them,  which 
ended  in  their  being  put  to  death,  and  their  goods 
and  chattels  confiscated  and  distributed  among  the 
people  of  the  royal  household.  A  very  large  por- 
tion of  the  taxes  and  tributes  was  expended  in  sup- 
porting the  army,  the  public  employees,  the  poor  and 
destitute,  such  as  widows,  orphans,  and  the  aged,  and 
also  in  providing  food  for  the  people  in  times  of  great 
scarcity,  but  almost  as  large  a  portion  was  appropri- 
ated by  the  king  to  his  own  uses.*"     It  was  by  such 

<•  Torqiiemnda,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  147,  206,  231,  461,  tom.ii.,  pp. 
845-7,  560;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mer.,{o\.  111-13;  LasUasas,  Hist.  Apologihca, 
MS.,  cap.  cxli.;  Toribio  and  Olarfe,  in  Ternaux-Coinpana,   Voy.,  serie  i., 


torn.  X.,  pp.  401-8;  Fucnlcal,  in  Id.,  pp.  244-54;  Chaves,  Rapport,  in  Id., 
wSric  ii.,  torn,  v.,  p.  301;  Simnucas,  in  7a.,  e&ne  i.,  torn,  x.,  pp.  229-31;  Ca- 
marrjo,   Hi»t.    Tlax.,   in  Nouvclles  Annale.t  de»  Voy.,  1843,  toin.  xcviii., 


pp.  180,  198-9;  Witt,  Lettre  in  Tcrnaux-thtiipans,  Vot/.,  wirie  ii.,  toin. 
v.,  pp.  284-93;  Aemta,  Hist,  dr  las  Yud..  pp.  481  2;  ikrnal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Conq.,  fol.  08;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mcj.,  toin.  iii.,  pfj.  189-90,  193-3; 
PrcJicotCs  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  38-40;  Solis,  Hist.  Conq.  xex.,  toni.  i.,  pp. 
417-19;  Pimentel,  Mem.  sobre  la  Raza  Indigcna,  pp.  .36-7;  Carhajnl  E^- 
no.in,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  99,  101,  437,  496,  589-9.^,  631,  ton-,  ii.,  p. 
203;  Laet,  Xovtu  Orhis,  n.  240;  Dice.  Univ.,  torn,  x.,  p.  637;  B'asseurde 
Jiourbourg,  Hist,  Nat.  uiv.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  600-0;  Cariujal,  IH'ictirso,  pp. 


SELFISHNESS  OF  MONTEZUMA  II. 

acts  as  these  that  Montezuma  II.  undid  the  work  of 
his  fathers,  and  spoiled  the  harmony  of  his  realm  by 
caring  only  for  his  own  glory  and  that  of  his  court. 

36,  45-6,  58;  Dillon,  Hist.  Mex.,  pp.  42-5;  Klcmtn,  Cnltur-Gcsr.hichte,  pp. 
65,  59,  68-72,  211;  Baril,  Mcxique,  pp.  206-8;  Busaieire,  L'Empire  Mex., 
pp.  153-8;  Soden,  Spanierin  Peru,  torn,  ii.,  p.  13;  Latiifa  Polynesian  Nat., 
p.  99;  BrotvneU'g  Iiid.  Races,  p.  83;  Touron,  Hist.  Gin.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  25-9, 
38;  Monglave,  Bimmi,  pp.  23,  65. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

EDUCATION,     BiARRIAGE,     CONCUBINAGE,     CHILDBIRTH,     AND 

BAPTISM. 


Education  of  the  Nahua  Youth— Manner  of  Punishment— Mar- 
RiAOE  Preliminaries— Nuptial  Ceremony— Observance  after 
Marriage- Mazateo,  OtomI,  Ciiichimec,  andToltec  Marriages 
—Divorce— CoNcuniNAOE— Ceremonies  Preliminary  to  Child- 
birth—Treatment OF  Pregnant  Women— Proceedings  of  Mid- 
wife-Superstitions WITH  REGARD  TO  WoMEN  WHO  DiED  IN 
Childbed— Abortion— Baptism— Speeches  of  Midwife— Naming 
OF  Children— Baptism  amon(}  the  Tlascaltecs,  Miztecs,  and 
Zapotecs— Circumcision  and  Scarification  of  Infants. 

In  examininj^  the  domestic  customs  of  the  Nahua 
nations  it  will  be  as  well  to  first  inquire  how  their 
children  were  reared  and  instructed.  The  education 
of  a  child  was  commenced  hy  its  j)aronts  as  soon  as  it 
was  able  to  walk,  and  was  finished  by  the  priests. 
Aside  from  the  superstitious  and  idolatrous  flavor  with 
which  everything  Aztec  was  more  or  less  tainted,  the 
care  taken  to  mold  aright  the  minds  of  the  youth  of 
both  sexes  is  worthy  of  admiration.  Both  parents 
and  priests  strenuously  endeavored  to  inspire  their 
pupils  with  a  horror  of  vice  and  a  love  of  truth.  Re- 
spect for  their  elders  and  nuKlesty  in  their  actions  was 
one  of  their  first  lessons,  an»l  lying  was  severely  pun- 
ished. 

In  a  series  of  ancient  Aztec  ])aintings,  which  give 

a  hieroglyphical  history  of  the  Aztecs,  are  represented 
(a«o) 


EDUCATION  OF  YOUTH. 


Ml 


la 

r 
ti 
t 


r 


the  manner  in  which  children  were  brought  up,  the 
portion  of  food  allowed  them,  the  labors  they  were 
employed  in,  and  the  punishments  resorted  to  by 
parents  for  purposes  of  correction.  Purchas  relates 
that  the  book  containing  this  picture-history  with  in- 
terpretations made  by  natives,  was  obtained  by  the 
Spanish  governor,  who  intended  it  for  a  present  to  the 
emppror  Charles  V.  The  ship  on  which  it  was  carried 
was  ci*ptured  by  a  French  man-of-war,  and  the  book 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  French  king's  geographer, 
Andrew  Thevet.  At  his  death  it  was  purchased  for 
twenty  French  crowns  by  Richard  Hakluyt,  then 
chaplain  to  the  English  ambassador  at  the  French 
court,  and  was  left  by  him  in  his  last  will  and  testa- 
ment to  Samuel  Purchas,  who  had  woodcut  copies 
made  from  the  original  and  published  them,  with 
explanatory  text,  for  the  benefit  of  science  and 
learning.  In  that  part  of  the  work  which  relates 
to  the  bringing  up  and  education  of  children, — a 
specimen  page  of  whicih  is  given  in  the  chapter  of 
this  volume  which  treats  of  hieroglyphics, — a  boy 
and  girl  with  their  father  and  mother  are  depict- 
ed ;  three  small  circles,  each  of  which  represents  one 
year,  show  that  the  children  are  three  years  of  age, 
while  the  good  counsel  they  are  receiving  issues  vis- 
ibly from  the  father's  lips;  half  an  oval  divided  in 
its  breadth  shows  that  at  this  age  they  were  allowed 
half  a  cake  of  bread  at  each  meal.  During  their 
fourth  and  fifth  years  the  Iwys  are  accustomed  to  light 
ln)dily  labor,  such  as  carrying  light  burdens,  while  the 
girl  is  shown  a  distaff  by  her  mother,  and  instructed 
in  its  use.  At  this  age  their  ration  of  bread  is  a 
whole  cake.  During  their  sixth  and  seventh  years  the 
pictures  show  how  the  parents  begin  to  make  their 
children  useful.  The  boy  follows  his  father  to  the 
market-place,  carrying  a  light  load,  and  while  there 
occupies  himself  in  gathering  up  grains  of  com  or 
other  trifles  that  hapjxjn  to  be  spilt  alwut  the  stalls. 
The  girl  is  represented  as  spinning,  under  the  close 


Vol.  II.    10 


m4 


242 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


surveillance  of  her  mother,  who  lectures  and  directs 
her  at  the  same  time.  The  allowance  of  bread  is  now 
a  cake  and  a  half,  and  continues  to  be  so  until  the 
children  have  reached  their  thirteenth  year.  We 
are  next  shown  the  various  modes  of  punishing  un- 
ruly children.  When  eight  years  old  they  are  merely 
shown  the  instruments  of  punishment  as  a  warning. 
At  ten,  boys  who  were  disobedient  or  rebellious  were 
bound  hand  and  foot  and  pricked  in  difturent  parts  of 
the  body  with  thorns  of  the  maguey;  girls  were  only 
pricked  in  the  hands  and  wrists ;  if  this  did  not  suffice 
they  were  beaten  with  sticks.  If  they  were  unruly 
when  eleven  years  old  they  were  held  over  a  pile  of 
burning  chile,  and  forced  to  inhale  the  smoke,  which 
caused  great  pain.*  At  twelve  years  of  age  a  bad 
boy  was  bound  hand  and  foot  and  exposed  naked  in  a 
damp  i)lace  during  an  entire  day ;  the  naughty  girl  of 
the  same  ajye  was  oblisfed  to  rise  in  the  nioht  and 
sweep  the  whole  house.''  From  the  age  of  thirteen 
years  the  allowance  of  bread  was  increased  to  two 
cakes.  Between  the  ages  of  thirteen  and  fifteen  the 
boys  were  employed  in  bringing  wood  from  the  mount- 
ains by  land  or  in  canoes,  or  in  catching  fish ;  the  girls 
spent  their  time  in  grinding  corn,  cooking,  and  weav- 
ing. At  fifteen,  the  boys  were  delivered  to  the  priests 
to  receive  religious  instruction,  or  were  educated  as 
soldiers  by  an  officer  called  Achcauhtli.^ 

The  schools  and  seminaries  were  annexed  to  the 
temples,  and  the  instruction  of  the   young  of  both 


- 


4 


•  riiivijjcro  writes:  'NcUa  dijiintiimciiiqiiantcHimaHccoiulusi  rapprcscn- 
tano  due  i'a;;a%zi  (I'miiUci  aiiiii,  ai  quali  |M>r  iioii  CHsersi  eiiioiulati  eim  altri 
Ka!tti;;lii,  faiiiio  i  lor  I'adri  ricevcrc  iicl  iiutto  il  fmiio  del  VliiUi,  o  uia  ]M!vc- 
Duc'  I'lariifrro,  Sforia  Ant.  (/el  Mcssico,  toin.  ii.,  p.  103.  Hut  thin  is  a 
mistake;  in  this  picture  we  see  a  ;;;irl  iMiinj;  punished  hy  her  niutlier  in  tiie 
manner  dcscriliod,  and  a  Inty  hy  his  fatlicr. 

*  ('lavit^ero  mentions  tliiM}rirl  as  'una  putta. . .  .cui  fasuaMadrcspazzar 
la  notte  tutta  la  easa,  c  parte  della  strada.'  Storia  Ant.  del  Mn.ssico,  toni. 
ii.,  p.  103. 

^  For  these  picture-writings  and  the  interpretations  of  thcni,  sec:  Pur- 
r.hnn  hi»  PilgriiMs,  vcd.  iv.,  pp.  1103-7;  Codex  llmUcinn,  in  Kiiignhoronff/t'a 
Afex.  Antiq.,  vol.  i.,  idatcs  5U-62;  Codex  Mendoza,  in  Id.,  vol.  i.,  and  vol.  v., 
pp.  92-7;  Carhnjnl  Ktpinom,  Hist.  Mcx.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  TiCO-STo;  Clavigero, 
Storia  Ant.  del  Meutiw,  tuni.  ii.,  pp.  lOS-3. 


SCHOOLS  FOR  YOUTHS. 


243 


sexes  was  a  monopoly  in  the  hands  of  the  priests.  In 
general  boys  were  sent  to  the  colleges  between  the 
ages  of  six  and  nine  years;  they  were  dressed  in 
black,  their  hair  was  left  uncut,*  and  they  were  placed 
under  the  charge  of  priests  specially  appointed  for 
that  purpose,  who  instructed  them  m  the  branches 
most  suitable  to  their  future  calling.  All  were  in- 
structed in  religion  and  particular  attention  was  given 
to  good  behavior  and  morals.  No  women  were  per- 
mitted to  enter  the  college,  nor  could  the  youths  on 
any  account  have  communication  with  the  other  sex. 
At  certain  seasons  they  were  required  to  abstain  from 
various  kinds  of  food. 

The  schools,  or  colleges,  were  of  two  distinct  classes. 
Those  attended  by  the  common  people  were  called 
telpjchcalli,  or  'houses  of  the  youths;'  there  was  one 
of  these  in  each  quarter  of  the  city,  after  the  manner 
of  our  public  schools,  and  the  parents  of  the  district 
were  required  to  enter  their  children  at  the  age  of  four 
or  five  years.  The  telpochtlato,  or  'chief  of  youth,' 
instructed  them  how  to  sweep  the  sanctuary,  to  replen- 
ish the  fire  in  the  sacred  censers,  to  clean  the  school- 
house,  to  do  penance,  more  or  less  severe  according  to 
tlieir  age,  and  to  go  in  parties  to  the  forest  to  gather 
wood  for  the  temple.  Each  pupil  took  his  meals  at 
the  house  of  his  parents,  but  all  were  obliged  to  sleep 
in  the  seminary.  At  nightfall  all  assembled  in  the 
citicacalco,  or  'house  of  song,'  and  were  there  taught 
the  arts  of  singing  and  dancing,  which  formed  part  of 
a  Mexican  education;  they  were  also  exercised  here 


*  'Tcninn  cstoa  fitenton  tainbicn  por  ley  que  todon  los  nifioH  llcgnclos  h 
lo»  Rcis  txiMn  liuHta  Ins  iiiicve  luiliiiin  <lc  etiviur  Ids  )iu<lres  ii  los  Tuniplos  piirn 
Hcr  iiistriiidos  en  In  doctrina  y  noticia  dc  huh  Icycs  Ins  cunles  contcniun  (Msi 
todiis  Ins  virtudcseHplirndnslucu  Icy  nuturnl.'  Litu  f  V«.v«.v,  /lisf.  A/mloi/clicn, 
Ms ,  van.  clxxv.,  ccxv.  'Tixlos  cstos  rclijjioHos  vistou  de  neyro  y  nnnca 
cortun  cl  caliello. . .  .y  todoH  Ioh  liijos  do  Ins  ]icrfu>nuH  piinripalcH,  nsi  sFflorcs 
ennui  ciudadanos  luiiirados,  cstau  en  miuclhis  rcli(riuncs  y  liiiMto  desdu  edad 
de  KJete  \\  oohn  nuns  fasta  <|iu!  los  Htu^an  imra  l«)s  casar.*  Cortrs,  ('ar/nx,  n. 
IOr>.  'Cuando  cl  nifio  lleji^alia  li  dicis  A  (locc  auoH,  nietiaiilc  en  In  casa  (ic 
cduoAcion  A  t'nlmccac.'  Suhnquii,  llisf.  Gen.,  toni.  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  \i.  .T2(>; 
Omedo,  Hitt.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  302;  Torqvemada,  Monarq.  IiuL,  torn,  ii., 
p.  187. 


244 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


in  the  use  of  arms.'  At  the  age  of  fifteen  or  sixteen, 
or  sometimes  earlier,  it  was  customary  for  the  parents 
to  withdraw  their  children  from  the  telpochcalli  that 
they  might  follow  a  trade  or  profession,  but  this  wa« 
never  done  without  first  making  a  present  to  the  tel- 
pochtlato.  The  schools  at  which  the  sons  of  the 
nobility  and  those  destined  to  be  priests  were  educated, 
were  called  calmecac,  which  means  a  college,  or  mon- 
astery. The  pupils  did  not  do  as  much  manual  labor 
as  those  educated  in  the  telpochcalli,  nor  did  they 
take  their  meals  at  home,  but  in  the  building.  They 
were  under  the  supervision  of  priests  of  the  Tlama- 
cazqui  order,  who  instructed  them  in  all  that  the  ple- 
beians learned,  besides  many  of  the  arts  and  sciences, 
such  as  the  study  of  heroic  songs  and  sacred  hynms, 
which  they  had  to  learn  by  heart,  history,  religion, 
philosophy,  law,  astronomy,  astrology,  and  the  writing 
and  interpreting  of  hieroglyphics.  If  not  quick  and 
diligent,  they  were  given  less  food  and  more  work; 
they  were  admonished  to  be  virtuous  and  chaste,  and 
were  not  allowed  to  leave  the  temple,  until  with  their 
father's  permission  they  went  out  from  it  to  be  mar- 
ried, or,  in  the  case  of  a  youth  of  strength  and  courage, 
to  go  to  the  wars ;  those  who  showed  qualities  fitted 
for  a  military  life  were  exercised  in  gymnastics  and 
trained  to  the  use  of  weapons,  to  shoot  with  the  bow, 
manage  the  shield,  and  to  cast  darts  at  a  mark.  Their 
courage,  strengtli,  and  endurance  underwent  severe 
tests;  they  were  early  aflbrded  opportunities  of  real- 
izing the  hardships  of  camp  life,  and,  while  boys,  were 
sent  to  carry  provisions  to  the  soldiers,  upon  which 
occasions  their  behavior  was  closely  watched,  and  a 
display  of  courage  met  with  suitable  promotion  and 
reward.® 


*  A  native  author  asserts  that  this  Miouse  of  song'  was  frequently  the 
si't-ne  of  debauch  and  licentiouiftiess.  Brusseur  de  Bourbonrg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Cii'.,  toin.  iii.,  i».  S.'i.S. 

*  'Los  hijos  de  los  nobles  no  se  libraban  tampoco  de  facnas  corporales, 
pues  hacian  zanjas,  conHtniian  paredcs  y  dcscnipeflatmn  otnw  traliajos  seme- 
jantes,  aunquc  tanibieu  no  le.s  i-nsefiulHi  d  iiablur  b'.cn,  saludar,  haccr  revcr- 


FEMALE  SEMINARIES. 


246 


Annexed  to  the  temples  were  large  buildings  used 
as  seminaries  for  girls.  The  maidens  who  were  edu- 
cated in  them  were  principally  the  daughters  of  lords 
and  [)rinee8.  They  were  presided  over  by  matrons  or 
vestal  priestesses,  brought  up  in  the  temple,  who 
watched  over  those  committed  to  their  care  with 
great  vigilance.  Day  and  night  the  exterior  of  the 
building  was  strictly  guarded  by  old  men,  to  prevent 
any  intercourse  between  the  sexes  from  taking  place ; 
the  maidens  could  not  even  leave  their  apartments 
without  a  guard ;  if  any  one  broke  this  rule  and  went 
out  alone,  her  feet  were  pricked  with  thorns  till  the 
blood  flowed.  When  they  went  out,  it  was  together 
and  accompanied  by  the  matrons ;  upon  such  occasions 
they  were  not  allowed  to  raise  their  eyes,  or  in  any 
way  take  notice  of  anyone ;  any  infringement  of  these 
rules  was  visited  with  severe  punishment.  The  maid- 
ens had  to  sweep  those  precincts  of  the  temple  occu- 
pied by  them,  and  attend  to  the  sacred  fire ;  they  were 
taught  the  tenets  of  their  religion  and  shown  how  to 
draw  blood  from  their  bodies  when  offering  sacrifice 
to  the  gods.  They  also  learned  how  to  make  feather- 
work,  and  to  spin,  and  weave  mantles;  particular  at- 
tention was  given  to  their  personal  cleanliness;  they 
were  obliged  to  bathe  frequently,  and  to  be  skil- 
ful and  diligent  in  all  household  affairs.  They  were 
taught  to  speak  with  reverence,  and  to  humble  them- 
selves in  the  presence  of  their  elders,  and  to  observe 
a  modest  and  bashful  demeanor  at  all  times.  They 
rose  at  day-break,  and  whenever  they  showed  them- 
selves idle  or  rude,  punishment  was  inflicted.  At 
night  the  pupils  slept  in  large  rooms  in  sight  of  the 
matrons,  who  watched  them  closely.  The  daughters 
of  nobles,  who  entered  the  seminaries  at  an  early  age, 
remained  there  until  taken  away  by  their  parents  to 
be  married.' 

cncios  y,  lo  ^ue  es  mas  importante,  aprcndian  la  ostronoinia,  la  liintoria  y 
(Icinos  conociinientoB  que  aquellas  Kcntes  alcanzaban.'  Pimentcl,  Mem.  sohre 
In  Raza  Jmfiffeua,  p.  CO;  Acoafn,  Hist,  de  las  Yiid.,  pp.  444-6. 

7 '  Iban  tail  huuestas  que  no  alzabau  Ioh  ojua  del  suelo,  y  hi  se  descuida- 


246 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Children  brought  up  in  the  house  of  their  parents 
were  taught  the  worship  of  the  gods,  and  were  fre- 
quently conducted  to  the  temple  in  order  that  they 
might  witness  the  religious  performances.  Military 
men  instructed  their  sons  in  the  use  of  weapons  and 
the  art  of  war,  and  lost  no  opportunity  of  inuring 
them  to  danger,  always  endeavoring  to  inspire  cour- 
age and  daring.  Laborers  and  artizans  usually  taught 
their  children  their  own  trade.  The  sons  of  the 
nobles  who  were  placed  in  the  seminaries  were  never 
permitted  to  go  out  unless  accompanied  by  one  of 
the  superiors  of  the  temple;  their  food  was  brought 
to  them  by  their  parents.  The  punishments  inflicted 
were  excessively  severe.  Liars  had  thorns  thrust  into 
their  lips;  and  sometimes,  if  the  fault  was  frequent, 
their  lips  were  slightly  split.  Those  who  were  negli- 
gent or  disobedient  were  bound  hand  and  foot,  and 
pricked  with  thorns  or  badly  pinched.  A  girl  who 
was  detected  looking  at  or  speaking  to  a  man  was 
severely  punished;  and  if  addicted  to  walking  the 
streets,  her  feet  were  tied  together,  and  pricked 
with  sharp  thorns.' 

There  was  in  Tezcuco,  during  the  reign  of  Neza- 
hualcoyotl,  a  large  seminary,  built  upon  the  west  side 
of  the  temple,  which  consisted  of  several  spacious 
halls  and  rooms,  with  a  courtyard,  and  was  called 
the  tlacoteo.  Here  the  king's  sons  were  brought  up 
and  instructed.  The  guardians  and  tutors  who  had 
charge  of  them  took  much  pains  to  instruct  them  in 

ban,  luego  les  hacian  sefial  que  recogiesen  la  vista las  mujeres  estaban 

por  si  en  piezus  apartudus,  no  salian  las  doncellas  de  sus  aposentos  d  la 

nuerta  6  verjeles  sin  ir  acompafladas  con  bus  guardas Siendo  las  nifias  de 

cinco  aflos  las  conicnzal>an  &  enseilar  d  hilar,  teier  y  labrar,  y  no  las  dcjaban 
andar  ociosas,  y  d  la  que  se  Icvantaba  de  labor  f  uera  de  tiempo,  atdbanlc  los 
pi^s,  porque  ascntasc  jr  estuvicse  queda.'  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  pp.  121-2. 
B  See  further,  for  information  on  the  education  of  the  Mexicans:  So- 
lis,  Hist.  Couq.  Mcx.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  421-3;  Carbajal,  Discurm,  pp.  17-18; 
Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  lii.,  pp.  563-4;  Bussierre, 
L'Empire  Mex.,  pp.  144-5;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  in.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xi.x.; 
Montanus,  Nieuwe  Weereld,  pp.  267-8;  Fuenleal,  in  Temaux-Cmupana, 
Voy.,  B^rie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  251;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  iv.;  Laet,  Novut 
Orbis,  p.  239;  Klemm,  Cultur-Getehickte,  torn,  v.,  pp.  38-47;  Chevalier, 
Mex.  Ancien  et  Mod.,  pp.  119-20. 


A  PARENTS  DISCOURSE  TO  HIS  SONS. 


MT 


everything  becoming  their  high  estate.  Besides  the 
use  of  arms,  they  were  taught  all  the  arts  and  sciences 
as  far  as  then  known,  and  were  made  fully  acquainted 
with  the  practical  working  of  precious  metals  and 
stones.  Separate  rooms  were  devoted  to  the  use  of 
the  king's  daughters,  where  they  were  given  an  edu- 
cation fitting  their  station.  In  accordance  with  a  law 
of  the  realm,  the  king,  his  children  and  relatives,  with 
their  guardians  and  masters,  and  the  grandees  of  the 
kingdom,  came  together  every  eighty  days,  in  a  large 
hall  of  the  tlacoteo;  all  were  seated  according  to 
rank;  the  males  on  one  side,  and  the  females  on  the 
other.  All  the  men,  even  those  of  royal  blood,  were 
dressed  in  coarse  garments  of  nequen,  or  maguey-fibre. 
An  orator  ascended  a  sort  of  pulpit  and  commenced 
a  discourse,  in  which  he  censured  those  who  had  done 
badly  during  the  last  eighty  days,  and  praised  those 
who  had  done  well;  this  he  did  without  favor,  not 
even  hesitating  to  blame  the  king  if  he  saw  fit.  The 
discourse  was  delivered  with  such  eloquence  and  feel- 
ing as  generally  to  move  the  audience  to  tears.* 

Sahagun,  Motolinia,  Mendieta,  and  other  early  wri- 
ters, who  were  well  acquainted  with  the  Mexican 
language,  give  us  specimens  of  the  exhortations  deliv- 
ered by  parents  to  their  children.  I  select  one  from 
the  first-mentioned  author,  as  an  example:  "Give  ear 
unto  me  and  hearken,  O  my  sons,"  says  the  Mexican 
parent,  "because  I  am  your  father;  and  I,  though 
unworthy,  am  chosen  by  the  gods  to  rule  and  govern 
this  city.  Thou  who  art  my  first-born  and  the  eldest 
of  thy  brothers;  and  thou  the  second,  and  thou  the 
third,  and  thou  the  last  and  least — know  that  I  am 
anxious  and  concerned,  lest  some  of  you  should  prove 
worthless  in  after  life;  lest,  perad venture,  not  one 
among  you  should  prove  worthy  to  bear  my  dignities 
and  honors  after  me ;  perhaps  it  is  the  will  of  the  gods 
that  the  house  which  I  have  with  so  great  labor  built 

*  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chieh.,  in  Kingtborough'a  Mtx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix., 
pp.  244-6. 


948 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


up,  shall  fall  to  the  ground  and  remain  a  ruin  aiid  a 
dung-hill ;  that  my  name  shall  be  no  more  remembered 
among  men ;  that  after  my  death  no  man  shall  speak 
well  of  me.  Hear  now  the  words  that  I  shall  speak 
unto  you,  that  you  may  learn  how  to  be  of  use  in  the 
world,  and  how  to  draw  near  unto  the  gods  that  they 
may  show  favor  to  you ;  for  this  I  say  unto  you,  that 
those  who  weep  and  are  grieved;  those  who  sigh,  pray 
and  ponder;  those  who  are  watchful  at  night,  and 
wakeful  in  the  morning  ,*^  those  who  diligently  keep 
the  temples  cleanly  and  in  order;  those  who  are  rev- 
erent and  prayerful — all  these  find  favor  with  the 
gods;  to  all  such  the  gods  give  riches,  honor,  and 
prosperity,  even  as  they  give  them  to  those  who  are 
strong  in  battle.  It  is  by  such  deeds  the  gods  know 
their  friends,  and  to  such  they  give  high  rank  and 
military  distinctions;  success  in  battle,  and  an  hon- 
orable place  in  the  hall  of  justice ;  making  thevn  par- 
ents of  the  sun,  that  they  may  give  meat  and  drink 
not  only  to  the  gods  of  heaven,  but  also  to  the  gods 
of  hell ;  and  such  as  are  thus  honored  are  revered  by 
all  brave  men  and  warriors:  all  men  look  on  them  as 
their  parents,  because  the  gods  have  shown  them  fa- 
vor; and  have  rendered  them  fit  to  hold  high  ofiices  and 
dignities  and  to  govern  with  justice ;  they  are  placed 
near  the  god  of  fire,  the  father  of  all  the  gods,  whose 
dwelling  is  in  the  water  surrounded  by  turreted  walls 
of  flowers,  and  who  is  called  Ayamictlan  and  Xiuh- 
tecutli;  or  they  are  made  lords  of  the  rank  of  Tla- 
catecutli  or  Tlacochtecutli,  or  they  are  given  some 
lower  post  of  honor.  Perchance  they  are  given  some 
such  office  as  I  now  hold,  not  through  any  merit  of  my 
own,  but  because  the  gods  know  not  my  unworthiness. 
I  am  not  what  I  am  by  my  own  asking;  never  did  I  say, 
I  wish  to  be  so  and  so,  I  desire  this  or  that  honor;  the 
gods  have  done  me  this  honor  of  their  own  will,  for 
surely  all  is  theirs,  and  all  that  is  given  comes  from 
their  hand ;  nor  shall  any  one  say,  I  desire  this  or  that 
honor,  for  the  gods  give  as  they  please  and  to  whom 


A  FATHER'S  ADVICE  TO  HIS  SONS. 


349 


they  please,  and  stand  in  need  of  counsel  from  none. 
Harken,  my  sons,  to  another  sorrow  that  afflicts  me 
when  I  arise  at  midnight  to  pray  and  do  penance. 
Then  I  ponder  many  things,  and  my  heart  riseH  and 
sinks  even  as  one  who  goes  up  and  down  mountains, 
for  I  am  satisfied  with  no  one  of  you.  Thou,  my  eld- 
est son,  dost  not  give  any  sign  of  improvement,  1  see 
in  thee  nothing  manly,  thou  remainest  ever  a  boy,  thy 
conduct  does  not  become  an  elder  brother.  And  thou, 
my  second  son,  and  thou,  my  third,  I  see  in  you  no 
discretion  or  manliness;  perad venture  it  is  because 
you  are  second  and  third  that  you  have  become  care- 
less. What  will  become  of  you  in  the  world?  Lo, 
now,  are  you  not  the  children  of  noble  parents?  Your 
parents  are  not  tillers  of  the  soil  or  woodcutters. 
What,  I  say  again,  will  become  of  you?  Do  you 
wish  to  be  nothing  but  merchants,  to  carry  a  staff 
in  your  hands  and  a  load  on  your  backs?  Will 
you  become  laborers  and  work  with  your  hands? 
Harken,  my  sons,  and  give  heed  unto  my  words,  and 
I  will  point  out  to  you  those  things  which  you  shall 
do.  See  to  the  proper  observance  of  the  danct  s,  and 
the  music,  and  the  singing,  for  thus  will  you  please 
both  the  people  and  the  gods;  for  with  music  and 
singing  are  favors  and  riches  gained.  Endeavor  to 
learn  some  honorable  trade  or  profession,  such  as  work- 
ing in  feathers  or  precious  metals;  for  by  such  means 
bread,  can  be  obtained  in  time  of  necessity.  Pay  atten- 
tion to  every  branch  of  agriculture,  for  the  earth  desires 
not  food  or  drink,  but  only  to  bring  forth  and  produce. 
Your  fathers  sought  to  understand  these  things,  for 
though  they  were  gentlemen  and  nobles  they  took 
care  that  their  estate  should  be  properly  cultivated. 
If  you  think  only  of  your  high  rank  and  are  unmind- 
ful of  these  things,  how  will  you  support  your  family, 
in  no  part  of  the  world  does  anyone  support  himself  by 
his  gentility  only.  But  above  all  study  well  to  pro- 
vide all  those  things  which  are  necessary  for  the  sus- 
tenance of  the  body,  for  these  are  the  very  foundation 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


of  our  being,  and  rightly  are  they  called  tonacaiutlto- 
mio,  that  is  to  say  our  flesh  and  bones,  because  it  is 
by  them  that  we  work,  live,  and  are  strong.  There 
is  no  man  in  the  world  but  what  eats,  for  each  one  has 
a  stomach  and  intestines.  The  greatest  lords  need 
food,  the  most  valiant  warrior  must  carry  a  bag  of 
victuals.  By  the  sustenance  of  the  body  life  is  up- 
held, by  it  the  world  is  peopled.  See,  therefore,  my 
sons,  that  you  be  careful  to  plant  the  corn  and  the 
magueys,  for  do  we  not  know  that  fruit  is  the  delight 
of  children ;  truly  it  cools  and  quenches  the  thirst  of 
the  little  ones.  And  you,  boys,  do  you  not  like  fruit  ? 
But  how  will  vou  get  it  if  you  do  not  plant  and  grow 
it.  Give  heed,  my  sons,  to  the  conclusion  of  my  dis- 
course, and  let  it  bo  written  upon  your  hearts.  Many 
more  things  could  I  say,  but  my  task  would  never  be 
ended.  A  few  more  words  only  will  I  add  that  have 
been  handed  down  to  us  from  our  forefathers. 
Firstly,  I  counsel  you  to  propitiate  the  gods,  who  are 
invisible  and  impalpable,  giving  them  your  whole  soul 
and  body.  Look  to  it  that  you  are  not  puffed  up  with 
pride,  that  you  are  neither  obstinate,  nor  of  a  weak, 
vacillating  mind,  but  take  heed  to  be  meek  and  hum- 
ble and  to  put  your  trust  in  the  gods,  lest  they  visit 
your  transgressions  upon  you,  for  from  them  nothing 
can  be  hidden,  they  punish  how  and  whom  they 
please.  Secondly,  my  sons,  endeavor  to  live  at  peace 
with  your  fellow-men.  Treat  all  with  deference  and 
respect;  if  any  speak  ill  of  you  answer  them  not 
again ;  be  kind  and  affable  to  all,  yet  converse  not  too 
freely  with  any ;  slander  no  man ;  be  patient,  return- 
ing good  for  evil,  and  the  gods  will  amply  avenge  your 
wrongs.  Lastly,  my  children,  be  not  wasteful  of 
your  goods  nor  of  your  time,  for  both  are  precious ;  at 
all  seasons  pray  to  the  gods  and  take  counsel  with 
them ;  be  diligent  about  those  things  which  are  useful. 
I  have  spoken  enough,  my  duty  is  done.  Peradven- 
ture  you  will  forget  or  take  no  heed  of  mv  words.    As 


my 


MARRIAGE. 


you  will.     I  have  done  my  duty,  let  him  profit  by  my 
discourse  who  chooses. "  *" 

The  customary  murrying-age  for  young  men  was 
from  twenty  to  twenty-two,  and  for  girls  from  eleven 
to  eighteen."  Marriages  between  blood  relations  or 
those  descended  from  a  common  ancestor  were  not 
allowed.  A  brother  could,  and  was  enjoined  to,  marnr 
his  deceased  brother's  wife,  but  this  was  only  consid- 
ered a  duty  if  the  widow  had  offspring  by  the  first 
marriage,  in  order  that  the  children  might  not  be 
fatherless."  When  a  youth  reached  a  marriageable 
age,  he  or  his  parents  asked  permission  of  his  teacher. 
He  seldom  was  allowed  any  choice  of  his  own,  but 
was  expected  to  abide  by  the  selection  of  his  parents. 
It  rarely  happened  that  a  marriage  took  place  without 
the  sanction  of  parents  or  relatives,  and  he  who  pre- 
sumed to  choose  his  own  wife,  or  married  without 
such  cons'"'  *  had  to  undergo  penance,  and  was 
looked  upon  as  ungrateful,  ill-bred,  and .  apostate. 
In  some  parts  the  high  priest  commanded  them  to 
marry  when  they  arrived  at  the  proper  age,  and  he 
who  refused  to  comply  was  obliged  to  remain  conti- 
nent through  life,  and  dedicate  the  remainder  of  his 
days  to  the  service  of  the  gods.  Should  he  afterward 
repent  and  desire  to  marry,  he  wf^  despised  by  all 
his  friends  and  publicly  denounced  as  infamous,  inas- 
much as  he  had  shown  himself  to  be  devoid  of  firm- 
ness, and  unable  to  keep  the  vow  of  chastity  to  which 
he  had  voluntarily  bound  himself;  nor  would  any  re- 
spectable woman  afterward  accept  him  as  a  husband. 
In  Tlascala,  if  any  one  carelessly  allowed  the  time  to 
pass  by  without  taking  a  wife,  or  deciding  upon  a  life 

^0  Sahaaim,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  pp.  113-19.  A  literal  transla- 
tion of  Sanagun  would  bo  uniiitelligiblo  to  the  reader.  I  tlierefurc  have 
merely  followed  oa  closely  as  possible  the  spirit  and  sense  of  tiiis  discourHC. 
For  further  exhortations  and  advice  to  children  see  Id.,  pp.  119-52;  Men- 
diela.  Hist.  Ecles.,pp.  112;  Torqiteuytda,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  403-9; 
Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  i01-9. 

"  Although  Goniara  savs  'casan  ellos  a  lus  veinte  aflos,  y  aun  antes:  y 
ellas  4  diez.'  Conq.  Mex.,  tol.  314. 

>*  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  380;  Carbajal,  Diacurio,  p. 
16. 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 

of  chastity,  his  hair  was  cut  short  and  he  was  driven 
out  from  the  cf>mpaTiy  of  the  youths  with  whom  he 
was  educated. 

Cutting  the  hair  fomitd  a  part  of  the  marriage  cer- 
emony, but  the  mode  of  cutting  was  different  from 
that  of  the  penalty.^*  When  the  time  came  for  the 
parents  to  choose  a  wife  for  their  son,  all  the  relations 
were  called  together  and  informed  by  the  father  that 
the  youth  had  now  reached  an  age  when  'le  should  Ikj 
provided  with  a  wife ;  for  that  he  was  now  a  man,  and 
must  learn  how  to  perform  the  duties  of  a  man,  and 
refrain  from  boyish  tricks  and  promiscuous  intercourse 
with  women.  The  youth  was  then  summoned  before 
his  parents,  and  his  father  addressed  him,  saying: 
"My  son,  thou  art  now  a  man,  and  it  seems  to  us 
proper  to  search  among  the  maidens  for  a  wife  for 
thee.  Ask  thy  tutors  for  permission  to  separate  thy- 
self from  thy  friends,  the  youths  with  whom  thou 
hast  Ikjou  educated.  Make  known  our  wishes  to 
those  called  Telpuchtlatotjue,  who  have  the  charge 
of  thee."  The  youth  in  answer  expressed  his  willing- 
ness and  desire  to  enter  into  their  plans.  The  parents 
then  set  alxMit  preparing  a  Quantity  of  food,  su(;h  as 
tamales,  chocolate,  and  other  dishes ;  and  also  ])rovided 
a  small  axe,  which  wjis  to  Iwar  a  part  in  the  next  pro- 
ceeding. The  repast  l>eing  prepared,  an  invitation 
w;iM  sent  to  the  priests  who  were  instructors  of  the 
youth,  acc()mj)anied  with  presents  of  fixxl  and  i)i[)es 
of  tobacco;  all  the  relations  were  also  invited.  When 
the  meal  was  finished,  the  relations,  and  guardians  of 
the  ward  in  which  the  parents  of  the  pair  lived,  seated 
luemselves.  Then  one  of  the  youth's  relations,  ad- 
dressing  the    jmestly  instructors  of  the  youth  said : 

13  'Pfir  otro  rcHpi'ctfl  no  itu  ponn  triiH({iiilar  Ioh  tiilcft  nmncctHm,  Riiio  corc- 
inoiiiii  d«  HUH  cusuiiiieiitim:  iihIo  era,  |Nir  i|ii«!  ili'jiiiiilo  la  culN^llera  HitriiifK-iilta 
ilojar  lu  lozuiiia  y  liviuii<i»<l  ih*  iiiunci>lM>;  y  uhI  roiiin  iIuhiIi!  utU'lantc  halna 
lie  I'riar  iiiicva  forma  du  vuliellos,  tiiviuHu  iiiicva  m'ho  y  t'ordiini  |>aru  ntgir  mii 
iiiu}(or  y  cawi.  Itiim  crco  <|ii«>  (leltiit  ile  IiuInt  alKuna  ilifercncia  on  chIoh 
traH<|iiim(loH  cuaiKlo  so  tniH-^iilaliaii  |i4ir  ciTcioonia  6  |Mtr  |mmi>i.'  Lnii  (.'aitus, 
Jfiiif.  A fwUujHivAi,  MS.,  cap.  cxxxix.;  CiirltnjiU  KMfitnosu,  IHhI.  Mr.x.,  toin. 
i.  p.  577. 


PRELIMINARIES  TO  MARRIACE  CEREMONY. 


2&8 


"  Here,  in  the  presence  of  all,  we  Ikj^  of  you  not  to  be 
troubled  because  this  lad,  our  son,  desires  to  withdraw 
from  your  company,  and  to  take  a  wife ;  i)eho]d  this 
axe,  it  is  a  si^n  that  he  is  anxious  to  separate  from 
you;  accordinj^  to  our  Mexican  custom,  take  it,  and  leave 
us  the  youth."  Then  tlie  priest  answered:  "I,  and 
the  youn^  n>en  with  whom  your  son  has  been  educated 
have  heard  how  that  you  have  determined  to  marry 
him  and  that  from  henceforward,  forever,  he  will  be 
parted  from  us;  let  everythinj(  be  d/ne  as  you  M'ish." 
The  tutor  of  the  youth  next  dddres-cd  him,  entreat- 
injif  hitn  to  persevere  in  the  paths  of  virtue,  not  to  for- 
j(et  the  teachings  he  has  received,  and  to  continue  to 
be  a  zealous  servant  of  the  i^ods ;  he  advised  him  that 
as  he  was  now  about  to  take  a  wife  he  nuist  hi  careful 
to  [)rovido  for  her  sup])ort,  and  to  briiij»;  up  and  instruct 
his  children  in  the  same  ma»-;ier  as  he  luid  been  edu- 
cated. He  adjured  him  to  l)e  courageous  in  battle,  to 
honor  and  ol)ey  his  parents,  to  show  rosj)ect  to  his 
seniors  and  all  aij^ed  j)ersons ;  and  so  the  speaker  am- 
bled morally  alonij  at  some  length,  but  1  spare  the 
reader  the  remainder  of  the  discourse."  The  priests 
then  took  their  leave,  bearinjf  the  axe  with  them,  and 
the  youn<^  man  remained  in  his  father's  liouse. 

Soon  after  this  the  ])arents  called  the  relations 
tojrethor  once  more  to  consult  upon  the  selection  of  a 
maiden  suitable  to  be  the  wife  of  their  H)n.  Their 
Hrst  act,  and  otm'  ti.  it  w»is  of  ])aramount  importance, 
was  to  ascertain  the  <lay  and  sit>ii  of  hi^:  birth.  If 
they  were  niable  to  remember  or  «alculate  the  si<i^n 
tiiey  calle<l  in  the  aid  of  aHtrolojLfers,  or  soothsayers, 
who  by  certain  reckonings  and  ceremonies  interpreted 
all  they  Moujfht  to  know.  The  birtluhiy  an«l  sinnn  of 
the  damsel  were  in  likt;  maimer  ascertained..  If  the 
horosco|»e  of  both  was  favorable,  the  astrolojuj-ers  ])re- 
dicttid  a  happy  union  with  prosperity  and  j^ood  fortune 
to  both,  but  if  the  h'\<*uh  did  not  aj^ree   they  foretold 


**  Snhfiifun,    Hist,    (tvu.,  tiiiii.   ii.,   \\h.    vi.,  ji|..    ir)'2-H;  iVnnfiitii, 
Kflnx.,  p.  i'iri;   J.II.1 1'lixus,  Hint.  Apolui/^tiru,  MS.,  cup.  exxxix. 


Hint 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I 


adversity  and  evil  fortune,  and  it  became  iwcessary  to 
choose  another  maiden.  Once  asHured  of  a  favorable 
combination  according  to  the  auguries,  stejis  were 
taken  to  obtain  tlie  consent  of  tlie  girl's  parents.  For 
this  i)ur[)oso  the  ])arent8  and  relatives  of  the  youth 
connnissioned  two  old  women,  chosen  from  among  the 
most  discreet  and  virtuous  of  the  district,  who  were 
to  act  as  negotiators  in  the  affair;  these  were  called 
ciliuathtiKjni'.  I'hey  went  on  the  part  of  the  bride- 
groom and  (ronveyed  the  message  to  the  parents  or 
nearest  relatives  of  the  young  girl.  Their  first  visit 
was  made  shortly  after  midnight  or  upon  the  follow- 
ing morning,  upon  which  occjision  they  took  with  them 
some  presents  to  offer  to  the  girl's  juirents.  Upon 
their  arrival  they  c(mimenced  a  suitable  address,  in 
which  <^hey  formally  solicited  the  hand  of  the  girl  in 
niarrir.ge.  The  first  overture  was  invariably  n'je(;ted 
and  some  frivolous  excuse  given,  even  though  the 
girl's  relatives  might  be  niore  desirous  of  the  niateh 
than  those  who  solicited  it.  Tiie  emimssy  was  told 
that  the  girl  was  not  yet  of  an  agf-  to  marry,  or  that 
she  was  not  worthy  of  the  honor  (jilerod  )ier.  AfW 
some  few  more  such  compliments  \\h4  U>ji  \mu\,  tl*t 
nnitrons  retunmd  to  tho.se  who  had  M-nt  them.  A 
few  days  having  elapsed,  the  old  women  were  sent 
ba<'k  bearing  more  presents,  and  with  irwtructions  to 
again  solicit  tbe  alliance,  and  to  define  clearly  the 
position  of  tbe  suitor,  his  (|ualificationH  and  riches. 
U[K>n  this  secon<l  intervi.  w  the  negotiations  assumed 
a  more  business-like  asj#«!ct;  the  conversation  turned 
ujKm  the  portion  that  each  would  bring  to  i\\v  other, 
and  finally  the  relatives  of  the  girl  consented  U>  ron- 
nider  tiie  affair;  yet  they  still  maintained  a  semblan<!e 
of  reluctan<'e,  insisting  that  the  girl  was  not  worthy 
to  Inicome  the  wife  of  so  estimable  a  young  man;  but 
adding  that,  as  the  matter  wjis  urged  with  so  nnich 
im|M>rtunity,  they  would  on  the  morrow  assemble  all 
the  relations  of  the  young  woman,  that  they  nught 
consult   together   about  the  affair;   they  then  closed 


MARRIAGE  CEREMONIES. 


986 


the  conference  by  invitin}]f  their  visitors  to  be  present 
on  that  occasion  and  receive  their  final  decision. 

The  next  day  the  parents  of  the  j^-irl  called  a.  meeting 
of  all  her  relatives,  at  which  the  proposed  alliance  was 
discussed  with  due  deliberation;  and  the  «ifirl  bein<2f 
called  hdbre  them,  nmch  jfood  advice  was  j^iven  her; 
her  duties  as  a  wife  were  defined,  she  was  charged  to 
serve  and  j»lease  her  husband,  and  not  brintf  distj^race 
upon  her  parents.  Informatioii  of  their  decision  was 
then  sent  to  the  parents  of  the  yonnjr  man,  and  prep- 
arations for  a  tittinjt^  celebration  of  the  wtiddin;^  coni- 
meu<«^;d.  The  aujLfurs  were  consulted  and  requested 
to  name  a  lucky  day  for  the  ceremony ;  the  sij^ns 
AcatI,  Ozomatli,  Clpactli,  Quau/ifii,  or  Calli,  were 
deemed  most  favorable,  and  one  or  other  of  them  was 
j'-enerally  selected  for  the  celebratii)n  of  the  nuptials. 
Several  ensuinjL(  days  were  spent  by  both  families  in 
preparin<{'  for  the  maniatfe  celebration,  and  in  issuinif 
invitations  to  friends  and  relations.  The  ceremony 
was  always  perftjrmed  at  the  house  of  the  bride- 
ifT'-'UiH  parents,  where  the  best  rtK>m  was  put  in 
ord*r  for  tlu;  occasion;  the  roof  and  walls  were  fes 
t^KHH-fJ  with  ;^reet»  branches  and  garlands  of  Howers, 
diM|>.«s(;d  with  great  taste,  and  the  Hoor  was  strewn 
with  the  same.  In  the-  centre  st(K)d  a  brazier  con- 
t«iijiing  fire.  When  all  the  arrangements  were  com- 
pleted, certain  <»f  the  hridegroom's  friends  and  relatives 
went  t^)  the  houst!  of  his  intended  to  conduct  her  to 
the  r<«>iu.  if  the  distanct;  was  great,  or  the  bride 
the  dautfhter  of  a  l<»rd  or  gre-it  personage,  she  was 
h«»riie  upon  a  litter,  otherwise  she  was  carried  on  the 
k>a<'k  of  the  bridcM- woman,  or  sponsor,  a<«'ompaiiied  by 
a  large  concourse  of  people,  disjxised  in  two  rows  and 
iM-aring  tor(!hes.  The  i>ri<le  occuj)ied  the  centre  of 
th(!  prcM-ession,  and  innnediately  about  her  walked  her 
nj'arest  relatives.  As  the  procession  passed,  many  of 
the  lookers-on  profited  by  th»>  occasion,  to  point  her 
out  to  their  own  daughters  as  an  example  worthy  of 
emulation. 


286 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  bridegroom  met  his  betrothed  at  the  entrance 
of  his  house,  preceded  by  four  women  bearing  lighted 
torches;  in  his  hands  he  carried  a  censer  with  burning 
incense,  and  another  was  given  to  the  bride;  with 
these  they  at  once  perfumed  each  other,  and  the 
groom,  taking  lier  by  the  hand,  led  her  into  the  room 
prepared  for  the  ceremony.  They  were  then  seated 
upon  an  ornamented  and  i)ainted  mat  spread  close  to 
the  fireplace,  the  woman  being  placed  on  the  left  of 
the  man."  The  bridegroom's  mother  then  came  for- 
ward with  presents  for  her  daughter-in-law,  and 
dressed  her  in  a  huipil,  or  short  chemise,  at  the  same 
time  laying  at  her  feet  a  ciiatli,  or  skirt,  richly  em- 
broidered and  worked.  Next  the  bride's  mother  gave 
presents  to  the  bridegroom ;  she  covered  him  with  a 
mantle,  which  she  fastened  at  the  shoulder,  and  placed 
a  maxtli  or  breech-clout  at  his  feet.  The  most  im- 
portant part  in  the  ceremony  was  next  performed  by 
the  priest,  who  made  a  long  address  to  the  betrothed 
couple,  in  which  ho  defined  the  duties  of  the  married 
state,  and  pointed  out  to  them  the  obedience  a  wife 
should  observe  towards  her  husband,  and  the  care  and 
attention  the  latter  should  give  to  her,  how  that  he 
was  bound  to  maintain  and  supjjort  her,  and  the  chil- 
dren they  might  have.  He  was  enjoined  to  bring  up 
and  educate  his  children  near  him,  teaching  all  accord- 
ing to  their  abilities,  to  iiuiko  them  useful  members  of 
society,  and  to  instruct  them  in  habits  of  industry. 
A  wife's  duties,  he  said,  were  to  lalmr  and  aid  her 
husband    in   obtaining   sustenance   for   their   family. 

>^  *  Vcninn  Ior  dc  la  cnnn  del  niozn  A  llovnr  d  In  mnzn  dc  parte  do  nnchc: 
llcviitmiila  con  gruii  solctiinidud  itcufHttis  do  una  inatmnn,  y  eon  niueliiiH 
hacliUH  de  tcuM  euccndiduH  en  dim  rcncles  delantu  du  ellu.'  f^ufiat/ioi,  Hist. 
Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  82,  157.  'Pronubn,  <juum  AtiiuHlemm  \ocuhant, 
Hponnani  tergo  KoxtnuH,  niiatuor  f«uniiniH  coniitantil>uii  quw  pinois  ta>diH, 
prii'luecrcnt.  illani  jMwt  SoUh  oecHMiini,  nd  linicn  doniUH  in  qua  parentcs 
H|MinHi  nmnebunt,  HiHtclmt.'  Loff,  Noi-iis  Orhin,  |i.  2.30.  '  La  eelebraeion  era 
quo  lu  deH|M>Mudtt  lu  llevalm  d  cucHttm  &  prima  nm^lic  una  uniantcea,  «iuo  ch 
nicdien,  e  hi  bun  con  clIttM  euutro  niujereH  con  huh  acluiM  doitino  rexinaao  en- 
cenilidiu),  <  on  quo  la  liitmn  alunibrando,  y  lle^rndn  li  euwi  iicl  deH|N>Ha<lo,  I<m 
pailreH  del  dcHiMmado  la  Halian  li  r«ciliir  iil  |Mitio  tie  lu  cunu,  y  lu  nietinn  en 
nnii  Hula  domic  el  deM|Mi8ndo  lu  cst^jvii  u^unrdundu.'  Codex  Menduza,  in 
KiiiyHboruinjh's  Mex.  Anliq.,  vol.  v.,  p  IW. 


MARRIAGE  CEREMONIES. 


267 


Both  were  exhorted  to  be  faithful  to  one  another,  to 
maintain  peace  and  .harmony  between  themselves,  to 
overlook  each  other's  failings,  and  to  help  one  another, 
ever  bearing  in  mind  that  they  were  united  for  life  by 
a  tie  which  only  death  could  sever.  The  rites  of 
marriage  were  always  conducted  with  much  solem- 
nity, and  during  the  ceremony  nothing  was  said  or 
done  contrary  to  the  rules  of  modesty  and  decorum. 
At  the  conclusion  of  the  address  the  couple  stood  up, 
and  the  priest  tied  the  end  of  the  man's  mantle  tt)  the 
dress  of  the  woman;  they  then  walked  seven  times 
round  the  fire,  casting  therein  copal  and  incense,  and 
giving  presents  to  each  other,  while  tlieir  friends  and 
relatives  threw  chains  of  flowers  about  their  necks 
and  crowned  them  with  garlands."  The  mother-in- 
law  of  the  bride  now  brought  some  footl,  and  gave 
four  mouthfuls  to  the  bride  to  eat  and  ai'teiwards  gave 
the  same  quantity  to  the  bridegnwm.  They  then 
received  the  congratulations  of  their  friends,  while  at 
the  same  time  a  dance  was  performed  to  the  sound  of 
musical  instruments.  Accompanied  by  the  (hincers 
and  musicians,  the  newly  wedded  pair  was  conduttod 
to  the  temple,  at  the  door  of  which  the  tlamacax<]iies, 
or  priests,  appeared  to  receive  them.  While  the  com- 
pany remained  below,  the  wedded  cou})le  witli  their 
sponsors  and  parents  ascended  the  stei)s  of  the  temple. 
The  priest  Avore  his  robes  of  ceremony,  and  eanieJ  in 
his  hand  an  incensory  filled  with  incense,  with  which 

'•  'I'll  sftcordoto  atabii  una  piinta  dnl  ftiiripilli,  <'>  caniisa  do  la  floncclja, 
col)  ntra  ild  /i/iii<ifti\  o  rapa  <lel  jovoii.'  I'nrlitijnl  Kk/>iii(>s(i,  Hist.  Mrx., 
toll),  i.,  |).  TmT.  'Al  tioiii|>ii  ([lie  los  iiovioH  si>  avian  dc  aciiHtar  e  doniiir  en 
iiiKi,  tunialiaii  la  lialda  delantera  dc  la  caiiiisa  do  la  nuvia,  i'  atiibaiila  it  la 
niaiita  de  al^txloii  tyac  tenia  ciibierJ-a  (•!  Mt>vio.'  (h-,'i(/o.  Hist,  ({in.,  toni.  iii., 
|>.  .')48.  '  I'liax  viejuH  ([ue  hc  llaniuu  tifiri,  ntahaii  la  t-Miiuina  de  la  niaiita  del 
ino/u,  eon  la  falda  del  vipil  de  lu  nto/a.'  Snhaijitu,  lii.it.  tirn.,  toiii.  i.,  lili. 
ii.,  i>.  WA.  'ileelios  Ion  truld«UiH,  t'<)ni|iareeian  aniltos  contrayentes  en  el 
leinplo,  y  "no  de  los  sneenlotes  cxaniinalia  su  volnntad  con  |iie;;nntaH 
ritualoH;  V  doHOiieH  toniaKii  eon  una  niano  el  vein  de  la  n)n>;>'r,  y  con  otra  el 
nianto  del  luarido,  y  los  aAudalta  por  lus  exireinos,  sijfnilirando  el  vinculo 
interior  ile  hiN  dos  vidnntades.  Con  este  ^enerode  yup>  iiupcial  volvian  li 
NU  casa,  en  eonipania  del  inistno  sjieenlote:  doudu  .  .  eiilrahan  a  visitar  el 
fuoiio  doinentico,  nue  A  sn  pareeer,  inodiaban  en  la  i)a/.  de  los  <'asudo8,  y 
"JMhan  siete  viielttui  A  61  siguieiulo  al  saccrdote.'  SoUs,  Hint.  Cunq.  Mf.r., 
torn.  i..  up  -Ut^-vt. 

Vol.  U.     17 


268 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


he  proceeded  to  perfume  them.  He  then  placed  him- 
self between  the  two,  with  the  man  on  his  right  and 
the  woman  on  his  left,  and  taking  them  by  the  hands 
led  thum  to  the  altar  of  the  idol,  nmttering  prayers 
as  he  went.  The  altar  reached,  he  placed  u[)on  each 
of  the  parties  a  very  fine  and  showy  shawl  woven  and 
variegated  with  many  colors,  in  the  centre  of  which 
was  painted  a  skeleton,  as  a  symbol  that  death  only 
could  now  separate  them  from  each  other.     He  tii«n 

Eeifumed  them  again  with  the  incensory,  and  led  them 
ack  to  the  door  of  the  temple,  where  they  were  re- 
ceived by  the  assemblage  and  accompanied  to  their 
home  with  dancing  and  music.  The  marriage  cere- 
monies being  finished,  the  relatives  and  friends  partook 
of  a  banquet,  and  amidst  much  rejoicing  congratulated 
each  other  on  the  new  relations  they  had  acquired. 
In  the  feasting,  drinking,  and  dancing  the  bridal  pair 
took  no  part;  they  had  now  to  enter  upon  a  season  of 
fasting  and  penance,  which  lasted  four  days,  in  the 
strict  retirement  of  their  room,  where  they  were 
closely  guarded  by  old  women;  on  no  account  were 
they  permitted  to  leave  their  room  except  for  the 
necessary  calls  of  nature,  or  to  otter  sacrifice  to  the 
gods;  the  time  was  to  be  passed  in  prayer,  and  on  no 
account  were  they  to  allow  their  passions  to  get  the 
better  of  them  or  indulge  in  carnal  intercourse.  Such 
weakness  on  their  part  would,  they  believed,  bring 
discord  or  death  or  some  other  dire  misfortune  between 
thoni.  The  close  confinement,  the  watchful  guard  and 
imposed  penances  were  intended  to  calm  their  passions 
and  purify  their  inmds,  whereby  they  would  be  more 
fitted  to  undertake  the  duties  before  them,  and  not  be 
led  astray  by  unruly  desires.  What  small  suj)i)ly  of 
sustenance  they  received  in  the  four  days  of  their 
retirement  wjis  carried  t<>  them  by  the  old  women  wlio 
had  charge  of  them,  and  during  this  time  they  neitluT 
washed  noi  bathed  themselves;  they  were  dressed  in 
new  yfanuents  and  wore  certain  charms  and 


regalia 


pertaining  to  their  patron  idol.     At  midnight  they 


CONSUMMATION  OK  MARRIAGE. 


280 


came  forth  to  offer  sacrifice  and  bum  incense  on  the 
altar  in  their  house,  in  front  of  which  thev  also  left 
food  offerinj^s  for  their  god ;  this  they  did  during  the 
four  days  of  abstinence,  while  their  friends  and  rela- 
tives continued  their  rejoicings,  festivities,  and  danc- 
ing." Upon  the  fourth  night,  when  the  marriage  was 
to  be  consummated,  two  priests  of  tlie  temple  pre- 
pared a  couch  of  two  mats,  between  which  were  placed 
some  feathers  and  a  stone  somewhat  the  color  of  an 
emerald,  called  dmlchiuite;  underneath  they  put  a 
piece  of  tiger-skin,  and  on  top  of  all  they  spread  some 
cotton  cloths.  At  the  four  corners  of  the  bed  were 
placed  green  reeds  perfumed,  and  thorns  of  the  ma- 
guey with  which  the  pair  were  to  draw  blood  from  their 
tongues  and  ears  when  they  sacrificed  to  the  gods." 
The  following  morning  the  bridal  pair  t<x)k  the  bed 
on  which  they  had  lain,  with  the  cloths,  reeds,  and 
food  they  had  offered  to  their  god  during  the  four  days 
of  penance,  to  the  temple  and  left  them  as  a  thanks- 
giving ofl'ering.*"     If  any  charcoal  or  ashes  were  found 

'^  '  Quc(lan<lo  log  c8m>sos  en  aqiiclla  cstanciii  dumntc  Ioh  riiatro  diu 
Bi)ruiciitcM,  sin  siilir  dc  clla,  Hino  li  media  noclii*  |Nira  itu-viiwir  li  Km  idtdos  y 
hncerles  (thIacidiieH  dc  divvrsiUi,  CH|H!uieH  do  iiiuijaroH.'  ('iirlttijal  Kitpinusa, 
Ilixt.  \frx.,  toil),  i..  p.  •'V)7.  'A  la  media  iioche  y  al  medio  tlia  saliun  de  on 
aiMiiMiiitiit  li  potior  oiicienmt  mdiro  nn  altar  (|iio  on  hu  cmmi  tonian.'  Mendietn, 
Mtist..  Erli's.,  ]).  I'JH.  '  LuH  padrinoH  ilovaltan  a  Ioh  novioK  a  otra  pieza  Hcpa- 
iMtu.  donde  li)H  dojalnin  mdKis,  cncernliidtdiiH  por  la  jiarto  dc  afuera,  luiHta  la 
mniiuiiii  !ti;^iiontc,  que  venian  il  ahrirles,  y  IihIo  cI  oiiiienixo  rc|)etia  las  cnlio- 
raitiitMias,  Miiponiondo  ya  cunHumudo  el  niatrinionio.'  Vi'ijtiii,  Hist.  Ant. 
My.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  '2(i. 

"*  Till-  position  of  the  ti<;er-Hkiii  is  doiilitfiil:  'I'onian  tamliicn  vn  i)cda90 
de  eii(!ii»  (le  Ti;;re,  delmjo  do  las  csieras.'  7'<iri/iiriti)ii/ii,  Moiiart/.  IiuL,  torn. 
ii..  p.  41.").  '  I'onian  iin  ]M>da/o  do  oiioro  dc  ti^'ro  oiioima  do  Ian  estcras.' 
Mriidirtn.  Hist.  Kvlts.,  p.  1:18.  '  La  ostorii  soliro  (|iio  lialiiaii  dormido,  que 
M-  Ilaiiialia />f/r>//,  la  saoalmii  al  medio  <lol  [tutio,  y  iilli  lasaciidiiiii  oon  cicrta 
oorciiioiiia.  y  dcsinios  toriialMiii  il  nonoria  on  el  liiirar  doiido  kiabian  dc  dur- 
iiiir.'  Sdhiii/Hii,  lli.st.  (frii.,  Uhii.  li.,  lil>.  vi.,  p.   MS. 

"  'Otrii  coroiiioiiia,  casi  ooiiio  osta,  vshIhiii  Ioh  hi  I'lioliUt  do  Israbl,  at'creu 
do]  aiMislar  lim  Novios.  la  priniera  iioi-lio  do  huh  Itodas,  qno  los  |Miniaii  vna 
Kiibaiui,  It  iionoo,  para  (|iic  on  el  so  ostuiiip«Ho  ol  toi^tiiiioiiio  do  la  vii'Kiiiidad, 
i|iieoni  la  siui<rro,  quo  del  |irinicr  acto  ho  vort\a,  la  qual  so  <|uitaKa  ile  In 
iMuia  (Ielaiit4-  do  tosti<;«is,  «|uc  pudiostMi  atirnmr  liavcria  visto,  eon  lanofial  dc 
i.i  saii};re,  i|iio  oomprohalMi  la  oorru)H-ioii  do  la  DoiioolU  y  eiiiliuolta,  6  do- 
iiliulii,  ia  punian  on  cierto  lu<riir,  difmtndo  intra  onto,  donde  qiiedalia  ;;iinr- 
(liula.  oil  iiiomoria  ilo  la  limpie^-a,  \  puridiKi.  ooiiquo  la  diolia  l)oiioolla  voiiin 
11  (loder  do  sii  .MMrido.  S«Tia  pamildo.  (|iio  qiiisioHo  si;;iiitioar  ontro  ostos  Ill- 
dins  lo  iiUHnui,  etiti*  ouidado  do  Uw  viojos,  de  traor  niantai.  <'i  saliana,  y  ton- 
detla  8obrc  la  cauw  dc  low deupwitadoH,  para  Iuk  primerus actos  matriiiioiiialoM; 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


ill  the  bridal  chamber  they  considered  it  an  evil  omen, 
but  if,  on  the  other  hand,  a  grain  of  corn  or  other 
seed  was  found,  they  considered  it  a  .oignof  a  lonj^  and 
prosperous  life  and  a  happy  union.  A  baptismal 
ceremony  was  next  performed,  the  wedded  pair  being 
placed  on  green  reed  mats,  while  the  priests  poured 
water  over  them.  Nol)les  received  four  ablutions  with 
water  in  honor  of  Chalchihuitlicue,  the  goddess  of 
waters,  and  four  of  wine,  in  reverence  to  TezccUzoncatl, 
the  god  of  wine.  After  the  bath  they  were  dressed 
in  new  vestments,  the  bride's  head  was  adorned  with 
white  featiiei-8  and  her  hands  and  feet  with  red.  To 
her  husband  was  given  a  thurible,  filled  with  incense 
wherewith  to  ])eriume  his  household  gods.  At  the 
conclusion  of  tiiese  ceremonies  a  further  distribution 
of  drossos  and  presents  was  made,  and  the  company 
partook  of  food  and  wine,  while  the  scene  was  enliv- 
ened with  songs  and  dances.  Some  more  good  advice, 
of  which  the  Aztecs  seem  to  have  had  a  never- failing 
store,  was  then  given  to  the  wedded  pair  by  tlie 
mothors-in-law  or  nearest  relatives,  nnd  thus  ended 
the  nuptial  ceremonies,  which  were  conducted  in 
accordance  with  the  means  of  tlie  [jrineipal  parties 
concerned.*  In  some  places,  proof  of  the  maiden's 
virginity  was  required  on  the  morning  following  the 
consummation  of  the  marriage.  In  such  case  the 
sponsors  entered  the  room  where  the  wedded  i)air  had 
passed  the  night  and  demanded  the  bride's  chemise ; 
if  they  found  it  stained  with  blood  they  brought  it 
out,  placed  it  on  a  stick,  and  exhibited  it  to  all  present 
as  an  evidence  that  the  bride  Avas  a  virgin ;  then  a 
dance  was  formed  and  the  procession  went  through  all 
the  place,  carrying  the  chemise  on  a  stick,  dancing  and 

y  ea  crcibic,  que  scriii  cstc  cl  intcnto,  nucs  la  ropa,  y  cstcra«,  qnc  sirvicron 
on  estc  Stierilicio,  se  lluvultun  al  Tcinplo,  y  iiu  Herviuii  iiiiim  cii  cuhu,  coiiiu  ni 
mils,  ni  iiiciios  la  c-crcnionia  untiKUU  ilu  K»ardnr  lu  Hulwiia,  eon  sanirrc,  cntrc 
los  lIubreuB,  en  Uigat  particular,  y  gcgiiro.'  I'urquemaila,  Monarq.  Intl., 
tuni.  ii.,  p.  410. 

*»  Afendieta,  Hist.  Erica.,  pn.  11(1-20,  127-8;  Torqiifmnda,  Monarq. 
tml.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  410;  Ovieilo,  Hist.  Grn.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  548-9;  Sahaguti, 
Hi$t.  Oen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  pp.  158-00;  Carbujal,  DiKiirao,  p.   19. 


DANCING  THE  CHEMISE. 


2G1 


expressing  their  joy,  and  this  was  called  'dancing  the 
chemise.'  If  it  happened  that  the  chemise  was  un- 
stained, tears  and  lamentations  took  the  place  of  re- 
joicing, abuse  and  insults  were  heaped  upon  the  bride, 
and  her  husband  was  at  liberty  to  repudiate  her."  In 
the  kingdom  of  Miztecapan,  before  the  ceremony  of 
tying  their  mantles  together  was  performed  it  was 
customary  to  cut  a  lock  of  hair  from  the  bridegroom's 
head  and  from  the  bride's,  after  which  they  took  each 
other  by  the  hand  and  their  dresses  were  tied  by  the 
etids.  The  man  then  took  the  girl  on  his  back  and 
carried  her  a  short  distance ;  which  proceeding  termi- 
nated the  nuptials. 

In  Ixcatlan,  he  who  desired  to  fjet  married  pre- 
sented himself  before  the  priests,  and  they  took  him 
to  the  temple,  where  in  presence  of  the  idols  he  wor- 
shiped they  cut  off  some  of  his  hair,  and  showing  it 
to  the  people,  shouted  "This  man  wishes  to  get  mar- 
ried." From  thence  he  was  obliged  to  descend  and 
take  the  first  unmarried  woman  he  met,  in  the  belief 
that  she  was  especially  destined  for  him  by  the  gods. 
They  were  then  married  according  to  the  customai-y 
Mexican  rites.  The  Mazatec  bridegroom  abstained 
for  the  first  fifteen  days  of  his  wedded  life  from  carnal 
knowledge  of  his  wife,  and  both  spent  the  time  in 
fasting  and  penance.  Among  the  Utomfs  it  was 
not  considered  an  offence  for  an  unmarried  man  to  de- 
flower a  single  woman.  The  husband  was  permitted 
to  repudiate  the  woman  the  day  following  his  mar- 
riage if  slie  did  not  please  him;  but  if  hfe  remained 
satisfied  upon  that  occasion  he  was  not  afterwards 
allowed  to  send  her  away.  They  had  then  to  undergo 
a  period  of  penance  and  abstinence  and  remain  se- 
cluded for  twenty  or  thirty  days,  during  which  time 
they  Wtire  to  abstain  from  all  sexual  intercourse,  to 
draw  blood  from  themselves  as  a  sacrifice,  and  to  bathe 
frequently.  The  Chichimecs,  although  they  contracted 
marriage  at  a  very  early  age,  could  not  have  legitimate 

"  Vcytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mcj.,  toiii.  ii.,  pp.  26-7. 


262 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


connection  with  their  wives  until  the  woman  was  forty 
years  old.  After  their  intercourse  with  the  Toltecs 
this  custom  began  to  be  abolished,  although  the 
princes  and  nobles  observed  it  rigorously  for  some 
time  longer.  Marriage  with  near  relatives  was  never 
permitted  among  them,  and  polygamy  was  strictly 
prohibited." 

Among  tlie  Mexicans  divorce  was  permitted,  but  as 
a  general  rule  was  discouraged.  In  the  event  of  dis- 
cord arising  between  man  and  wife  so  that  they  could 
not  live  together  peacefully,  or  where  one  or  other  of 
the  parties  had  just  cause  of  complaint,  they  applied 
to  a  judge  for  permission  to  separate.  Such  permis- 
sion was  not  granted  unless  good  and  sufficient  cause 
was  shown  in  support  of  the  application.  The  judge 
investigated  the  case  with  much  care  and  attention, 
closely  examining  the  parties  in  reference  to  their 
marital  relations ;  whether  they  had  been  married  with 
the  consent  of  their  parents,  and  if  all  the  ceremonies 
of  marriage  had  been  fully  observed.  If  the  answers 
proved  that  the  parties  had  not  been  married  according 
to  the  usual  rites  and  ceremonies,  or  if  they  had  been 
living  together  in  a  state  of  fornication,  the  judge 
refused  to  interfere  between  them;  but  if  he  found 
they  had  properly  complied  with  the  regulations  gov- 
emmg  marriage,  he  used  his  best  efforts  to  reconcile 
them;  he  reminded  them  of  the  solemn  obligations 

**  For  further  information  relating  to  marriage  ceremonies  and  customs 
see  Mfndifta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  pp.  125^J;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn, 
ii.,  pp.  83,  186,'  412-20,  496-7;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  81-3, 
torn,  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  pp.  162-62,  tom.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  116-17;  Veylia,  Hist. 
Ant.  Mej.,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  23-7,  178;  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS., 
cap.  cxxxix,  clxxv;  Jxtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  KingsborouglCs  Mex. 
Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  214;  Id.,  Belaciones,  in  Id.,  pp.  327,  .335,  .140,  400; 
Acosta,  Hist,  de  fas  Ynd.,  pp.  374-5;  Brasseur  de  iiourbotirg.  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  189,  tom.  lii.,  pp.  79,  566-7;  Klemin,  Cultur-Gesehichte, 
tom.  v.,  pp.  33-5;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  298,  314-16;  Herrera,  Hist. 
Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cop.  xvi.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xvii;  Chaves,  Bap- 
port,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  \oy.,  s^rie  ii.,  tom.  v.,  pp.  308-9;  Montanus, 
Niemce  Weereld,  p.  266;  Gemetli  Careri,  in  ChurchilFs  Col.  Voyages,  vol. 
iv.,  p.  484;  Alegre,  Hist.  Cotnp.  de  Jesus,  tom.  i.,  p.  279;  Carbajal  Es- 
pinosa.  Hist.  Mex.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  655-9,  577;  Baril,  Mexiqiie,  pp.  202-3; 
Touron,  Hist.  Gin,,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  11-12;  Simons  Ten  Tribes,  pj).  274-5; 
tiussierre,  L" Empire  Mex.,  pp.  145-7;  Carbajal,  Discurso,  pp.  15-30; 
Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  ii.,  pp. 89-93,  111. 


DIVORCE  AND  DIVISION  OF  PROPERTY. 


968 


appertaining  to  the  marriage  contract,  and  warned 
them  not  to  bring  disgrace  upon  thouiHelves  and  their 
parents  by  breaking  the  bonds  by  which  they  were 
united,  thereby  creating  a  scandal  in  the  community. 
If  his  endeavors  to  effect  a  reconciliation  were  of  no 
avail,  and  he  found  that  one  or  other  of  the  parties 
had  just  cause  of  complaint,  a  license  to  separate  could 
be  issued,  but  more  frequently  the  judge  refused  to 
interfere  in  the  matter,  and  dismissed  them  with  a 
stern  reproval.  Marriage  was  looked  upon  as  a  sol- 
emn and  binding  tie  only  to  be  dissolved  by  death, 
and  any  attempt  or  desire  to  annul  the  contract  was 
deemed  a  disgrace  and  a  bad  example.  Under  these 
circumstances  divorce  was  always  discouraged  both  by 
the  magistrates  and  the  community.  A  judge  was 
generally  unwilling  to  sanction  with  the  authority  of 
the  law  the  annulment  of  so  binding  an  engagement ; 
therefore  only  a  tacit  consent  was  given  by  the  court, 
by  which  the  whole  onus  of  the  disgrace  attending  a 
separation  was  thrown  upon  the  parties  themselves. 
When  a  dissolution  took  place  between  man  and  wife, 
they  could  not  again  under  any  circumstances  be 
united ;  the  divorce  once  effected,  no  subsequent  con- 
donation could  authorize  their  living  together. "^ 

We  have  no  information  how  or  on  what  terms  a 
division  of  property  was  made  in  the  event  of  a  dis- 
solution of  marriage,  or  to  which  of  the  parties  the 
custody  of  the  children  belonged.  The  ancient  his- 
torians throw  no  light  upon  the  subject.     As  much 

^  'Nunca  sentenciaban  en  disfavor  del  Matrimonio,  ni  consentian,  ^ue 
por  autoridad  de  Justicia,  cllos  ne  apartasen;  porqiie  dccian  ser  cosa  iliuita, 
y  de  inucho  escandalo  para  el  Pueblo,  favorecer,  con  autoridad  publica,  cosa 
contraria  k  la  ra^on;  pero  ellos  sc  apartaban  de  hcclio,  y  cste  hecho  se  tole- 
raba,  aunque  no  en  todos,  se^run  el  mas,  b  inenos  escandalo,  que  se  enj^cn- 
draba  en  el  Pueblo.     Otros  dicen,  que  por  Sentencia  diKnitiva,   sc  hacia 

cHte  Ucpudio,  y  Divorcio los  Jueces  sentenciaban  (si  acaso  conccdcmos, 

que  liavia  sentencia)  que  se  apartasen,  y  quedascn  libres,  y  sin  obligacioii 
el  vno,  al  otro;  pero  no  de  la  murinuracion  del  Pueblo,  que  buclto  contra 
cllos,  dccian  ser  dignos  de  grandisima  pena,  por  haver  quebrado  la  Vb  b 
integridod  del  Matrimonio,  y  haver  dado  tan  malexemplo  h  la  Kepublica.' 
Torquctnada,  Monarq.  Iiid.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  442;  Carbaj'al,  Disctirso,  pp.  20-1; 
Monglave,  Sisumi,  p.  31;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant,  aet  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p. 
131. 


V] 


Va 


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7 


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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


1.0 


1^ 

1^ 


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I.I 


Hi    112.0 


1.8 


Hiotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


A 


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1.25 

1.4      1.6 

1 

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23  WIST  MAIN  STRICT 

WIBSTM.NY    MJ80 

(716)  tri^S03 


4^J  i 


c> 


264 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


deference  and  respect  was  shown  to  old  age,  it  is 
probable  that  the  decision  of  such  matters  was  left  to 
the  influence  and  wisdom  of  the  friends  and  relatives, 
and  that  through  their  intervention  equitable  arrange- 
ments were  made. 

Concubinage,  of  which  there  were  three  classes,  was 
permitted  throughout  the  Mexican  empire.  The  first 
class  was  the  union  of  young  men  with  unmarried 
women,  before  they  arrived  at  the  age  when  they  were 
expected  to  marry.  All  young  men,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  those  who  were  consecrated  to  a  perpetual 
chastity,  were  allowed  to  have  concubines.  The  youth 
usually  asked  his  parents  to  select  a  girl  for  him,  and 
the  one  upon  whom  their  choice  fell  cohabited  with 
him.  Such  women  were  called  tlacacavili.  No  con- 
tract was  made  nor  any  ceremony  performed;  the 
connection  was  a  simple  private  arrangement  of  the 
relatives  on  both  sides.  When  a  girl  lived  with  an 
unmarried  man  as  his  concubine  without  the  consent 
of  her  parents  she  was  called  temecauh,  which  had  a 
more  general  signification.  It  does  not  appear,  how- 
ever, that  concubinage  among  the  unmarried  men  was 
common ;  on  the  contrary,  the  manner  in  which  parents 
are  reputed  to  have  brought  up  their  children,  and  the 
care  taken  by  the  priests  in  their  education  would 
seem,  to  show  that  such  a  practice  was  discouraged, 
or  rather  tolerated  than  allowed,  and  it  is  probable 
the  custom  was  chiefly  confined  to  the  sons  of  nobles 
and  wealthy  men.  When  a  young  man  arrived  at  the 
age  when  he  should  marry,  he  was  expected  to  dis- 
pense with  his  concubine  that  he  might  marry  the  girl 
selected  by  his  parents  to  be  his  lawful  wife.  He 
could,  however,  legitimatize  the  connection  between 
his  concubine  and  himself  by  notifying  his  parents  of 
his  wishes  and  having  the  usual  marriage  ceremonies 
performed;  she  then  became  his  lawful  wife  and  was 
called  ciuatlantli.  If  while  they  lived  together  in 
concubinage  the  woman  had  a  child,  her  parents  then 
required  that  he  should  at  once  restore  her  to  them, 


CONCUBINES  IN  MEXICO. 


265 


or  make  her  his  wife,  as  they  considered  it  proper  that 
having  a  child  she  should  also  have  a  husband  as  a 
legal  protector.  Young  women  were  not  dishonored 
by  living  in  a  state  of  concubinage,  nor  were  their 
chances  of  contracting  advantageous  marriages  in  any 
degree  lessened. 

The  second  order  of  concubines  might  rather  be 
termed,  perhaps,  the  less  legitimate  wives  of  married 
men;  with  them  the  tying  of  garments  constituted 
the  entire  marriage  ceremony;  the  husband  could  not 
repudiate  them  without  just  cause  and  the  sanction 
of  the  courts,  but  neither  they  nor  their  children  could 
inherit  property ;  in  this  respect  they  were  treated  as 
concubines,  but  nevertheless  they  were  called  cuia- 
tlaiitU,  which  corresponds  with  the  latin  word  uxor, 
and  was  the  title  borne  by  the  first  and  legitimate  wife. 

The  third  class  of  concubines  were  merely  kept 
mistresses ;  with  them  no  marriage  rite  of  any  kind 
was  performed.  They  were  kept  usually  by  the 
nobles  and  chief  men  who  could  afford  to  maintain 
large  establishments;  they  occupied  a  third  rank  in 
the  domestic  circle  after  the  principal  wife  and  less 
legitimite  ones,  and  were  called  ciiianemactli,  or  tla- 
cmantli,  if  their  master  had  obtained  them  from  their 
parents ;  those  whom  he  took  without  such  permission 
were  called  tlaciacuxntin.^ 

The  Toltec  kings  could  only  marry  one  woman,  and 
in  case  of  her  death  could  not  marry  again  or  live  in 
concubinage  with  any  woman;  the   same   rule  held 


*•  'Teiij»nno  molto  moglie,  &  tante  quanto  ne  possono  mantenerc  come 
i  mori,  psnS  coinc  si  6  dctto,  vna  ^  la  priiicipalc  ic  patrona  &  i  figliuoli  di 
qiita  licrcditaiii),  &  quct  dcU'altru  no,  (;lic  noii  njssono  uiizi  sou  tciiuti  per 
Bastardi.  Nolle  iiozze  di  jucsta  patrona  itrincipale  fan  no  alcime  cirinio- 
nie,  il  cho  non  si  oascrua  nolle  nozzo  doiraltrc.'  Jidatione  fatta  per  vn 
(jentil'huom'i  del  Sigimr  Fernando  Corlese,  \\\  Rcimusio,  Navigationi,  torn, 
lii.,  fol.  310.  See  further,  Torqueinmln,  Monarq^.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  376; 
Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologilica,  cap.  ccxiii.,  ccxiv.,  in  Kingsboroitgh'a  Mcx. 
Aiitiq.,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  127-S;  Carm/al,  Discurso,  pp.  20-7;  Cainargo.  H>.s!. 
Tlax.,  in  Noumflcs  Annalea des  Vog.,  18*3,  torn,  xcviii.,  pp.  169,  197;  Oo- 
mara,  Conq.  jif ;»;.,  fol.  107;  Carbajal  Ei/nnosa,  Hist.  Alex.,  torn,  i.,  pp. 
430-1;  Orierlo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  260;  Peter  Marttjr,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  iv., 
dec.  v.,  lib.  x. 


266 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


good  with  their  queens  in  the  event  of  the  king  dying 
first.  Prostitution  among  the  Mexicans  was  tolerated, 
but  at  the  same  time  was  restrained  within  certain 
bounds;  that  is,  the  law  took  cognizance  of  the  prac- 
tice as  regarded  the  women  engaged  in  such  traffic. 
It  was  looked  upon  as  a  necessary  evil,  and  the  law 
did  not  interfere  with  men  who  consorted  with  prosti- 
tutes; but  the  latter,  if  they  plied  their  traffic  too 
openly,  or  with  too  great  frequency,  so  as  to  create  a 
public  scandal  and  become  a  nuisance,  were  punished 
according  to  the  extent  of  the  offence.** 


We  may  suppose  that,  the  marriage  ceremonies 
being  concluded,  the  young  couple  were  left  in  peace, 
and  that  for  a  time  there  was  a  truce  to  the  speech- 
making  and  ever-ready  advice  of  anxious  parents  and 
meddling  relatives.  But  this  respite  was  generally 
of  brief  duration.  As  soon  as  the  woman  found 
herself  to  be  pregnant,  all  her  friends  and  relations 
were  immediately  upon  the  tiptoe  of  expectation  and 
interest  again.  The  parents  were  at  once  informed  of 
the  interesting  event,  and  a  .feast  was  prepared,  of 
which  all  who  had  been  present  at  the  wedding  par- 
took. After  the  repast  the  inevitable  speeches  com- 
menced. An  old  man,  squatting  on  his  hams,  first 
spoke  in  behalf  of  the  husband,  referring  to  the  pre- 
cious burden  carried  by  the  pregnant  woman  and  to 
the  future  prospects  of  the  child;  after  a  while 
another  relieved  the  speaker  and  pursued  the  subject 
in  the  same  strain;  the  man  and  his  wife  then  re- 
sponded, dwelling  upon  the  pleasure  in  store  for  them, 
and  expressing  their  hopes  that,  with  the  favor  of  the 
gods,  it  might  be  realized.  The  parents  of  the  pair 
were  next  addressed  directly  by  one  of  the  guests 
upon  the  same   theme  and  made  a  reply.     Certain 


M  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apoloqitica,  cap.  ccxiii.,  ccxiv.,  in  Kinffshorough's 
Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  127;  Torqttemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p. 
370;  Carbajal,  Discurso,  pp.  27-8;  Sah'tgun,  Hist.  Gen.,  toin.  iii.,  lib.  x., 
pp.  37-8j  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  132-3. 


PREGNANCY  AND  CHILDBIRTH. 


267 


elderly  relatives  then  seized  the  opportunity  to  ad- 
monish and  instruct  the  young  woman,  to  which  she 
made  a  suitable  answer,  thanking  them  for  their  soli- 
citude on  her  behalf.^ 

During  the  months  of  her  pregnancy  the  mother 
was  very  careful  to  insure  the  safety  and  health  of  the 
child,  though  many  of  the  rules  observed  for  this  pur- 
pose were  of  a  partly  superstitious  nature.  Thus, 
sleeping  in  the  day-time  would  contort  the  child's  face ; 
approaching  too  near  the  fire  or  standing  in  the  hot 
sun  would  parch  the  foetus ;  hard  and  continued  work, 
lifting  weights,  running,  mental  excitement,  such  as 
grief,  anger,  or  alarm,  were  particularly  avoided;  in 
case  of  an  earthquake  all  the  pots  in  the  house  were 
covered  up  or  broken  to  stop  the  shaking;  eating 
tzictli,  or  chicle,  was  thought  to  harden  the  palate  of 
the  unborn  child,  and  to  make  its  gums  thick  so  that  it 
would  be  unable  to  suck,  and  also  to  communicate  to  it 
a  disease  called  netentzzoponiztli;  neither  must  the  edi- 
ble earth,  of  which,  as  we  shall  see  in  a  future  chapter, 
the  Mexicans  were  very  fond,  be  eaten  by  the  mother, 
lest  the  child  should  prove  weak  and  sickly;  but 
everything  else  the  woman  fancied  was  to  be  given 
her,  because  any  interference  with  her  caprices  might 
be  hurtful  to  her  offspring.'"  Moderation  in  sexual 
connection  with  her  husband  was  recommended  to  a 
woman  from  one  to  three  months  advanced  in  preg- 
nancy, but  total  abstinence  in  this  respect  was  thought 
to  be  injurious  to  the  unborn  child;  during  the  later 
stages  of  the  woman's  pregnancy,  however,  the  hus- 
band abstained  entirely  from  having  intercourse  with 
her.^     When  the  time  for  the  confinement  drew  near 

2*  I  have  thought  it  unnecessary  to  give  these  speeches  in  full,  but  the  reader 
can  find  them  all  together  in  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  toin.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  pp.  161-73. 

'^  Sahagun  adds:  '  inaudaba  que  d  la  preuada  lu  dicseii  dc  comer  suti- 
cientementc  y  buenos  nmiijares,  calientes  y  bien  guisados,  con  especialidad 
cuando  &  la  prefiada  Ic  vietie  su  purgacion,  6  conio  diccn  la  regla,  y  esto 
llaman  que  lu  criatura  se  laba  los  pies,  porque  no  se  halle  data  en  vacio,  o 
haya  alguna  vacicdad  6  falta  de  sangre  6  numor  necesario,  y  asi  rcciba 
algun  dafio.'  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  p.  182. 

'^  Sahagun's  original  MS.  contains  twenty-four  additional  lines  on  this 
subject,  but  these  his  editor  dcc::m  too  indelicate  to  print.  Id.,  p.  181. 


268 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


another  feast  was  prepared  and  the  usual  invitations 
were  issued.  When  all  were  gathered  an  old  man  was 
the  first  to  speak,  on  behalf  of  the  married  couple. 
By  virtue  of  his  long  experience  in  these  matters  he 
recommended  that  the  pregnant  woman  be  placed  in 
the  xuchicalli,  or  bath,  under  the  protection  of  Xuchi- 
caltzin,  the  god  of  the  bath,  and  of  Yoalticitl,  goddess 
of  the  bath  and  of  childbirth.  He  further  advised  the 
parents  to  select  a  competent  ticitl,  or  midwife.  This 
functionary  having  been  named,  a  female  relative  of 
the  husband  addressed  her,  asking  her  to  accept  the 
trust,  praising  her  qualifications,  and  exhorting  her  to 
exert  her  utmost  skill  and  care.  The  mother  and 
relatives  of  the  wife  also  made  brief  speeches  to  the 
same  purpose.  The  midwife-elect  then  expressed  her 
wish  and  intention  to  do  all  in  her  power.**  Wealthy 
people  frequently  employed  several  midwives,  who  for 
some  days  prior  to  the  birth  busied  themselves  in 
waiting  on  their  patient  and  putting  everything  in 
readiness  for  the  important  hour.  Zuazo  states  that 
some  of  these  acted  merely  as  witnesses  to  the  fact  of 
the  birth.^" 

The  'hour  of  death,'  as  the  time  of  confinement 
was  named,  having  arrived,  the  patient  was  carried 
to  a  room  previously  set  in  order  for  the  purpose; 
hero  her  hair  was  soaped  and  she  was  placed  in 
a  bath  to  be  washed.  Care  was  taken  that  the  water 
should  not  be  too  hot,  lest  the  foetus  should  be  scalded ; 
in  some  cases  the  woman  was  beaten  on  the  back  with 
maize  leaves  which  had  been  boiled  in  the  water  used 
for  the  bath.  The  midwife  next  proceeded  to  rub  and 
press  the  abdomen  of  the  putiont  in  order  to  set  the 
child  in  place.  If  the  ])ain  grew  worse,  soothing 
remedies  were  administered.     A  decoction  of  cihoapatli 


»  For  these  addresses  see  iS'a/(a7K/t,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.ii.,  lib.vi.,  pp.  174-8.3. 

30  'Sc  llegan  alguims  nuijeres  conio  parteraa,  y  otras  conio  testi^os  para 
ver  si  el  ))arto  cs  siipiicsto  6  natural ;  y  al  tienipo  del  iiacer  no  peniiiten  (][iie 
la  criatiiru  lleguc  d  la  ticrra  con  la  vida;  6  antes  que  sc  la  cortenie  liacen  cier- 
tas  scnalcs  en  el  corpu/uelo.'  Zuaso,  Carta,  in  Icazbalccta,  Col.  de  Doc, 
toin.  i.,  pp.  36:{-4. 


GHASTLY  TALISMANS. 


269 


herbs  was  given  to  promote  the  delivery;  should  this  not 
prove  effective,  however,  a  small  piece,  about  an  inch 
and. a  half  long,  of  the  tail  of  the  tlaquatzin,  or  tla- 
quatly  was  given,  which  is  a  very  powerful  emetic.  If 
after  all  the  woman  got  no  ease,  it  was  concluded  that 
she  would  die.  In  cases  of  great  danger  prayers  were 
addressed  to  Cioacoatl,  Quilaztli,  Yoalticitl,  and  other 
deities.  Should  the  child  die  in  the  womb  it  was 
removed  piecemeal,  unless  the  parents  objected,  in 
which  case  the  mother  was  left  to  die. 

Mocioaquezque,  'brave  woman,'  was  the  name 
given  to  her  who  died  in  childbed.  After  death  the 
body  was  washed,  dressed  in  good,  new  clothes,  and 
buried  with  gre  <,t  ceremony  in  the  courtyard  of  the 
temple  dedicated  to  the  'celestial  women. '^'  Talis- 
manic  virtues  were  supposed  to  reside  in  tb.e  corpse; 
thus,  the  middle  fingers  of  the  left  hand,  and  the  hair, 
were  thought  to  make  their  possessor  irresistible  in 
battle;  soldiers,  therefore,  sought  by  every  means, 
fair  or  foul,  to  procure  them.  Thieves  believed  that 
the  left  hand  and  arm  of  the  corpse  would  strike  ter- 
ror into  their  victims,  and  they  therefore  engaged  sor- 
cerers to  procure  it.  The  birth  of  twins  was  believed 
to  foretell  the  death  of  one  of  the  parents  at  the 
hands  of  their  child;  to  prevent  this,  one  of  the  in- 
fants was  killed.^^  Abortion  was  not  unusual,  and 
was  procured  by  taking  a  decoction  of  certain  herbs; 
the  crime  was  nevertheless  punished  with  death.**  If 
everything  went  well,  and  the  woman  was  easily  de- 
livered, the  midwife  gave  a  loud  cry  of  triumph.  She 
next  addressed  some  words  of  counsel  to  the  child,  and 


'•  CihunpipilHn,  or  Ciuapipilli.  A  long  description  of  the  burial  rites 
unon  these  occasions  in  Sa/uu/uii,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  pp.  186-91. 
Tlicsc  will,  however,  be  described  in  a  future  chapter. 

'•*  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indio.i,  in  Icazbalccta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  130, 
and  Torquenuiiia,  Monary.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  84,  who  seems  to  have  copied 
from  him,  arc  the  authorities  for  this,  but  the  custom  could  not  have  1>een 
very  ^'encral,  for  it  is  said  that  in  Tloscala  the  mother  assigned  a  breast  to 
each  of  the  twins. 

^^  The  principal  aiithority  on  the  matter  of  pregnancy  and  childbirth, 
and  the  one  whom  I  have  thus  far  followed,  is  Sahugun,  Hist,  Gen.,  torn, 
ii.,  lib.  vi.,  pp.  lCO-92. 


270 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


then  proceeded  to  wash  it.  Turning  to  the  water,  she 
addressed  the  goddess  of  waters,  Chalchihuitlicue,  ask- 
ing her  favor  and  protection  for  the  child.  Then 
taking  some  water,  the  midwife  breathed  upon  it,  gave 
some  to  the  infant  to  taste,  and  then  touclied  its  head 
and  chest  therewith:  saying.  Come,  my  son  (or 
daughter)  to  Chalchihuitlicue ;  it  is  for  her  to  bear  you 
on  the  back  and  in  her  arms  throughout  this  life! 
Then,  placing  the  infant  in  the  water,  she  continued: 
Enter  thou  into  the  water  called  metlalac  and  tuspalac; 
may  it  wash  thee,  and  may  the  Omnipotent  cleanse 
from  thee  all  ill  that  is  inherent  in  thee  from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  world  and  from  before  the  beginning. 
Begone,  all  evil  imparted  to  thee  by  thy  father  and 
thy  mother.'"  Having  v/ashed  the  child,  the  midwife 
clothed  it,  addressing  it  meanwhile  in  whispers  of 
welcome  and  admonition.  Then,  raising  her  voice, 
she  complimented  the  mother  on  her  bravery  and  en- 
durance.**  A  female  relative  next  praised  the  forti- 
tude of  the  patient,  who  in  her  response  dilated  on  the 
trouble  and  pain  she  had  gone  through,  and  expressed 
her  joy  at  the  treasure  vouchsafed  her  by  the  gods. 
The  midwife  then  closed  the  ceremony  by  congratu- 
lating the  grandparents  and  assembled  friends.  A  few 
days  after  the  confinement  the  mother  took  a  bath  in 
the  temazcalli,  and  indulged  in  rich  food  and  wine ;  on 
this  occasion  a  feast  was  also  tendered  to  invited 
friends,  who  partook  of  it  near  the  spot  where  the 
woman  bathed. 

All  these  elaborate  preparations  and  midwife  cere- 
monies at  birth  could,  however,  only  have  been  in 
vogue  among  the  well-to-do  classes,  for  the  Mexican 
women,  were,  as  a  rule,  little  affected  by  the  troubles 
of  child-bearing;  their  training   and  manner  of  life 

'*  Clavipfcro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mcxsieo,  torn,  ii.,  p.  86,  differs  from  Salia- 
giiii  in  tliC8C  iiruyers  or  iiivocutioiiH;  Torqucnmda,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toin.  ii., 
1).  445,  Klemni,  Cultur-Geschic/Ue,  torn,  v.,  p.  30,  and  Brasseur  dc  Bour- 
nourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  560,  follow  Clavigero  more  or  less 
closely. 

w  Sahaffun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  pp.  199-200;  Torquemada, 
Monarq.  Jnd.,  turn,  ii.,  pp.  445-6. 


CASTING  THE  NATIVITY  OF  INFANTS. 


371 


were  not  calculated  to  make  them  delicate.  Moto- 
linia,  and  many  with  him,  say,  for  instance,  that  the 
Tlascaltoc  women  delivered  themselves,  the  mother 
apply injj^  to  a  neighbor  only  at  the  birth  of  her  first 
child.^ 

It  was  now  time  to  cast  the  nativity  of  the  infant. 
For  this  purpose  the  services  of  a  tonalpouhqui,  or 
horoscopist,  were  engaged.  These  tonalpouhquis  were 
a  highly  respected  class,  and  were  therefore  approached 
with  much  respect  and  liberally  feed  with  mantles, 
food,  and  other  articles.  Having  been  told  the  hour 
of  birth,  the  horoscoper  consulted  his  book  for  the 
sign  of  the  day  on  which  the  infant  was  born.^  If 
the  birth  had  taken  place  exactly  at  midnight,  the 
signs  for  the  closing  and  breaking  day  were  combined. 
Comparing  the  birthday  sign  with  the  other  twelve 
signs,  as  well  as  with  the  principal  sign  of  the  group, 
he  deduced  the  required  fortune,  and,  if  the  augury 
was  favorable,  dwelt  on  the  honors  and  happiness  in 
store  for  the  infant.  Should  the  augury  prove  unfa- 
vorable, as  well  as  the  sign  for  the  fifth  day  after 
birth,  which  was  the  occasion  of  the  second  bath,  or 
baptism,  this  ceremony  was  postponed  to  another  day, 
generally  the  most  favorable  of  the  thirteen,  in  order 

">  The  Teochichimec  liusband  undertook  tlic  office  of  midwife  when  the 
hirtli  tooii  ])hice  on  tiie  road.  He  heated  tlie  hack  of  his  wife  with  fire, 
tlirew  water  over  her  in  lieu  of  a  batli,  and  gave  her  two  or  three  kickn  in 
tlie  back  after  the  delivery,  in  order  to  promote  the  issue  of  superfluous 
blood.  The  new-born  babe  was  placed  in  a  wicker  basket,  and  thrown  over 
the  back  of  the  mother,  who  proceeded  on  her  journey.  Sahagtm,  Hist. 
Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  pp.  191-20.3;  also  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn, 
ii.,  pp.  445-6;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  ton>.  ii.,  p.  86;  Brasseur 
dc  liourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  560;  Carbajal  Espiiwsa,  Hist. 
Mcx.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  551-2,  67.3,  etc.  The  utensils  which  served  at  the  birth 
of  tiie  child  were,  •  according  to  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap. 
clxxix.,  oftercd  at  the  fountain  or  river  where  the  motiier  washed  herself. 

"  By  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  iv.,  pp.  282-.328,  and  Duran, 
Hist.  Indian,  SiS.,  tom.  iii.,  cap.  ii.,  the  signs  of  the  calendar  and  their 
subdivisions  are  described  at  length.  Each  sign  had  thirteen  sub-signs, 
representing  the  same  number  of  days,  by  whom  its  good  or  bad  import  was 
moderated  to  a  certain  extent.  Under  certain  signs  the  child  was  liable  to 
become  a  drunkard,  under  another  a  jester,  under  a  tiiird  a  warrior,  and  so 
on.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Not.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  560,  and  Espi- 
nosa,  Hist.  Mcx.,  torn,  i.,  p.  552,  state  that  the  sign  which  had  been  most 
frequent  at  this  period  during  the  past  thirteen  years  was  also  considered  by 
the  astrologer. 


272 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


to  moderate,  if  possible,  the  threatened  misfortune. 
The  fortune-teller  dilated  upon  the  troubles  in  store 
for  the  infant  and  the  vices  it  would  develop,  but 
'hedged'  his  oracle  by  adding  that  the  adjoining  signs 
contained  certain  redeeming  features  which  might  have 
power  to  counterbalance  the  evil  import  of  the  birth- 
day sign.^ 

Preparations  are  now  made  for  the  baptism.  The 
portals  of  the  dwelling  are  decorated  with  green 
branches,  flowers,  and  sweet-smelling  herbs  are  scat- 
tered over  the  floors  and  courtyard,  and  the  approaches 
to  the  hous^  are  carefully  swept ;  tamales  are  cooked, 
maize  and  cacao  ground,  and  delicacies  of  every  de- 
scription prepared  for  the  table,  not  forgetting  the 
liquors;  for  any  shortcoming  in  this  respect  would 
reflect  severely  on  the  hospitality  of  the  host.**  The 
relatives  of  the  family  assemble  before  sunrise,  and 
other  friends  drop  in  as  the  day  advances;  each,  as  he 
congratulates  the  host,  presents  a  gift  of  clothing  for 
the  infant,  and  receives  in  his  turn  a  present  of  man- 
tles, flowers,  and  choice  food.*"  In  the  course  of  the 
morning  the  midwife  carries  the  infant  to  the  court- 
yard, and  places  it  upon  a  heap  of  leaves,  beside  which 
are  set  a  new  apaxtle,  or  earthenware  vessel,  filled 
with  clear  water,  and  several  miniature  implements, 
insignia  of  the  father's  trade  or  profession.  If  he  is 
a  noble  or  a  warrior,  the  articles  consist  of  a  small 
shield,  and  a  bow  with  arrows  of  a  corresponding  size, 
placed  with  their  heads  directed  toward  the  four  car- 
dinal points.  Another  set  of  arms  made  from  dough 
of  amaranth-seed,  and  bound  together  with  the  dried 
navel-string  of  the  child,  is  also  prepared.  If  the 
child  is  a  girl,  there  are  placed  beside  it,  instead  of  the 

'*  Safingun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  pp.  215-7;  Torquemada,  Mo- 
narq.  IiicL,  torn,  ii.,  p.  449. 

59  A  long  description  of  this  feast,  the  table,  attendance,  etc.,  is  given  by 
Saliagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  iv.,  pp.  332-6,  and  by  Torquemada,  Mo- 
narq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  457-8.  I  shall  have  occasion  to  describe  it  in  a 
future  chapter  of  this  volume,  devoted  to  such  matters. 

*"  The  poorer  classes  contented  themselves  with  an  interchange  of  flowers 
and  food. 


BAPTISM  OF  INFANTS 


278 


en  by 
Ma- 
in a 


little  weapons,  a  spindle  and  distaff,  and  some  articles 
of  girl's  clothing.  When  the  sun  rises  the  midwife 
sets  her  face  and  the  face  of  the  child  toward  the  west, 
and  addressing  the  infant,  says:  "O  eagle,  0  tiger,  O 
brave  little  man  and  grandson  of  mine,  thou  hast  been 
brought  into  the  world  by  thy  father  and  mother,  the 
great  lord  and  the  great  lady.  Thou  wast  created  in 
that  house  which  is  the  abode  of  the  supreme  godp 
that  are  above  the  nine  heavens.  Thou  art  a  gift  from 
our  son  Quetzalcoatl,  the  omnipresent;  be  joined  to 
thy  mother,  Chalchihuitlicue,  the  goddess  of  water." 
Then  placing  her  dripping  fingers  on  the  lips  of  the 
child,  she  continues:  "Take  this,  for  upon  it  thou  hast 
to  live,  to  wax  strong,  and  flourish ;  by  it  we  obtain  all 
necessary  things;  take  it!"  Then  touching  the  child 
on  the  breast  with  her  moistened  fingers,  she  says: 
"Take  this  holy  and  pure  water  that  thine  heart  may 
be  cleansed."  Then  the  midwife  pours  water  on  the 
child's  head,  saying:  "Receive,  0  my  son,  the  water 
of  the  Lord  of  the  World,  which  is  our  life,  with 
which  we  wash  and  are  clean ;  may  this  celestial  light- 
blue  water  enter  into  thy  body,  and  there  remain; 
may  it  destroy  and  remove  from  thee  all  evil  and  ad- 
verse things  that  were  given  thee  before  the  beginning 
of  the  world;  behold,  all  of  us  are  in  the  hands  of 
Chalchihuitlicue,  our  mother."  She  now  washes  the 
body  of  the  child,  exclaiming:  "Evil,  wheresoever 
thou  art,  begone,  avaunt;  for  the  child  liveth  anew 
and  is  born  again;  once  more  it  is  purified;  a  second 
time  is  it  renewed  of  our  mother,  Chalchihuitlicue." 
Then  lifting  up  the  little  one  toward  heaven,  she  ad- 
dresses Ometochtli  and  Omecioatl:"  "Behold,  O  Lord, 
the  creature  which  thou  hast  sent  to  this  place  of  sor- 
row, aftiiction,  and  anguish,  to  this  world;  give  it,  O 
Lord,  of  thy  gifts  and  inspiration,  for  thou  art  the 
great  god  and  the  great  goddess."  Then  stooping  as 
if  to  set  the  child  down,  she  raises  it  a  second  time, 


*^  A  dual  deitv,  uniting  both  sexes  in  one  person. 
Vol.  II.'  18 


274 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


crying  upon  the  goddess  of  the  waters:"  "0  lady- 
goddess,  mother  of  the  gods,  inspire  this  child  with 
thy  virtue."  A  third  time  she  stoops  and  raising 
the  child  toward  heaven,  addresses  the  gods:  "O  lords 
celestial,  and  gods  who  dwell  in  heaven,  behold  this 
creature  whom  ye  have  sent  among  men,  till  it  with 
your  spirit  and  mercy,  that  it  may  live."  A  fourth 
time  she  sets  down  and  raises  the  babe,  and  calling 
now  upon  the  sun  and  the  earth  she  says:*'  "0  our 
Lord,  Sun,  father  of  all,  and  thou,  O  Earth,  our 
mother,  take  ye  this  child  for  your  own,  and,  as  it 
is  born  for  war,**  so  let  it  die  defending  the  cause  of 
the  gods,  and  be  permitted  to  enjoy  the  delight.s  pre- 
pared in  heaven  for  the  brave." 

The  midwife  now  takes  the  implements  and  prays 
to  the  patron  deity  of  the  trade  or  })rofe8sion  they 
represent  on  behalf  of  the  child ;  then  nlie  places  the 
mantle  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  infant,  girds  on  the 
little  raaxtli,  and  asks  the  boys  present  to  give  the 
child  a  name.  This  was,  however,  merely  a  matter  of 
form;  the  parents  really  had  the  choosing  of  the 
name  and  told  it  to  the  boys.  It  was  usually  taken 
either  from  the  sign  of  the  day,  or  from  a  bird  or  ani- 
mal, in  the  case  of  a  boy ;  the  girls  were  named  from 
flowers,  and  this  rule  was  especially  observed  by  the 
Toltecs  and  Miztecs.  Sometimes  a  child  took  its 
name  from  some  important  event  which  occurred  at 
the  time  of  its  birth;  as  when  the  T.ascaltec  chief  Cit- 
lalpopoca,  'smoking  star,'  was  so  named  because  at  his 
birth  a  flaming  comet  was  seen  in  the  sky.  Sometimes 
children  were  named  after  the  feast  held  at  the  time 
of  their  nativity;  thus,  boys  born  during  the  festival 
of  the  renewal  of  the  sacred  fire,  called  toxilmolpilia, 

<*  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  p.  220,  makes  the  midwife,  in 
this  instance,  call  upon  Citlalatonac.  This  goddess  was,  however,  identical 
witii  Ometochtli  and  Omecioatl  (see,  more  especially,  Carbajal  Espinosa, 
Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  472),  to  whom  the  preceding  prayer  was  directed. 
Clavigero  and  Torquemada  assert  that  the  prayer  was  addressed  to  the 
water-goddess. 

^3  Sahagun  addresses  the  Sun-God  only. 

<*  We  may  presume  that  the  midwife  is  here  addressing  the  child  of  a 
warrior. 


BAPTISM  OF  INFANTS. 


276 


were  named  molpilli,  'a  tied  object,'  and  girls  xiuhne- 
netl,  'little  doll  of  the  year  of*  fire.'  Occasionally  a 
child  was  named  after  some  renowned  ancestor.  A 
second  name  could  bo  acquired  by  valiant  deeds  in 
battle.  Motolinia  adds  that  sons  of  prominent  men 
took  a  surname  from  the  dignity  or  office  held  by  the 
father,  either  in  youth  or  manhood ;  or  they  inherited 
it  with  the  estate  at  the  death  of  the  parent.  Chil- 
dren born  during  the  last  five  days  of  the  year,  called 
neiiwntemi,  'unlucky  days,'  were  considered  unforH^;- 
ato;  boys  born  under  such  circumstances  were  oftin 
named  nemoquichtli,  'unlucky  man,'  and  girls  nenci- 
huatl,  'unlucky  woman.'" 

The  midvvil'o,  having  baptized  the  child,  no.v  calls 
upon  it  three  tines  by  its  new  name;  admonishing  it  to 
make  good  use  of  the  implements  or  weapons  pinned 
in  it?  ^  ands.**  It  is  thereupon  carried  into  the  liousc, 
I)receded  by  torchbearers,  and  placed  in  the  cradle, 
before  which  the  midwife  offers  prayers  to  Yoalticitl, 
'goddess  of  the  cradle,'  commending  the  child  to  her 
care,  and  beseeching  her  to  nourish  and  protect  it; 
then,  turning  to  the  cradle,  she  adds:  "O  thou,  the 
mother  of  the  child,  receive  this  babe  with  gentleness, 
taking  heed  not  to  injure  it."  Then  she  })laces  the 
child  in  the  cradle,  the  parents  meanwhile  calling  upon 
Yoalticitl  to  protect  it,  and  upon  Yoaltecutli,  'the 
god  of  night,'  to  lull  it  to  sleep."     During  this  cere- 

*'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mr.isi'co,  torn,  ii.,  p.  84,  Torquemada,  Mo- 
iiarq.  Iik/.,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  287,  and  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hint.  Nat.  Cir., 
<oin.  iii.,  p.  287,  traiiMlate  Neinoiiuiclitli  and  Nencihuatl  'useless  man'  and 
'useless  woman.  Torquemada,  Monar(Ji.  Iiid.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  454-6,  discusses 
names,  why  and  how  they  were  applied,  in  Mexico  and  elsewhere.  Motolinia, 
in  Icazbakcta,  Col.  de  I)oc.,  torn,  i.,  p.  .37,  states  that  the  name  given  at  bap- 
tism was  discarded  for  one  applied  by  the  priest,  when  the  parents  carried 
the  child  to  the  temple  in  the  third  month.  See  also  liitos  Antiguos,  p.  22, 
in  KiugsboroiigK's Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  31'2,  saya 
tliut  the  name  given  by  the  priest  was  the  surname,  nobles  sometimes  tak- 
ing a  third  name.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p. 
tH>'2,  8,ays  that  several  additional  names  could  be  taken  under  various  cir- 
cumstances. In  Codex  Mciidoza,  in  Khi'jshorough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  v., 
p.  90,  it  is  stated  that  the  name  was  given  by  three  bo,,i  who  sat  by  eating 
yxcur. 

^^  Boturini  states  that  the  infant  is  thereupon  passed  four  times  through 
the  fire.  Claviqero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  ii.,  p.  88;  but  tliis  'cre- 
mony  is  described  elsewhere  in  this  volume  as  taking  place  in  the  temple. 


276 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


mony,  which  is  termed  tlacoculaquilo,  or  'the  act  of 
placing  the  child  in  the  cradle,'  the  boys  of  the  village, 
dressed  to  imitate  soldiers,  enter  the  house,  seize  cer- 
tain food  previously  prepared  for  them,  called  the 
'child's  navel,'  scatter  the  rest,  and  rush  forth,  munch- 
ing and  shouting  the  child's  name  and  future  des- 
tinies. The  lights,  called  ocote,  which  have  been  used 
during  the  ceremorJes,  must  be  left  to  burn  out,  and 
the  fire  that  was  lighted  on  the  birthday  must  be 
kept  brightly  burning  until  after  the  baptizing,  nor 
is  any  one  allowed  to  borrow  from  its  flame,  for  that 
would  injure  the  prospects  of  the  child.  The  um- 
bilical cord  is  buried  with  the  mimic  weapons  in  a 
place  where  a  battle  may  be  expected  to  take  place 
on  a  future  day.  The  girl's  instruments  and  navel- 
string  are  buried  under  a  metate.  The  afterbirth  is 
interred  in  a  corner  of  the  house.  After  the  cradlinsr 
ceremony  the  guests  proceed  to  the  bantpieting-room, 
where  they  seat  themselves  according  to  age  and  rank. 
The  festivities  lasted  twenty  days,"  or  even  longer, 
if  the  father  was  wealthy,  during  which  time  the 
house  was  kept  open  to  all  comers.  Each  visitor  pre- 
sented his  gifts  and  made  a  speech  to  the  infant  on 
the  duties,  honors,  and  happiness  in  store  for  it,  and 
adorning  his  discourse  according  to  tlie  rank  of  the 
parents,  or  his  own  courtesy.  He  next  congratulated 
the  mother,  then  the  midwife,  urging  her  further  care 
of  the  infant,  and  lastly  the  father,  referring  to  his 
character  and  services,  and  wishing  him  joy.  If  the 
father  was  a  lord,  the  neighboring  princes  sent  an  em- 
bassy, preceded  by  numerous  presents,  and  .a  chosen 
orator  delivered  a  congratulatory  address  before  the 
father  and  those  present,  to  which  an  old  man  re- 
sponded on  behalf  of  all,  commenting  upon  the  gocxl 
wishes  of  the  neighboring  nobles.  The  orator  of  the 
embassy  then  begged  that  the  shortcomings  of  his  for- 
mer speech  might  be  excused,  and  was  answered  by  the 
oldest  or  most  respected  person  present,  on  the  parent's 

*'  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  iv.,  pp.  330-6. 


BAPTISM  OF  INFANTS. 


277 


behalf.  The  female  friends  who  came  to  inspect  the 
infant,  rubbed  the  joints  of  the  body,  especially  the 
knees,  with  ashes,  thinking  that  this  would  strengthen 
them  and  prevent  the  bones  from  becoming  loose. 
The  same  was  done  to  the  children  who  accompanied 
them.**  In  some  parts  the  baptismal  ceremony  con- 
sisted in  putting  some  quicklime  upon  the  child's 
knee,  and  saying  to  it:  "0  thou  little  one,  that  hast 
come  into  the  world  to  suffer,  suffer  and  be  silent. 
Thou  livest,  but  thou  shalt  die;  much  pain  and 
anguish  shall  come  upon  thee ;  thou  shalt  become  dust, 
even  as  this  lime,  which  was  once  stone."*®  If  a  boy, 
an  arrow  or  dart  was  then  placed  in  the  child's  left 
hand,  to  indicate  that  he  must  be  brave  and  defend 
his  countrj'^;  if  a  girl,  she  was  given  a  distaff,  as  a 
sign  that  she  must  become  industrious  in  all  womanly 
pursuits.™  In  Tlascala  and  Miztecapan  the  infant  was 
bathed  in  a  sacred  spring,  which,  it  was  thought, 
would  avert  misfortune.  Mendieta  says  that  the  mid- 
wife merely  sprinkled  the  child  a  certain  number  of 
times,  first  with  wine  and  then  with  water."  Among 
the  Zapotecs  both  mother  and  child  were  washed  in  a 
river,  and  invocations  were  addressed  to  all  land  and 
aquatic  animals,  entreating  their  favor  and  deprecating 
their  anger  ;°^  it  was  also  customary  to  assign  some 
animal  or  bird  to  a  child,  as  its  nagual,  or  tutelary 
genius,  and  with  the  fortune  of  such  creature  its 
fate  was  supposed  to  be  so  intimately  connected,  that 
the  death  of  one  involved  the  death  of  the  other.'* 
Burgoa  adds  further  that  this  was  assigned  by  lot,  but 
it  is  stated  elsewhere,  and  with  greater  probability  if 
we  may  judge  by  similar  superstitions  in  the  old 
world,  that  the  first  bird  or  beast  that  appeared  after 

**  It  was  believed,  Buys  Tnrqiicmada,  that  this  rubbing  of  their  own 
limbs  had  a  Btrcngthenin;;  effect  upon  the  new-bom.  Mouarq.  Ind.,  torn. 
ii.,  p.  457. 

♦»  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  312. 

"  Ddvila,  Teatro  Eden.,  torn,  i.,  p.  18. 

"  Hist.  Ecles.,  p.  107. 

*»  Uurffoa,  Geog.  Deserip.,  torn,  ii.,  pt  ii.,  fol.  329. 

M  Id.,  fol.  396. 


I 


ji 


/ 


278 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


the  birth  of  the  child  was  appointed  its  spiritual  pro- 
tector.** 

Whether  the  custom  of  circumcision,  which  has 
been  the  great  prop  of  argument  in  favor  of  the  Jew- 
ish origin  of  the  Aztecs,  really  obtained  among  these 
people,  has  been  doubted  by  numerous  authors.  Al- 
though circumcision  was  certainly  not  by  any  means 
general,  yet  sufficient  proof  exists  to  show  that  it  was 
in  use  in  some  form  among  certain  tribes.  Las  Casas 
and  Mendieta  state  that  the  Aztecs  and  Totonacs 
practiced  it,  and  Braseeur  de  Bourbourg  has  discov- 
ered traces  of  it  among  the  Mijes.  Las  Casas  affirms 
that  the  child  was  carried  to  the  temple  on  the  twen- 
ty-eighth or  twenty -ninth  day  after  birth ;  there  the 
high-priest  and  his  assistant  placed  it  upon  a  stone, 
and  cut  of  the  prepuce  at  the  root;  the  part  ampu- 
tated they  afterward  burned  to  ashes.     Girls  of  the 

**  The  following  are  contradictory  accounts  of  baptism.  On  the  fourth 
day  the  child  and  mother  took  a  purification  bath,  and  the  assembled  guests 
were  feasted  on  zamorra,  a  dish  made  from  maize  and  the  flesh  of  hens, 
deer,  etc.  Three  days  after,  the  mother  carried  the  child  to  the  adjoining 
ward,  accompanied  by  six  little  boys,  if  it  was  a  male  child,  otherwise  six 
girls  went  with  her,  to  carry  the  implements  or  insignia  of  the  father's 
trade.  Here  she  washed  the  child  in  a  stream,  and  then  returned  home. 
Two  years  after  a  feast  was  served  in  the  house  of  the  most  intimate  neigh- 
bor, who  was  asked  to  name  the  child,  and  with  him  it  remained  and  was 
held  as  a  member  of  his  family.  Chaves,  Rapport,  in  Tcrnavx-Compans, 
Votj.,  s^rie  ii.,  tom.  v.,  pp.  306-8.  The  infant  was  carried  to  the  temple, 
where  the  priest  made  an  oration  on  the  miseries  to  be  endured  in  this 
world,  and  placed  a  sword  in  the  right  hand  of  the  child  and  a  buckler  in  the 
left;  or,  if  it  was  destined  to  be  a  mechanic,  an  artizan's  tool;  if  a  girl  it 
received  a  distaff.  The  priest  then  took  the  child  to  the  altar  and  drew  a  few 
drops  of  blood  from  its  Dody  with  a  maguey-thorn  or  knife,  after  which  he 
threw  water  over  it,  delivering  certain  imprecations  the  while.  Touroii,  Hist. 
Gin.,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  12-13.  The  implements  were  placed  in  the  han<lr.  of  the 
child  by  the  priest  before  the  idol,  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  374.  Also 
Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xvii.  The  child  underwent  three 
baptisms  or  baths.  Zuazo,  Carta,  in  tcazbalceta.  Col.  de  Doc.,  tom.  i.,  p. 
364.  On  the  seventh  day  the  baptism  took  place,  and  a  dart  was  placed  m 
the  hand  of  the  child  to  signify  that  he  should  become  a  defender  of  nis  coun-  ' 
try.  Motolinia,  Hist.  Jndios,  in  Id.,  p.  37.  In  Spiegazione  delle  Tavole  del 
Codice  Mexieano  (Vaticano),  tav.  xxxi.  in  Kingsoorouqh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol. 
T.,  p.  181,  it  is  stated  that  the  child  was  sprinkled  with  a  bunch  of  ficitle 
dipped  in  water,  and  fumigated  with  incense  before  receiving  its  name. 
Offerings  were  made  at  the  temple  which  the  priest  divided  among  the 
school  children.  Tylor,  in  his  .^naAuac,  p.  279,  onA  Primitive  Culture,  vol. 
ii.,  pp.  429-36  gives  short  reviews  of  the  baptismal  ceremony  and  its  moral 
import 


CIRCUMCISION  AND  SCARIFICATION. 


279 


same  age  were  defloured  by  the  finger  of  the  priest, 
who  ordered  the  mother  to  repeat  the  operation  at  the 
sixth  year.  Zuazo  adds  that  these  rites  were  only 
performed  upon  the  children  of  great  men,  and  that 
there  was  no  compulsion  in  the  matter,  the  parents 
having  the  option  of  having  their  children  defloured 
or  circumcised  at  any  time  within  five  years." 

In  the  fifth  month,  at  Huitzilopochtli's  festival,  all 
children  born  during  the  year  were  scarified  on  the 
breast,  stomach,  or  arms,  and  by  this  means  received 
as  followers  of  their  god.*'  At  the  festival  in  honor 
of  Teteionan  or  Toci,  'mother  of  the  gods,'  in  the  elev- 
enth month,  the  women  delivered  during  the  year 
underwent  purification  and  presented  their  children. 
In  the  evening  a  signal  was  sounded  from  the  temple, 
and  the  mothers,  dressed  in  their  best,  accompanied 
by  friends,  and  preceded  by  torch-bearers  and  serv- 
ants carrying  the  babes,  made  the  tour  of  the  town  or 
quarter;  a  halt  was  made  at  every  temple  to  leave  an 
offering  and  a  lighted  torch  for  the  presiding  goddess. 
At  the  temple  of  Toci  extra  offerings  were  made,  in- 
cluding tzocoyotl,  cakes  of  flour  and  honey;  and  here 
the  priest  performed  the  ceremony  of  purification  by 
pronouncing  certain  prayers  over  the  women."     In 

,  M  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  clxxv. ;  Torq%iemada,  Monary. 
Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  83-4;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  pp.  107-8;  Zuazo,  Carta,  in 
Ir.azhalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  364;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  torn,  iii.j  p.  35.  Clavigero,  Sloria  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  73,  re- 
views tlie  subject  of  circumcision  and  denies  that  it  was  ever  practiced.  Ter- 
nuux-Conipans,  Foi/.,  s^rie  i.,  p.  45,  torn,  x.,  referring  to  Diaz' statement  that 
all  Indians  of  the  Vera  Cruz  Islands  are  circumcizcd,  savs  that  he  must 
have  confounded  the  custom  of  drawing  blood  from  the  secret  organs 
with  circumcision.  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc.,  p.  191,  says  circumcision  was 
unknown  to  the  Indians  of  Yucatan.  Duran  and  Brasseur  evidently  con- 
sider the  slight  incisions  made  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  blood  from  the 
prepuce  or  ear,  in  the  eleventh  month,  as  the  act.  Carbajal  Kspinosa,  Hist. 
Mcx.,  tom.  i.,  p.  538,  following  Clavigero,  holds  the  scarification  of  breast, 
stomach  and  arms  to  be  the  circumcision  referred  to  by  other  authors. 
Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib,  ii.,  cap.  xvii.,  and  especially  Acosta,  Hist. 
de  las  Ynd.,  p.  374,  consider  the  incision  on  the  prepuce  and  ear  to  have 
been  mistaken  for  circumcision,  and  state  that  it  was  chiefly  performed 
upon  sons  of  great  men;  they  do  not  state  when  the  ceremony  took  place. 

**  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  266;  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist. 
Mcx.,  tom.  i.,  p.  538. 

^' This  rite  was  followed  by  another,  which  usually '  ok  place  in  the 
temple  of  Huitzilopochtli.    The  priest  made  a  alight  incision  on  the  ear  of 


980 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Ill 


the  eighteenth  month  of  every  fourth  year,  the  chil- 
dren born  since  the  last  corresponding  feast,  were 
taken  to  the  temple,  where  their  ears  were  pierced 
with  a  sharp  bone,  and  macaw-feathers,  tlachcayotl,  in- 
serted; the  god-father  and  god-mother,  or,  as  they 
are  termed,  uncles  and  aunts,  whose  duty  it  was  to 
initiate  the  children  into  the  service  of  the  gods, 
holding  them  during  the  operation.** 

An  offering  of  flour  of  the  chian  seed  was  made, 
and  the  godfather  was  presented  with  a  red  robe, 
the  godmother  with  a  huipil.  Each  child  was  then 
passed  through  the  flames  of  a  fire  prepared  for  the 
purpose;  the  priest  next  took  its  head  b'^tween  his 
hands,  and  in  that  manner  lifted  it  bodily  from  the 
ground.  Everyone  thereupon  went  home  to  feast, 
but  at  noon  the  godfather  and  godmother  returned 
to  the  temple  and  executed  a  dance,  holding  the 
children  on  their  backs,  and  giving  them  pulque  to 
drink,  in  very  small  cups.  This  went  on  till  dusk, 
when  the^'  retired  to  their  houses  to  continue  the 
dancing  and  drinking.  This  feast  and  month,  Itzcalli, 
'growth,'  obtained  its  name  from  the  ceremony  of 
squeezing  the  heads  of  children,  which,  it  was  thought, 
would  make  them  grow;  but  it  was  also  called  the 
'feast  of  the  intoxication  of  boys  and  girls.'** 

Among  the  Miztecs,  the  mother  took  hot  baths  for 
twenty  days  after  delivery,  at  the  end  of  which  time 
a  feast  was  held  in  honor  of  the  goddess  of  the  bath, 
the   child  sharing  in   the   honors  of  the   occasion.* 

the  female  child,  and  on  the  ear  and  prepuee  of  the  male,  with  a  new  ob- 
sidian knife  handed  to  him  by  the  mother,  then,  throwing  the  knife  at  the 
feet  of  the  idol,  he  gave  a  name  to  the  infant,  at  the  request  of  the  parent, 
after  duly  considering  the  horoscope  and  signs  of  the  time.  Ditran,  Hist. 
Indian,  MS.,  tom.  iii.,  cap.  iii.,  quoted  by  Brassetirde  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  625-6.  Duran  really  states  that  these  ceremonies  took 
place  in  the  fourth  month,  but  as  Toci's  festival  occurs  in  the  eleventh 
month,  Brasseur  alters  the  evident  mistake.  The  naming  of  the  infant 
may  have  been  a  mere  coiifirmatioii  of  the  name  given  by  the  midwife. 

M  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Jnd.,  tom.  ii.  p.  286. 

^  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  |)]).  189-90.  Sahagun  translates 
Itzcalli  by  'growth,'  but  other  authors  differ  from  him,  as  we  shall  see  in  a 
future  chapter  on  tlic  Calendar. 

^  Herrera,  Hist.  Oen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  xii. 


HEAD-FLATTENING. 


281 


They  also  gave  the  child  a  feast  on  its  first  birthday. 
Great  care  was  exercised  to  make  children  hardy  and 
strong,  and  no  mother,  however  high  in  rank,  allowed 
her  child  to  be  given  to  a  nurse,  unless  her  own  health 
demanded  such  a  step.  The  test  of  a  wet  nurse  was 
to  press  out  a  drop  of  milk  upon  the  nail,  when  if  it 
did  not  run  the  milk  was  considered  good."  No  food 
was  given  to  the  child  the  first  day,  in  order  to  create 
an  appetite."''  It  was  suckled  for  three  years,  in  some 
places  much  longer;"*  and,  during  this  time  the  mother 
adhered  to  a  diet  that  would  keep  up  the  quality  of 
the  milk ;  many  abstained  from  intercourse  with  their 
husbands  for  the  same  period,  to  prevent  the  possi- 
bility of  another  child  interfering  with  the  proper  nur- 
ture of  the  first  one.  Another  feast  was  given  at  the 
weaning  of  the  child.  Gomara  mentions  that  a  kind 
of  head-flattening  was  practiced ;  he  says  that  the  in- 
fants were  so  placed  in  the  cradle  as  not  to  allow  the 
occiput  to  grow,  for  such  a  development  was  consid- 
ered ugly."  Humboldt,  however,  says  that  the  Aztecs 
never  flattened  the  head.  That  it  was  practiced  to  a 
considerable  extent  in  remote  times  by  people  inhabit- 
ing the  country,  seems  to  be  shown  by  the  deformed 
skulls  found  in  their  graves,  and  by  the  sculptured 
figures  upon  the  ruins.  Klemm  states  that  the  cradle 
consisted  of  a  hard  board  to  which  the  infant  was 
bound  in  such  a  manner  as  to  cause  the  malfonnation. 
The  cradle  among  the  poor  Aztecs  was  generally  of 
light  cane,  and  could  be  tied  to  the  back  of  the 
mother."* 

«'  iV  ia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazhalcctn,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  p.  77; 

Torqiii;\. A-ifa,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toiii.  ii.,  pp.  46(>-l. 

62  Gomara,  Citnq.  Mcx.,  fol.  312. 

^  Carbajal  Esi>inosn,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  553. 

•>*  Gomara,  Conq.  Mcx.,  fol.  318. 

^  The  authorities  on  childbirth,  baptism,  and  circr incision  are:  Salia- 
nun.  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  187-90,  lib.  iv.,  pp.  281-337,  torn,  ii., 
lib.  vi.,  pp.  160-222,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  119-20;  Cfavigero,  Storia  Ant. 
del  Mcssico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  2-73,  86-89;  Torqucmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toin. 
ii.,  pp.  83-4,  266,  286,  446-61;  Herrera,  Hist  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  <up. 
xvii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  xii.,  lib.  iv.<  cap.  xvi.;  Las  Casas,  Hist  Apohxjctica, 
MS.,  cap.  clxxv.,  clxxix. ;  Codex  Mendozn,  pp.  90-1,  in  KingsborougWs 
Mex.  Antiq.   vol.  v.;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  tie  Doc, 


282 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


torn,  i.,  pp.  37-8,  77,  108;  Zuazo,  Carta,  in  Id.,  pp.  363-4;  Mendieta,  Hiat. 
Eclea.,  p]).  107-^,  139;  Burgoa,  Geog.  Deacrip.,  torn,  ii.,  pt  ii.,  fol.  329, 
395;  Ddi'ila,  Teatro  Eclea.,  torn,  i.,  p.  18;  Camargo,  Hiat.  flax.,  in  Nou- 
vellea  Annalca  dea  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii.,  j>.  WIA;  Carbajal  Espinoaa,  Hiat. 
Mex.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  538,  551-5,  673;  Brasaeur  de  Bourbourg,  Hiat.  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  i.,  p.  240,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  35,  525-6,  560-3;  Acoata,  Hiat.  de  laa  Ynd., 
p.  374;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  312,  317-18;  Touron,  Hist.  G6n.,  torn, 
lii.,  pp.  12-13;  Chavea,  Support,  in  Temaux-Compaiia,  Voy.,  s^rie  ii., 
torn,  v.,  pp.  306-8;  Montanua,  Nieuwe  Weereld,  pp.  32,  265;  Klemm,  Cut- 
tur-Geschtchte,  torn,  v.,  pp.  36-9;  Buaaierre,  L" Empire  Mex.,  pp.  140-1; 
lyAvity,  L'AnUrique,  toin.  ii.,  p.  73;  Baril,  Mexique,  pp.  199-200;  Bitoa 
Antigttoa  pp.  22-3,  in  Kingaborow/Ka  Mex.  An  tig.,  vol.  ix.;  Laet,  Novua 
Orbia,  p.  239;  Adair'a  Amer.  Iiia.,  p.  217;  Miilter,  Rciaen,  torn,  iii.,  pp. 
118-20;  Purchaa  hia  Pilgrimea,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  1102-3,  1140;  Carli,  Cartaa, 
pti.,  p.  101;  Duran,  Hiat.  Indias,  MS.,  toni.  iii.,  cap.  iii.;  Diaz,  Itiniraire, 
in  Ternaux-Compana,  Voy.,  siSriei.,  torn,  x.,  p.  45;  Humboldt,  Eaaai  Pol., 
torn.  L,  p.  90;  Morton'a  Crania  Amer.,  p.  147;  Delajield'a  Antiq.  Avier., 
p.  19. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

NAHUA  FEASTS  AND  AMUSEMENTS. 

Excessive  Fondness  for  Feasts— Manner  of  Giving  Feasts— Serv- 
ing THE  Meal— Professional  Jesters — Parting  Presents  to 
Guests— Royal  Banquets— Tobacco  Smoking- Public  Dances- 
Manner  OF  Singing  and  Dancing  — The  Neteteliztli  — The 
Drama  among  the  Nahuas— Music  and  Musical  Instruments — 
Nahua  Poetry— Acrobatic  Feats— The  Netololiztli,  or  'Bird 
Dance'— Professional  Runners— The  Game  of  Tlactli— Games 
of  Chance— The  Patoliztli,  or  'Bean  Game'— 1'otoloque,  Mon- 
tezuma's Favorite  Game. 

The  excessive  fondness  of  the  Aztecs  for  feasts  and 
amusements  of  every  kind  seems  to  have  extended 
through  all  ranks  of  society.  Every  man  feasted  his 
neighbor  and  was  himself  in  turn  feasted.  Birthdays, 
victories,  house-warmings,  successful  voyages  or  spec- 
ulations, and  other  events  too  numerous  to  enumerate 
were  celebrated  with  feasts.  Every  man,  from  king  to 
peasant,  considered  it  incumbent  upon  him  to  be  second 
to  none  among  his  equals  in  the  giving  of  banquets  and 
entertainments,  and  as  these  involved  the  distribution 
of  costly  presents  aniong  liis  guests,  it  often  hap})ened 
that  the  host  ruined  himself  by  his  hospitality;  ia- 
deed,  it  is  said  that  many  sold  themselves  into 
slavery  that  they  might  be  able  to  prepare  at  least  one 
feast  that  would  immortalize  their  memory.*     More- 


I  Bitos  Antiguos,  p.  20,  in  KingshorougKa  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix. 

(283) 


284 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


over  the  priests,  with  the  subtle  policy  characteristic 
of  their  class,  took  advantaj^e  of  this  disposition  to 
ordain  long  and  frequent  celebrations  in  honor  of  in- 
numerable gods;  in  short,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive 
what  part  of  the  year  could  have  been  saved  for  busi- 
ness from  what  seems  to  have  been  a  continual  round 
of  merry-making. 

The  grandeur  of  the  feast  depended,  of  course,  upon 
the  wealth  of  the  host,  the  rank  of  the  guests,  and 
the  importance  of  the  event  celebrated.  For  many 
days  before  a  noble  or  wealthy  man  entertained  his 
friends,  an  army  of  servants  were  employed  in  sweep- 
ing the  approaches  to  the  house,  decorating  the  halls 
and  courts  with  branches  and  garlands,  erecting  chi- 
namas,  or  arbors,  and  strewing  the  floors  with  flowers 
and  sweet  herbs;  others  prepared  the  table  service, 
killed  and  dressed  dogs,  plucked  fowls,  cooked  tama- 
les,  baked  bread,  ground  cacao,  brewed  drinks,  and 
manufactured  perfumed  cigarettes.  Invitations  were 
in  the  meantime  sent  to  the  guests.  These  on  their 
arrival  were  presented  with  flowers  as  a  token  of 
welcome.  Those  of  a  superior  condition  to  the  host 
were  saluted  after  the  Aztec  fashion  by  touching  the 
hand  to  the  earth  and  then  carrying  it  to  the  lips. 
On  some  occasions  garlands  were  placed  upon  the 
heads  of  the  guests  and  strings  of  roses  about  their 
necks,  while  copal  was  burnt  before  those  whom  the 
host  delighted  specially  to  honor.  While  waiting  for 
the  meal  the  guests  employed  their  time  in  walking 
freely  about  the  place,  complimenting  their  host  on  the 
tasteful  manner  in  which  the  house  was  decorated,  or  ad- 
miring the  fine  shrubbery,  green  grass  plats,  well-kept 
flower-beds,  and  sparkling  fountains  in  the  gardens. 

Dinner  being  announced,  all  took  their  seats,  accord- 
ing to  rank  and  age,  upon  mats  or  icpalli,  stools, 
ranged  close  along  the  walls.^     Servants  then  entered 

>  The  highest  in  rank  or  consideration  sat  on  tlie  right  side,  and  those 
of  inferior  degree  on  tlie  loft;  young  men  sat  at  the  ends  on  both  sides, 
accordiugto  tneir  ranli.  Sahaguii,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  ix.,  pp.  347-8. 


FEASTS  AND  ENTERTAINMENTS. 


with  water  and  towels,  with  which  each  guest  washed 
his  hands  and  mouth.  Sinoking-canes  were  next  pre- 
sented on  molcaxetes,  or  plates,  to  stimulate  the  ajjpe- 
tite.  The  viands,  kept  warm  by  chafing  dishes,  were 
then  brought  in  upon  artistically  worked  plates  of  gold, 
silver,  tortoise-shell,  or  earthenware.  Each  person 
before  beginning  to  eat  threw  a  small  piece  of  food 
into  a  lighted  brazier,  in  honor  of  Xiuhtecutli,  the 
god  of  fire,^  probably  by  way  of  grace.  The  numer- 
ous highly  seasoned  dishes  of  meat  and  fish  having 
been  duly  discussed,  the  servants  cleared  the  tables 
and  feasted  upon  the  remains  of  the  banquet  in  com- 
pany with  the  attendants  of  the  guests.*  Vessels 
called  teutecomatls,  filled  with  chocolate,  each  provided 
with  a  spoon  to  stir  the  fluid  with,  were  then  brought 
on,  together  with  water  for  washing  the  hands  and 
rinsing  the  mouth.  The  women  who  were  present  on 
these  occasions,  although  they  sat  apart  from  the  men, 
received  a  kind  of  spiced  gruel  instead  of  cacao.  The 
old  people,  however,  were  plied  with  octli,  a  very  potent 
beverage,  until  they  became  drunk,  and  this  was  held 
to  be  an  indispensable  part  of  the  ceremony. 

The  smoking-canes  were  now  once  more  produced, 
and  while  the  guests  reclined  luxuriously  upon  their 
mats  enjoying  the  grateful  influence  of  the  fragrant 
leaf  which  we  are  told  by  Bernal  Diaz  they  called 
'tobacco,'  and  sipping  their  drinks,  the  music  suddenly 
struck  up,  and  the  young  folks,  or  perhaps  some  pro- 
fessionals, executed  a  dance,  singing  at  the  same  time 
an  ode  prepared  for  the  occasion,  as  well  as  other  songs. 
Dwarfs,  deformed  beings,   and  curious  objects  were 

'  Speaking  of  this  Xiuhtecutli,  Torquemada  says:  '  honrahanlo  como  h 
Dioa,  porquc  los  ualcntabu,  cocia  el  Pun  y  {juisaba  la  Caiiie,  y  por  esto  en 
ca<la  Casa  le  veneraban;  y  en  el  niisnio  Fogon,  J)  Hogar,  qiiando  querian 
comer,  le  daban  el  primer  bocado  de  la  vianda,  para  que  alii  sc  qucniaiie;  y 
lo  que  avian  dc  beber,  lo  avia  de  gustar  priniero,  hechando  en  el  fuego  parte 
de  el  licor.'  Motiarq.  Intl.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  57.  Sahagun  saysthe  morsel  of  food 
was  tlirown  into  the  fire  in  honor  of  the  god  Tlaltecutli:  'antes  ciuc  comen- 
zascn  li  comer  los  convidados  la  coniida  que  Ics  habian  puesto,  tomaban  uu 
Imcado  de  la  coniida,  y  arrojdbanlo  al  fuego  d  honra  del  dios  Tlaltecutli,  y 
luego  comenzaban  d  comer.  Hist.  Gcm.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  iv.,  p.  333. 
♦  Torqrtemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  457. 


Wi 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


also  introduced  to  vary  the  entertainment;  but  the 
professional  jesters  were  the  favorites,  and  the  jokes 
made  by  them  raised  many  a  Uiuj^yh,  thouja^h  tliis  was 
rather  forced  perhaps  by  those  at  whose  expense  said 
jokes  were  cracked,  for  these  fools  were  fully  as  privi- 
leged as  tlieir  contemporary  Eurojjean  brothers  of 
motley,  and  sometimes  spoke  very  biting  truths  in  the 
shape  of  a  jest;  in  some  cases  they  were  disguised  in 
the  costume  of  a  foreign  nation,  whose  dialect  and 
peculiarities  they  imitated;  at  other  times  they  would 
mimic  old  women,  well-know"  eccentric  individuals, 
and  so  forth. 

The  nobles  kept  a  number  of  these  jesters  for  their 
own  amusement,  and  often  sent  them  to  a  neighboring 
brother-noble  to  propound  riddles ;  taking  care  to  pro- 
vide them  with  means  to  pay  forfeit  should  the  riddle 
be  solved/ 

These  private  banquets  generally  lasted  till  mid- 
night, when  the  party  broke  up.  Each  guest  received 
at  parting  presents  of  dresses,  gourds,  cacao-beans, 
flowers,  or  articles  of  food.  Should  any  accident  or 
shortcoming  huso  marred  the  pleasure  of  the  party, 
the  host  would  sooner  repeat  the  entertainment  than 
have  any  slur  rest  upon  his  great  social  venture.  1  n 
any  case  it  was  doubtless  difficult  for  the  good  man  to 
escai)e  censure  either  for  extravagance  or  stinginess. 

At  the  royal  feasts  given  when  tlie  great  vassals 
came  to  the  capital  to  render  homage  to  their  sov- 
ereign, the  people  flocked  in  from  the  provinces  in 
great  numbers  to  see  the  sights,  which  consisted  of 
theatrical  representations,  gladiatorial  combats,  fights 
between  wild  beasts,  athletic  sports,  musical  perform- 
ances, and  poetical  recitations  in  honor  of  kings,  gods, 
and  heroes.  The  nobles,  in  addition  to  this,  partook 
daily  of  banquets  at  the  palace,  and  were  presented  by 
the  monarch  with  costly  gifts.* 

*  Sahnqun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  p.  292. 

*  For  Hescriptiuii  of  feiists  see:  Torque maila,  Afonarq.  Ind.,  torn  ii.,  pp. 
457-8;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  i.,  lib.  iv.,  pp.  332-6,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  ix., 


TOBACCO  IN  THE  NEW  WOULD. 


287 


To  the  tohacco-lovin{]f  reader  it  will  be  interestinjjf  to 
learn  how  the  weed  was  Hiiioked  in  the  New  World 
before  it  was  introduced  into  the  Old  by  the  immortal 
Jean  Nicot,  whoBe  name  be  forever  bleHHed.  The  habit 
of  smokinjf  did  not  possess  amonj^  the  Nahuas  the 
peculiar  character  attached  to  it  by  the  North  Ameri- 
vtm  natives,  as  an  indispensable  accessory  to  treaties, 
the  cementing  of  friendship,  and  so  forth,  but  was  in- 
dulged in  chiefly  by  the  sick,  as  a  pastime  and  for  its 
stimulating  efl'ect.  The  origin  of  the  custom  among 
tlie  Naluias  may  be  traced  to  the  use  of  reed-grass, 
tilled  with  aromatic  herbs,  which  was  lighted  and 
given  to  guests  that  they  might  diffuse  tlie  perfume 
about  them;  gradually  they  came  to  puff  the  reeds 
and  swallow  the  smoke,  pretending  to  find  therein  a 
remedy  against  headache,  fatigue,  phlegm,  sleepless- 
ness, etc.  Three  kinds  of  tobacco  were  used,  the  i/ctl, 
signifying  tobacco  in  general,  obtained  from  a  large 
leaved  plant,  the  picyetl,  from  a  small  but  stronger 
species,  and  quaiujetl,  a  less  esteemed  kind  known  later 
on  as  wild  tobacco.  ^  lavigero  asserts  that  the  jyicyetl 
and  quaayetl  were  the  only  species  known  among  the 
Mexicans.  It  was  generally  smoked  after  dinner  in 
the  form  of  paper,  reed,  or  maize-leaf  cigarettes,  called 
pori/cfl,  'smoking  tobacco,'  or  arayetl,  *  tobacco-reed,' 
the  leaf  being  mixed  in  a  paste,  says  Veytia,  with 
xovhioc.otzotl,  liquid  amber,  aromatic  herbs,  and  pulver- 
ized charcoal,  so  as  to  keep  smouldering  when  once 
lighted,  and  shed  a  perfume.  The  picyetl  tobacco  was 
sni;)ked  later  in  the  day,  without  admixture,  and  some- 
wliat  in  the  shape  of  cigars.  The  smoke  was  inhaled, 
and  the  nose  closed,  in  order  that  none  of  the  grateful 
qualities  should  be  lost.  Wooden,  metal,  or  bamboo 
tubes  were  sometimes  used  instead  of  cigarettes.    Snuff- 


pp.  .359-60,  364-.5;  Brasseur  de  Bonrhourij,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp. 
Gt'i-O;  fd.,  in  Nouodles  Annates  des  Voj/.,  1858,  toni.  clix.,  pp.  74-6;  Go- 
marrt,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  .318;  Prr.scotfs  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  1.52-7;  liussicrre, 
VEmpire  Met.,  p.  178;  Baril,  Mcxiqite,  pp.  210-11;  Jiitos  Antiguos,  p.  20, 
'mKiiigshoroujlC'i  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  i.\. 


388 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


i 


ing  the  pulverized  leaf  is  an  ancient  custom  which  we 
owe  to  them.'' 

Dancing  was  the  favorite  Aztec  amusement,  and  the 
fanciful  arrangement  of  their  dances,  as  well  as  the 
peculiar  grace  of  their  motions,  is  highly  praised  bv 
all  the  old  chroniclers.  Dancing,  and  especially  reli- 
gious dances,  formed  an  important  part  of  an  Aztec 
youth's  education,  and  much  trouble  was  taken  by  the 
priests  to  instruct  them  in  it. 

The  preparations  for  the  great  public  dances,  when 
the  performers  numbered  thousands,*  were  on  an  im- 
mense scale.  The  choirs  and  bands  attached  to  the 
service  of  the  various  temples  were  placed  under  the 
supervision  of  a  leader,  usually  a  priest,  who  composed 
the  ode  of  the  day,  set  it  to  music,  instructed  the  mu- 
sicians, appointed  the  leaders  of  the  dance,  perfected 
the  arrangements  generally,  observed  that  all  did  their 
duty,  and  caused  every  fault  or  negligence  to  be  se- 
verely punished."  The  NeteteliztU  dance  took  place 
either  in  the  plaza  or  in  the  courtyard  of  the  temple,  in 
the  centre  of  which  mats  were  spread  for  the  musicians. 
The  nobles  and  aged  men  formed  a  circle  nearest  to  the 
drums,  the  people  of  less  importance  formed  another 
circle  a  little  distance  behind,  and  the  young  people 
composed  the  third  ring.  Two  leading  dancers  directed 
the  movements,  and  whatever  steps  they  made  were 
imitated  by  the  performers.  When  all  was  ready,  a 
whistle  gave  the  signal  and  the  drums  were  beaten 
lightly  to  a  well-known  tune  started  by  the  leaders 
and  taken  up  by  the  dancers,  who  at  the  same  time 
began  to  move  their  fei  \  arms,  heads  and  bodies  in 
perfect  accord.     Each  \  <  "se  or  couplet  was  repeated 

7  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn.  '.,  pp.  49-.51;  Clavigero,  Stnrin  Ant. 
del  MesHtco,  torn,  ii.,  p.  227.  Her,  irfez,  Nora  J'lnnt.,  )».  173;  Oviedo, 
Hist.  Gen.,  tmn.  i.,  |).  .525;  Brassciir  Bourbourg,  Hi.if.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn, 
iii.,  p.  646;  L'arbajal  Espiiiosa,  Hist,  ex.,  toin.  i.,  p.  684;  Klemm,  C'vltur- 
Geschichte,  torn,  v.,  pp.  12-13. 

*  '  luntauansc  a  cstc  bayle,  no  in  hombres,  como  dize  Comara,  pero 
mas  de  ocho  mil.'  Herrcra.  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  viii. 

^  Saha'^nn,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  p.  315,  ever  prepared  with 
capital  puniHhment,  states  that  'cl  aeilor  les  mandaba  prender,  y  otro  dia 
los  mandaba  niatar.' 


THE  MITOTE  AND  RIBBON  DANCE.  M 

throo  or  four  times,  tlie  dancers  kee])inflf  time  with 
thuir  ai/acacktli,  or  rattles.  Each  must  keep  his  rela- 
tive position  in  the  circle,  and  complete  the  circuit  at 
the  siinio  time ;  the  inner  circle,  therefore,  moved  at  a 
slow,  di«(niHed  pace,  suited  to  the  rank  and  ajje  of  the 
men  composing  it;  the  second  i)roceeded  somewhat 
faster,  while  the  dancers  in  the  outer  circle  approached 
a  run  as  the  dance  became  liveliei .  The  motions  were 
varied ;  at  one  time  the  dancers  held  one  another  by 
the  hand,  at  another,  round  the  waist;  now  they  took 
the  left  hand  neighbor  for  partner,  now  the  right, 
sometimes  facing  one  way,  sometimes  another.  The 
first  song  e.iaed,  which  referred  to  the  event  of  the 
day,  a  })opular  ode,  treating  of  their  gods,  kings,  or 
heroes,  was  taken  up  and  sung  in  a  higlier  scale  and 
to  a  livelier  measure,  the  dance  meanwhile  constantly, 
increasing  in  animation.  This  was  the  case  with  all 
the  succeeding  songs,  each  one  becoming  higher  and 
shriller  as  it  proceeded;  flutes,  trumpets,  and  sharp 
whistles  were  sometimes  added  to  the  band  to  increase 
the  effect.  When  one  set  of  dancers  became  tired, 
another  took  its  place,  and  so  the  dance  continued 
through  the  whole  day,  each  song  taking  about  an 
hour.  Jesters  and  clowns  in  various  disguises  circu- 
lated between  the  lines,  cutting  capers,  cracking  jokes, 
and  servinjr  refreshments.  Herrera  states  that  the 
solenm  mitote  was  danced  by  twos  in  the  outer  circle.*" 
At  private  dances,  two  parallel  lines  were  usually 
formed,  the  dancers  turning  in  various  directions, 
changing  partners,  and  crossing  from  line  to  line." 
Sometimes  one  stepped  from  each  line,  and  performed 
a  pas  de  deux  while  the  others  looked  on.  The  'rib- 
bon dance,'  resemMed  the  English  may-pole  dance  to  a 
certain  extent.  A  pole,  fifteen  to  twenty  feet  high, 
was  erected  on  a  smooth  piece  of  ground,  and  twenty 
or  more  persons,  each  seizing  the  end  of  a  colored  rib- 
bon attached  to  its  summit,  began  to  dance  about  the 

"  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xix. 
"  Claviqcro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  180. 
Vol.  II.    19 


200 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I 


mast,  crossing  each  other  and  winding  in  apparent  con- 
fusion, until  the  pole  was  covered  with  a  motley  text- 
ure of  a  certain  desijjn.  When  the  hand  hecanie  too 
short,  the  plaiting  was  unwound  hy  reversing  the  order 
of  the  dance.  They  had  a  numher  of  other  mitotes, 
or  dances,  varying  chiefly  in  the  colors  worn  by  the 
dancers,  the  finery,  painting,  and  disguises,  and  con- 
forming to  the  text  of  the  songs,  such  as  the  hiiexot- 
zincaiutl,  anaoacaiutl,.  cuextecaiutl,  tocotiii,  and  others 
to  be  described  under  religious  festivals."  Children 
from  four  to  eight  years  of  age,  the  sons  of  nobles, 
took  part  in  some  dances  and  sang  the  soprano, 
and  the  priests  joined  in  the  solemn  performances. 
Certain  dances,  as  the  netecuitotoli,^^  could  only  be 
performed  by  the  king  and  nobles,"  a  space  being 
always  set  apart  for  the  sovereign  when  he  danced. 
Women  joined  the  men  in  some  dances,  but  generally 
danced  apart.  Certain  dancing-houses  of  bad  repute 
termed  cuicoj/an,  'great  joy  of  women,'  were  o})en  to 
females  at  night,  and  were  then  scenes  of  unmitigated 
debauch.*"  Great  pains  was  taken  to  appear  as  tine  as 
possible  at  the  dances;  noted  warriors  appeared  mag- 
nificently dressed,  and  occasionally  bearing  shields  set 
with  feathers;  nobles  in  court  dress  of  rich  mantles 
knotted  at  the  shoulders,  fanciful  maxtlis  round  the 
loins,  tassels  of  feathers  and  gold  in  the  hair,  lip- 
ornaments  of  gold  and  precious  stones,  gold  rings  in 
the  ears,  bracelets  of  the  same  metal  set  with  plumes, 
or  strings  of  chalchiuites  and  turquoises  round  the 
wrists  and  other  parts  of  the  arms,  and  some  had  gold 
bells  attached  to  the  ankles ;  the  gaily  coK)red  dresses 
of  the  lower  class  were  decorated  with  feathers  and 
embroidery;  garlands  and  flowers  encircled  the  head, 
necklaces  of  shells  and  beans  hung  about  the  neck, 

^*  SahnffUH,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  308-9;  Clavigero,  Storia 
Ant.  drl  Messiro,  to-n.  ii.,  pp.  181-2. 

>''  Nctccuhytotiliztii,  according  to  Torqucmada,  Monarq.  Ind,,  torn,  ii., 
p.  280. 

■*  Sahatfun,  Hint.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p.  189. 

1*  Tezozomoc,  Jlitt.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  87 


THE  ABORIGINAL  DRAMA. 


291 


to 


bracelets  clasped  the  arms  and  legs,  and  all  carried 
nosegays.  The  women  also  shone  in  huipiles,  gaily 
colored,  fancifully  embroidered,  and  set  with  fringes." 
The  drama  scarcely  equaled  in  excellence  the  cho- 
ral dance,  j'et  in  this  respect,  as  in  others,  the  Nahuas 
showed  considerable  advancement.  Thalia  presided 
more  frequently  than  Melpomene  over  the  play,  which 
generally  took  the  character  of  a  burlesque.  The  per- 
formers mostly  wore  masks  of  wood,  or  were  disguised 
as  animals.  No  special  building  was  devoted  to  the 
drama,  but  the  lower  porch  of  a  temple  usually  served 
as  the  stage;  some  large  towns,  however,  boasted  of  a 
permanent  stage,  erected  in  the  centre  of  the  plaza. 
The  principal  of  these  was  at  Tlatelulco,  and  consisted 
of  a  terrace  of  stone  and  lime,  thirteen  feet  high,  by 
thirty  in  breadth.  When  in  use  it  was  decorated  with 
foliage,  and  mats  of  various  colors,  whereon  was  embla- 
zoned the  coat  of  arms  of  the  city,  were  hung  all  round 
it.  At  Cholula  the  porch  of  the  temple  of  Quetzaicoatl 
served  as  a  stage ;  this  was  whitewashed  and  adorned 
with  arches  of  branches,  featliers,  and  flowers,  from 
which  hung  birds,  rabbits,  and  other  curious  objects. 
Here  the  peo})le  congregated  after  dinner  on  gala-days 
to  witness  the  performance,  in  which  deaf,  lame,  blind, 
deformed,  or  sick  pe()[)le,  or,  sometimes,  merchants, 
mechanics,  or  prominent  citizens,  were  mimicked,  bur- 
lesqued, and  made  fu?i  of.  Each  actor  endeavored  to 
represent  his  r6\e  in  the  most  grotesque  manner  possi- 
ble.    He  who  was  for  the  moment  deaf  irave  nonsen- 


'"  '  I  PIcbci  si  travcativano  in  viirie  figure  d'animali  con  aViti  fatti  di 
carta,  cili  |>ciinc,  o  di  ]>clli' — iiii  doubt  to  distiiipiiHli  them  from  the  gentry 
when  they  joined  in  the  dani'o.  ('/ariifcro,  l:itoria  Ant.  ttrt  Mexnico,  torn,  ii., 
pp.  179-Hl,  and  others  who  follow  iiiin.  In  Sahuffiiu,  Hint.  (Jen.,  torn,  i., 
lili.  ii.,  |i|i.  1.30-3,  if!  a  \on>^  doBCfiption  of  feaHt-day  dress.  For  description 
ofdaneessec  Id.,  torn,  li.,  lih.  viii.  pp.  308-9,  314-1.5;  Torqucvmdit,  Mo- 
nun/.  Inil.,  toni.  ii.,  pn.  JmO-'J;  I)\ivilj/,  L'AmH-iqne,  toni.  ii.,p.  68;  Mon- 
tanuH,  Nkinm  Wcercld,  op.  '2()7-8;  AmHn,  Hist,  de  la.t  Ynd.,  pp.  44<i-9; 
Purciuts  his  I'ilqriiMH,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  1004-5;  Cnrhnjal Espinosa,  lust.  Mrr., 
torn,  i.,  pp.  043-.');  Ihiissrur  de  tiourhoiirg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp. 
(M)9-71;  Mendinta,  Hist.  Ecles,,  pp.  140-3;  Tezozomoc,  Hist.  Mex.,  toni.  i., 
pp.  01,  87;  (inmnrn,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  106-7;  Klemm,  Cullur-Geschichte, 
toni.  v.,  pp.  5fl-S;  Hrrrern,  Hist.  Gen,,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  viii.,  dec.  iii., 
lib.  ii.,  cap.  xix.,  and  TranBk>.ion,  Lond.  1726,  vol.  iii.,  p.  227,  with  cut 


292 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


sical  answers  to  questions  put  to  him ;  the  sick  man 
depicted  the  effects  of  pain,  and  so  forth.  When  these 
had  exhausted  their  stock  of  jokes,  others  entered  as 
beetles,  frogs,  or  hzards,  croaking,  whistUng,  and  skip- 
ping about  the  stage  after  the  manner  of  the  creatures 
they  represented.  Tlie  boys  from  the  temples  also 
appeared  as  birds  and  butterflies,  and  flocked  into  the 
trees  in  the  courtyard.  Each  performer  rehearsed  his 
part  before  appearing  in  public,  and  great  care  was 
taken  that  no  blunder  should  mar  the  beauty  of  the 
plot.  The  priests  added  to  the  fun  by  blowing  nmd- 
balls  at  the  actors  through  wooden  tubes,  and  praising 
or  censuring  the  performance  in  a  jocular  manner. 
The  entertainment  concluded  with  a  ball,  which  was 
attended  by  all  the  actors." 

Some  authors  have  spoken  very  favorably  of  the 
dramatic  skill  of  the  Nahuas.  Clavigero  is  not  in- 
clined to  indorse  this  opinion,  although  he  thinks  a 
great  advance  would  have  been  made  in  this  direction 
had  the  Mexican  Empire  survived  another  century;  a 
very  natural  conclusion,  certainly.  The  ceremonies  at 
the  religious  festivals  often  partook  of  a  dramatic 
character,  as  will  be  seen  presently.^* 

Music,  a  principal  attraction  at  our  theatrical  enter- 
tainments, did  not  play  an  important  part  on  the 
Nflhua  stage,  and,  though  we  hear  of  singers  appear- 
ing, instrumental  concert  is  not  mentioned.  Aside 
from  this,  the  high  importance  attached  to  music  is 
evident  from  the  myth  of  its  origin.  According  to 
this  myth  no  less  a  personage  than  Tezcatlipoca'" 
brought,  or  sent  for,  music  from  the  sun,  and  con- 
structed a  bridge  of  whales  and  turtles,  symbols  of 
strength,  by  which  to  convey  it  to  the  earth. 

Drums,  horns,  shells,  trumpets,  and  shrill  whistles 


^1  Klemm,  Cultur-Gcschichtc,  torn,  v.,  i>p.  144-5,  has  it  that  tho  audience 
also  attended  this  bnll. 

'8  Aaosfa,  Hist  de  las  Ynd.,  pp.  .391-2;  Claviflcro,  Sloria  Ant.  del  Mcs- 
tico,  torn,  ii.,  i)p.  7(1-8;  Pimentrl,  Mem.  sobre  In  Itaza  IndOfena,  pp.  59-CO; 
Braxseur  dc  liourboiirtf.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn.  ili.,pp.  6(4-0. 

'*  For  au  account  of  Tezcatlipoca  see  Vol.  III.  of  this  work. 


MUSICAL  INSTRUMENTS. 


293 


to 

,19 


made  from  cleft  bones  were  the  instruments  most  used. 
The  drum  was  the  favorite,  and  the  beating  of  several 
in  nice  accord  sufficed  alone  for  an  accompaniment  to 
the  song  and  the  dance.     Two  kinds  of  drum  are  men- 
tioned :  of  these,  the  huehuetl'^  was  a  hollow  cylinder  of 
wood,  about  three  feet  high,  and  a  foot  and  a  half  in 
diameter,  curiously  carved  and  painted,  and  having  its 
upper  end  covered  with  a  dressed  deer-skin,  tightened 
or  loosened  in  tuning,  and  played  upon  with  the  hands. 
The  other  kind  of  drum   was  called   the  teponaztli, 
'wing  of  the  stone-vapor;'  this  was  entirely  of  wood, 
and  had  no  opening  but  two  parallel  slits  in  one  side, 
the  enclosed  piece  being  divided  in  the  centre  so  as  to 
form  two  tongues,  each  of  which  increased  in  thickness 
towards  its  extremity ;  the  drum  was  placed  in  a  hori- 
zontal position  and  the  sound  was  produced  by  beating 
the  tongues  with  sticks  tipped  with  rubber  balls.    This 
drum  varied  in  length  from  a  toy  of  a  few  inches  to 
five  feet.     Sometimes  it  was  carved  in  the  shape  of  a 
man,  woman,  or  animal,  and  lay  lengthways  on  tres- 
tles.    The  huehuetl  gave  forth  a  dull  sound  resem- 
blinfif  that  of  the  East  Indian  tom-tom.    These  drums, 
when  of  the  largest  size,  could  be  heard  at  a  distance 
of  two  miles. '^^     The   teponaztli   produced   a   melan- 
choly sound,  which  is  considered  by  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg  to  have  been  a  symbol  of  the  hollow  warning 
noise  preceding  the  annihilation  of  Earth,  which  was 
symbolized  by  the  instrument  itself.**     The  tetzilacatl 
was  a  kind  of  gong  made  of  copper  and  struck  with  a 
hammer  of  the  same  material.     The  ayacachtli  was  a 
rattle  of  copper,  perforated  and  filled  with  pebbles, 
used  by  dancers. 

The  ancient  writers  unite  in  praising  the  perfect 
unison  and  good  time  observed  by  the  singers,  both  in 
solo  and  quartette,  with  chorus  and  responses,  and 
they  mention  particularly  the  little  boys  of  from  four 


*"  Called  tlapanhuchuctl  by  Tezozomoc  and  nraasciir  de  Bourbourg. 
"  Clnviffcro,  Sloria  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  179,  etc. 
"  Quatre  Lettrea,  p.  04. 


i 


294 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


to  eight  years  of  age,  who  rendered  the  soprano  in  a 
manner  that  reflected  great  credit  on  the  training  of 
their  priestly  tutors.  Each  temple,  and  many  noble- 
men kept  choirs  and  bands  of  professional  musicians, 
usually  led  b^  a  priest,  who  composed  odes  appropri- 
ate to  every  occasion,  and  set  them  to  music,  Bass 
singers  were  rare,  and  were  prized  in  proportion  to 
their  rarity.  They  had  a  great  number  of  popular 
sonofs  or  ballads,  which  were  well  known  in  all  classes. 
Young  people  were  obliged  to  learn  by  heart  long  epics, 
in  which  were  recounted  the  glorious  deeds  of  heroes 
in  battle  and  the  chase;  or  didactic  pieces,  pointing 
some  moral  and  inculcating  a  useful  lesson;  or  hymns 
of  praise  and  appeal  for  sacred  festivals.  Clavigero, 
Pimentel,  and  other  authors  extol  the  aboriginal  muse 
highly,  and  describe  the  language  used  as  pure,  bril- 
liant, figurative,  and  interwoven  with  allusions  to  the 
beauties  of  nature;  unmeaning  interjections  scattered 
here  and  there  to  assist  the  metre,  evince  a  lack  of 
finish,  however,  and  the  long,  compound  words,  a  sin- 
gle one  of  which  often  formed  a  whole  verse,  certainly 
did  not  add  to  the  harmony,  yet  they  observed  good 
metre  and  cadence.'" 

The  art  of  music  was  under  royal  protection,  and 
singers  as  well  as  musicians  were  exempt  from  taxa- 
tion. Nezahualcoyotl,  the  great  Tezcucan  patron  of 
art,  himself  composed  a  number  of  odes  and  elegies, 
and  founded  an  academy  of  sciences  and  music,  where 
the  allied  kings  of  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan 
presided,  and  distributed  prizes  to  the  successful  com- 
petitors. Toltec  son^s  are  highly  praised  for  their 
beauty  and  variety.  The  Totonacs  and  Tepanecs  are 
said  to  have  been  as  far  advanced  in  music  and  sing- 
ing as  the  Aztecs;**  but  concerning  these  arts  I  shall 
speak  more  at  length  in  a  future  chapter. 

w  Gomara,  Conq.  Max.,  fol.  106,  states,  'y  csto  va  todo  en  conla  por  sub 
consonaiites,'  but  it  is  not  likely  that  they  were  anytliing  else  tlian  blank 
verso,  for  such  a  thin^r  as  rhynio  is  not  mentioned  by  any  other  writer. 

"  Conce.-iing  music  and  singinu  see:  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mes- 
nco,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  174-9;  Torquemaaa,  Monarq.  Intl.,  torn,  i.,  p.  220,  torn. 


GYMNASTIC  PERFORMANCES. 


Mes- 
toin. 


The  acrobatic  feats  performed  by  tlie  Nahuas  ex- 
cited the  surprise  and  admiration  of  the  conquerors, 
and  the  court  of  Spain,  before  which  some  of  these 
athletes  were  introduced,  was  no  less  astounded  at  the 
grace,  daring,  and  strength  displayed  by  them. 

Some  of  these  gymnastic  performances  have  only  of 
late  become  known  to  us;  thus,  the  so-called  Chinese 
foot-balancing  trick,  in  which  a  man  lying  on  his  back 
spins  a  heavy  pole  on  the  soles  of  his  raised  feet, 
throws  i«  up,  catches  it,  and  twirls  it  in  eveyy  direc- 
tion, was  a  common  feat  with  the  Naliua  acrobat,  who, 
indeed,  excelled  the  circus-man  of  to-day,  in  that  he 
twirled  the  pole  while  a  man  sat  at  each  end  of  it. 
Another  feat  was  performed  by  three.  One  having 
braced  himself  firmly,  another  mounted  on  his  should- 
ers, while  the  third  climbed  up  and  stood  upon  the 
head  of  the  second.  In  this  position  the  human  col- 
timn  moved  slowly  about,  the  man  on  the  top  perform- 
ing a  kind  of  dance  at  the  same  time.  Again,  a  man 
would  dance  on  the  top  of  a  beam,  the  lower  end  of 
which  was  forked  and  rested  upon  the  shoulders  of 
two  other  dancers.  Some  raised  a  stick  from  the 
ground  while  a  man  balanced  at  the  end  of  it;  others 
leaped  upon  a  stick  set  upright  in  the  ground,  or  danced 
upon  tlio  tight-rope.  Another  game  involving  an 
equal  display  of  grace  and  daring  was  the  netotoUztli, 
or  'bird  dance,'  known  to  the  Spaniards  as  the  'flying- 
game,'  and  performed  especially  during  the  laymen's 
feast.  In  the  centre  of  an  open  place,  generally  a 
public  square,  a  lofty  pole  was  erected.  On  the  top 
of  this  pole  was  placed  a  wooden,  moveable  cap,  re- 
sembling an  inverted  mortar;  to  this  were  fastened 

>i.,  pp.  551-2;  Acosta,  Hist,  dc  las  Ynd.,  p.  447;  Mendieta.  Ui.it.  Erles.,\m- 
140-1;  Gnnmra,  Conq.  Mcx.,  fol.  106;  Ptuwntel,  Mem.  sobre  la  liuzaln- 
digciin,  \^\t.  57-0;  lirasHrnr  <lc  Bonrhounj,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  i.,  \).  282, 
torn,  iii.,  pp.  270,  660,  672-74;  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mcx.,  torn,  i.,  pp. 
G41-2;  J'lorlias  his  Pil(frimcs,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  1064-5;  Tczozomoc,  Hist.  Mcx., 
toiii.  i.,  p.Ol;  Kkinin,  Cultnr-Geschichtc,  torn,  v.,  pn.  145-50;  Miiller,  Amer- 
iknnisr.hc  Urrcligioiicii,  p.  545;  Banking's  Hist,  iiescarches,  i>.  .^4;  Prcs- 
cott's  Mcx.,  vol.  I.,  i)p.  170-5,  194;  Lenoir,  Parallile,  p.  64;  JJupaix,  Jicl., 
2'''Exp<!.l.,  pi.  62-3,  ill  Antiq.  Mcx.,  torn,  iii.;  Fucnlcal,  in  Tcrnuux- 
Compans,  Voij.,  sdrie  it.,  torn,  v.,  pp.  218-19;  Bolurini,  Idea,  pp.  85-99. 


296 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I 


• 


.? 


four  stout  ropes  which  supported  a  wooden  frame 
about  twelve  feet  square.  Four  other,  longer  ropes 
were  carefully  wound  thirteen  times  about  the  pole 
just  below  the  cap,  and  were  thence  passed  through 
holes  made  one  in  each  of  the  four  sides  of  the  frame. 
The  ends  of  these  ropes,  while  wound  about  the  pole, 
hung  several  feet  below  the  frame.  Four  gymnasts, 
who  had  practiced  some  time  previously,  and  were 
disguised  as  birds  of  different  form,  ascended  by  means 
of  loops  of  cord  tied  about  the  pole,  and  each  having 
fastened  one  of  the  ropes  round  his  waist,  they 
started  on  their  circular  flight  with  spread  wings. 
The  impulse  of  the  start  and  the  weight  of  the  men 
set  the  frame  in  motion,  and  the  rope  unwound  quicker 
and  quicker,  enabling  the  flyers  to  describe  larger  and 
larger  circles.  A  number  of  other  men,  all  :  ^hly 
dressed,  sat  perched  upon  the  frame,  whence  they 
ascciided  in  turn  to  the  top  of  the  revolving  cap,  anii 
there  danced  and  beat  a  drum,  or  waved  a  flag,  each 
man  endeavoring  to  surpass  his  predecessor  in  daring 
and  skill.**  As  the  flyers  neared  the  ground,  and  the 
ropes  were  almost  untwisted,  the  men  on  the  frame 
glided  down  the  ropes  so  as  to  gain  the  ground  at  the 
same  time,  sometimes  passing  from  one  iope  to  the 
other  in  their  descent  and  performing  other  tricks. 
The  thirteen  turns  of  the  rope,  with  the  four  flyers, 
represented  the  cycle  with  its  four  divisions  of  thir- 
teen years. 

Running  was  practiced,  not  only  for  exercise,  but 
as  a  profession;  as  the  government  employed  a  large 
number  of  couriers  to  run  with  messages,  who  were 
trained  for  the  purpose  from  early  childhood.  To 
these  I  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  again.  Races 
were  held  at  the  chief  temple  in  Mexico  under  the 
auspices  of  the  priests,^  at  which  prizes  were  awarded 


t^  Espinosa  sccnis  to  think  that  one  man  did  all  the  dancing  on  the  sum- 
mit, and  HrasHCur  says  tiiat  each  of  the  flyers  porfoniicd  on  the  top  of  the 
mast  l)cforc  talcing  their  flight 

M  Acosta,  Hist,  de  la*  Ynd.,  pp.  387-8. 


THE  TLACHTLI,  OR  NATIONAL  GAME. 


2B7 


to  the  four  competitors  who  succeeded  in  first  gaining 
the  topmost  of  the  one  hundred  and  twenty  steps. 
The  Nahuas  must  have  been  able  swimmers,  too,  for 
it  is  said  that  travelers  usually  took  to  the  water  when 
cross] ns?  rivers,  leavinj'  the  bridges  to  those  who  car- 
ried  burdens.  There  were  also  sham  fights  and  public 
reviews,  both  for  the  exercise  of  the  army  and  the 
delectation  of  the  masses.  At  these  times  the  soldiers 
competed  for  prizes  in  shooting  with  the  arrow  or 
throwing  the  dart.'^^  On  grand  occasions,  such  as  the 
coronation  of  a  king,  soldiers  fought  with  wild  beasts, 
or  wrestled  with  one  another,  and  animals  were  pitted 
against  each  other  in  fenced  enclosures.'* 

The  national  game  of  the  Nahuas  was  the  tlachtli, 
which  strongly  resembled  in  many  points  our  game  of 
football,  and  was  quite  as  lively  and  full  of  scuffle. 
It  was  common  among  all  the  nations  whose  cult  was 
similar  to  the  Toltec,  and  was  under  special  divine 
protection,  though  what  original  religious  significance 
it  had  is  not  clear.  Indeed,  for  that  matter,  nearly 
every  game  enjoyed  divine  patronage,  and  Ometochtli, 
'two  rabbits,'  the  god  of  games,  according  to  Duran, 
was  generally  invoked  by  athletes  as  well  as  gamblers^ 
in  conjunction  with  some  special  god.  Instruments  of 
play,  and  natural  objects  were  also  conjured  to  grant 
good  luck  to  the  ai^plicant.  As  an  instance  of  the 
popularity  of  the  game  of  tlachtli,'"  it  may  be  men- 
tioned that  a  certain  number  of  towns  contributed 
anruially  sixteen  thousand  balls  in  taxes,  that  each 
town  of  any  size  had  a  special  play -ground  devoted  to 
the  game,  and  that  kings  kept  professionals  to  play 
before  them,  occasionally  challenging  each  other  to  a 
game  besides.  The  ground  in  which  it  was  played, 
called  the  tlacheo,^  was  an  alley  whose  shape  is  shown 

^1  Sahnffiin,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  p.  292. 

s^  Torqneinndn,  Monarq.  Iiid.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  53,  87;  Carbajal  Espinosa, 
Hist.  Mix.,  torn,  i.,  p.  238. 

'^  Saha'(un  culls  it  tlaxtli,  or  tlachtl;  and  Tczozomoc  tlachco,  but  this  is 
shown  by  others  to  be  the  name  of  the  play-ground. 

^•i  (ioniara  says  tlachtli,  or  tlachco:  Herrcra,  Hist.  Oen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii., 
cap.  viii.,  tlachtli. 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


in  the  cut;  one  hundred  feet  long*^  and  half 
pavP  as  wide,  except  at  each  end  where  there  were 
rectanj^ular  nooks,  which  doubtless  served  as 
resting-places  for  the  players.  The  whole  was  enclosed 
by  smooth  whitewashed  walls,  from  nine  to  twelve  feet 
high  on  the  sides,  and  somewhat  lower  at  the  ends, 
with  battlements  and  turrets,  and  decreasing  in  thick- 
ness toward  the  top.**  At  midnight,  previous  to  the 
day  fixed  for  the  game,  which  was  always  fixed  favor- 
ably by  the  augurs,  the  priests  with  much  ceremony 
placed  two  idols — one  representing  the  god  of  play, 
the  other  the  god  of  the  tlachtli^ — upon  the  side 
walls,  blessed  the  edifice,  and  consecrated  the  game  by 
throwing  the  ball  four  times  round  the  ground,  mut- 
tering the  while  a  formula.  The  owner  of  the  tlachco, 
usually  the  lord  of  the  place,  also  performed  certain 
ceremonies  and  presented  offerings,  before  opening  the 
game.  The  balls,  called  ullamaloni,  were  of  solid 
India-rubber,  three  to  four  inches  in  diameter.  The 
players  were  simply  attired  in  the  maxtli,  or  breech- 
clout,  and  sometime?  wore  a  skin  to  protect  the  parts 
coming  in  contact  with  the  ball,  and  gloves;  they 
played  in  parties,  usually  two  or  three  on  each  side. 
The  rule  was  to  hit  the  ball  only  with  knee,  elbow, 
shoulder,  or  buttock,  as  agreed  upon,  the  latter  was 
however  the  favorite  way,  and  to  touch  the  wall  of 
the  opposite  side  with  the  ball,  or  to  send  it  over, 
either  of  which  counted  a  point.  He  who  struck  the 
ball  with  his  hand  or  foot,  or  with  any  part  of  his 
body  not  previously  agreed  upon,  lost  a  point;  to  set- 
tle such  matters  without  dispute  a  priest  acted  as 
referee.     On  each  side-wall,  equidistant  from  the  ends. 


31  Duran  makes  it  one  hundred  to  two  hundred  feet,  Espinosa  fifty  varas, 
Brasseur,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  667,  sixty  to  eighty  feet. 

"  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mcx.,  toin.  i.,  p.  647,  says  that  the  side  walls 
arc  lowest,  *dc  mcnos  altura  los  latcrales  que  los  dos  de  los  extremes,'  but 
this  agrees  neither  with  other  statements,  nor  with  the  requirements  of  the 
play.  Sahagun's  description  of  the  tlachco  gives  two  walls,  forty  to  fifty 
reet  long,  twenty  to  thirty  feet  apart,  and  about  nine  feet  high. 

33  Carbajal  Espinosa  thinks  that  one  of  them  was  Omca-.atl,  'the  god  of 
joy.' 


BALL-PLAYING  AND  GAMBLINU. 


909 


was  a  large  stone,  carved  with  images  of  idols,  pierced 
through  the  centre  with  a  hole  large  enough  to  just 
admit  the  passage  of  the  ball;"*  the  player  who  by 
chance  or  skill  drove  the  ball  through  one  of  these 
openings  not  only  won  the  game  for  his  side,  but  was 
entitled  to  the  cloaks  of  all  present,  and  the  haste 
with  which  the  spectators  scrambled  off  in  order  to 
save  their  garments  is  said  to  have  been  the  most 
amusing  part  of  the  entertainment.  A  feat  so  diffi- 
cult was,  of  course,  rarely  accomplished,  save  by 
chance,  and  the  successful  player  was  made  as  much 
of  as  a  prize-winner  at  the  Olympic  games,  nor  did 
he  omit  to  present  thank  offerings  to  the  god  of  the 
game  for  the  good   fortune  vouchsafed  him. 

The  possession  of  much  property  depended  upon  the 
issue  of  the  game;  the  rich  staked  their  gold  and  jew- 
els, the  poor  their  dresses,  their  food,  or  even  their 
liberty.*' 

Gambling,  the  lowest  yet  most  infatuating  of  amuse- 
ments, was  a  passion  with  the  Nahuas,  and  property 
of  all  kinds,  from  ears  of  corn  or  cacao-beans,  to  costly 
jewelry  and  personal  liberty,  were  betted  upon  the 
issue  of  the  various  games.      Professional  gamesters 


3«  Carbajal  Espinosa,  ITist.  Mcx.,  torn,  i.,  p.  647,  states  that  the  stones 
were  ill  the  centre  of  the  ground,  'en  el  espacio  que  incdialia  entrc  los  jnga- 
(lores,'  but  no  other  author  confirms  this.  It  is  not  uiiliiiely  that  these 
stones  are  the  idols  placed  upon  tlic  walls  hy  the  priests,  for  tiiey  are  dc- 
scribed  as  lM;ing  decorated  witli  iigurcs  of  idols.  I' or  description  and  cuts 
of  the  ruins  of  wliat  seem  to  have  been  similar  structures  in  Yucatan,  see 
Vol.  IV.,  pp.  172,  230-1,  of  this  work. 

35  Vcytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  toin.  ii.,  p.  107,  says  that  the  hall  had  to  bo 
kept  up  in  the  air  a  long  time,  and  he  who  let  it  drop  lost,  Avhich  is  unlikely, 
since  the  point  was  to  drive  it  against  the  opiwnent's  wall;  it  is  possible, 
however,  that  this  trial  of  skill  formed  a  part  of  the  play,  at  times.  Ho 
also  states  that  in  the  centre  of  the  play-iiround  was  a  hole  tilled  with  water, 
and  the  player  who  sent  the  ball  into  itlost  his  ch>thes  and  had  opprobious 
epithets  liurled  at  him,  among  which  'great  adulterer' was  the  most  frc- 
(liicnt;  moreover,  it  was  lielieved  that  he  would  die  by  the  hand  of  an 
injured  husband.  A  hole  filled  with  water  docs  not,  however,  seem  appro- 
|iriate  to  a  nice  play -ground;  besides,  the  ball  would  be  very  likely  to  roll 
into  the  pool,  for  the  opponents  would  not  prevent  it.  Camargo,  Hist. 
Tlux.,  in  Noiivdles  Annates  des  Voi/.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii.,  p.  196,  and  Bras- 
sciir  dc  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  p.  123,  say  that  nobles  only 
were  allowed  to  play  the  game,  which  can  only  refer  to  certain  play-grounds 
or  occasions,  for  the  number  of  the  balls  paid  in  taxes  proves  tlie  game  too 
general  to  have  been  reserved  for  nobles. 


800 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


went  from  house  to  house  with  dice  and  play-mats, 
seeking  fresh  victims.  All  gambling  tools  were  for- 
mally charmed,  and  this  charm  was  renewed  and 
strengthened  at  intervals  by  presenting  the  instru- 
ments in  the  temple,  with  prayers  that  the  blessing  of 
the  idol  might  descend  upon  them. 

Patoliztli,  which  somewhat  resembled  our  backgam- 
mon, appears  to  have  been  the  most  popular  game  of 
chance.  Patolli,  or  large  beans  marked  with  dots, 
like  dice,  were  shaken  in  the  hand  arid  thrown  upon  a 
mat,  upon  which  was  traced  a  square  marked  with 
certain  transverse  and  diag  lal  lines.  The  thrower  of 
the  beans  marked  his  points  on  these  Ihies  according 
to  the  number  of  spots  which  fell  upward.  He  who 
first  gained  a  certain  score  won  the  game.  The 
players  were  usually  surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  inter- 
ested spectators,  who  betted  heavily  on  the  result,  and 
called  loudly  for  the  favor  of  Macuilxochitl,  the 
patron  deity  of  the  game.  Golden  and  jewelled  dice 
were  often  used  instead  of  beans  by  the  rich.^"  They 
had  another  game  in  whicli  reeds  took  the  place  of 
dice.  Two  players,  each  with  ten  pebbles  by  his  side, 
shot  split  reeds  in  turn  towards  small  holes  made  in 
the  ground,  by  bending  them  between  the  fingers ;  if 
a  reed  fell  over  a  hole  a  marker  was  placed  on  a 
square;  this  continued  until  the  markers  were  all  ex- 
hausted by  the  winner."     Montezuma's  favorite  game 


36  I 


'  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  105,  is"  the  authority  for  the  names  of  the 
game  and  beans,  f  ornneinatla  attirms,  liowever.  'ydicenle  J ucyo  Patolli, 
porquecstos  dados,  8C  llanian  asi.'  Monarq.  /i(«^.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  554.  Clavi- 
gero,  on  tlie  other  hand,  says:  'I'atolli  h  un  nomegenericosignificante  o^ni 
Borta  di  ginoco.'  Carltajal  EspinoMa  translates  him.  deferring  to  the  dice, 
Suhagun  says  that  tliey  were  'cuatro  frisoles  grandes,  y  cada  imo  tiene  un 
ahngero;'  afterwards  he  contradicts  this  by  saying  tliat  1  hey  consisted  of 
three  large  ticans  with  '  ciertos  puntos  en  cllos''  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib. 
viii.,  pp.  292,  317.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  describes  the  playing  process  us 
follows:  'Us  jetaient  Ics  dds  en  I'air  avec  Ics  deux  mams,  niarquant  Ics 
cases  avec  de  pctits  signaux  dc  diverses  coulcurs,  et  cclui  qui  rctournait  Ic 
premier  dans  les  cases  gagnait  la  partie,'  which  agrees  with  Torqueniada's 
acconnt.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  C71. 

3^  '  Hacian  cncima  de  un  encalado  unos  hoyos  pcquefiitos y  con  unns 

cai'iuelas  hendid.is  ])or  medio  dalKin  en  el  suelo  y  saltaban  en  alto,  y  tantns 
cuantas  en  las  cailuelas  caian  lo  hueco  por  arriba  tantos  casus  odeloutaba 
BUS  picdrus.'  Ditran,  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  torn,  iii.,  cap.  xxii. 


POPULAR  AMUSEMENTS. 


801 


was  called  totoloque,  and  consisted  in  throwing  small 
golden  balls  at  pieces  of  the  same  metal  set  up  as  tar- 
gets at  a  certain  distance.  Five  points  won  the  stakes. 
Peter  Martyr  jumps  at  the  conclusion  that  chess  must 
have  been  known  to  the  Nahuas,  because  they  pos- 
sessed checkered  mats.^ 

'*  For  Nahiia  games  and  amusements,  see:  Torquemada,  Monttrq.  Ltd., 
toni.  i.,  pp.,  5.%  87,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  305-0,  .552-4;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del 
Mfssim,  torn,  li.,  pp.  182-6;  iiakagun.  Hist.  Gen.,  toin.  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp. 
201-3,  316-17;  Gomura,  Conq.Mex.,  fol.  104-6;  Duran,  Hist.  Indias,  MS., 
torn.  HI.,  cap.  22-3;  Hcrrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  vii-viii.j 
Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  x.;  Purchas  his  Pilgrinies,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  HHW, 
1127-S;  Brnsseitrde  llourhourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  jtp.  123,  129,  toni. 
lii.,  pp.  665-9;  Cnrlmjal  Es/unosn,  Hist.  Mex.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  045-9;  Klemm, 
Cidlur-Gcschiehte,  toni.  v.,  pp.  54-6;  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  pp.  387-8; 
Meiidieta,  Hist.  Erlr.i.,  p.  407;  Las  Cnsas,  Hist.  Ap(do<iitiea,  MS.,  cap.  64; 
West  inid  Ost  Indischer  Lnstgarl,  pt  i.,  pp.  100-1;  Varies,  Aven.yConq.,  p. 
3l)li;  Veglia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  toni.  ii.,  pp.  107-8;  Dilworth's  C'onq.  Mex., 
p.  80;  Lenoir,  Parallile,  pp.  47-8,  q^uotiiig  Picarl,  Cirdinonies  Relig.,  toui. 
11.,  p.  81. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


PUBLIC    FESTIVALS. 

Frequent  OccuRnENCE  of  Religious  Feasts— Human  Sacrifices- 
Feasts  OF  the  Fourth  Year— Monthly  Festivals— Sacrifice 
OF  Children— Feast  of  Xipe— Manner  of  Sacrifice— Feasts 
OF  Camaxtli,  of  the  Floweh-Dealers,  of  Centeotl,  of  Tez- 

CATLIPOCA,     AND    OF    HUITZILOPOCHTLI —  FESTIVAL    OF  THE  SALT- 

Makers— The  Sacrifice  by  Fire  — Feast  of  the  Dead— The 
Coming  of  the  Gods— The  Footprints  on  the  Mat— Hunting 
Feast— The  Month  of  Love— Hard  Times— Nahia  Lupercalia 
—Feasts  of  the  Sun,  of  the  Winter  Solstice— Harvest  and 
Eight-Year  Festivals— The  Binding  of  the  Sheaf. 


The  amusements  described  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ter were  chiefly  indulged  in  during  the  great  religious 
festivals,  when  the  people  flocked  together  from  all 
quarters  to  propitiate  or  offer  up  thanks  to  some  par- 
ticular god. 

These  festivals  were  of  v«rj  frequent  occurrence. 
The  Nahuas  were  close  observcT;)  of  nature;  but  like 
other  nations  in  a  similar  or  !m  en  more  advanced  stage 
of  culture,  the  Greeks  and  Northmen  for  example, 
they  entirely  misunderstood  the  laws  which  govern 
the  phenomena  of  nature,  and  looked  upon  every  nat- 
ural occurrence  as  the  direct  act  of  some  particular 
divinity.  The  coming  of  the  rains  was  held  to  be  the 
coming  of  the  rain-gods,  with  their  heralds  the 
thunder  and  lightning;  the  varying  condition  of  the 
crops  was  ascribed  to  their  Ceres;  drought,  storms, 

(303) 


RELIGIOUS  FESTIVALS. 


eclipses,  all  were  considered  the  acts  of  special  deities. 

llie  reli<jfiou8  machinery  required  to  propitiate  the 
anger,  humor  the  whims,  and  beseech  the  I'avor  of 
such  a  vasb  number  of  capricious  divinities,  was  as 
intricate  as  it  was  ponderous.  Besides  the  daily  ser- 
vices held  in  the  various  temples,  prayers  were 
ottered  several  times  during  each  day  in  that  of  the 
sun,  sj)ecial  rites  attended  every  undertaking,  from 
the  departure  of  a  private  traveler  to  the  setting  forth 
of  an  army  for  war,  and  fixed  as  well  as  moveable 
feasts  were  held,  the  number  of  which  was  continually 
increased  as  opportunity  offered.  The  priests  observed 
fasts  among  themselves,  attended  with  penance,  scari- 
fications, and  mutilations  sometimes  so  severe  as  to 
result  fatally.  Thus,  at  the  festival  in  honor  of  Ca- 
maxtli,  the  j)riests  fasted  one  hundred  and  sixty  days, 
and  passed  several  hundred  sticks,  varying  in  thick- 
ness from  half  an  inch  to  an  inch  and  a  half  through 
a  hole  freshly  made  in  the  tongue.*  The  people  imi- 
tated these  penances  in  a  less  degree,  and  scarified 
the  members  of  their  bodies  that  had  been  the  means 
of  committing  a  sin.  Blood  was  drawn  from  the 
ears  for  inattention,  or  for  conveying  evil  utterances 
to  the  mind;  from  the  tongue  for  giving  expression  to 
bad  words;  tlie  eyes,  the  arms,  the  legs,  all  suffered 
for  any  reprehensible  act  or  neglect.  The  people  of 
each  ]>rovince,  says  Las  Casas,  had  a  manner  of  draw- 
ing blood  ])eculiar  to  themselves.' 

At  the  public  festivals  each  private  person  brought 
such  offering  to  the  god  as  his  means  allowed.  The 
poor  had  often  nothing  to  give  but  a  flower,  a  cake, 

*  See  tlie  Totonac  daily  temple  serviee,  in  Lax  Casan,  Hist.  Apologftica, 
Ms.,  ca]>.  clxxv.     '  Luego  aqiicl  vicjo  mas  principal  nietia  y  sacaba  por  su 

Icuf^iia  i>ii  aqnci  dia  euatro  cicntos  y  cincucnta  palos  de  aqnelios otros 

no  tan  viejos  sacahan  trcscicntos Estos  palos  que  nietian  y  sacaban  por 

las  Icn^'uati  eraii  tan  {rordos  coino  el  dcdo  pul<rar  dc  la  inano y  otros 

taiito  ;,'ruez(.  <  ••onio  las  dos  dedos  dc  la  niauo  pulgar  y  cl  con  que  scfiala- 
mos  |)();lian  ahrazar.'  /</.,  cap.  clxxii. 

'  '  Hit  cada  proviiicia  tciiian  difercnte  costumbrc  porquc  unos  dc  los 
braznsi  y  otros  de  los  peclio.s  y  otros  dc  los  musics,  &c.  x  en  esto  se  co<jnos- 
ciai)  ta.nbicn  dc  qt'c  Provincia  eran.'  Lcis  Casas,  Hist.  Apolog6tica,  MS., 
cap.  clxx. 


304 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


or  personal  service,  but  the  wealthy  gave  rich  robes, 
jewels,  gold,  and  slaves.  But  no  great  feast  neonis  to 
have  been  complete  without  human  sacriHce.  This 
was  always  the  great  event  of  the  day,  to  wliich  the 
people  looked  eagerly  forward,  and  for  wliich  victims 
were  carefully  preserved.  Most  of  these  njiserable 
beings  were  captives  taken  in  war,  .and  it  was  rarely 
that  the  supply  failed  to  be  sufficient  to  the  occasion, 
especially  among  the  Mexicans,  since,  as  I  have  be- 
fore said,  there  was  nearly  always  trouble  in  some 
part  of  the  empire,  if  not,  a  lack  of  victims  for  sacri- 
fice was  held  good  cau.so  for  |)icking  a  quarrel  with  a 
neighboring  nation ;  besides,  if  the  number  of  war  pris- 
oners was  not  sufficient  there  were  never  wanting  re- 
fractory slaves  to  swell  the  number.  We  have  it  upon 
good  authority  that  upon  almost  every  monthly  feast, 
and  upon  numerous  other  grand  celebrations,  several 
hundred  human  hearts  were  torn  hot  from  living 
breasts  as  an  acceptable  offering  to  the  Naliua  gods 
and  a  |)leasant  sight  to  the  j)eople.' 

The  grandest  festivals  wore  celel)rated  during  the 
fourth  year,  called  Teoxihuitl,  or  '  divine  year,*  and  at 
the  commencement  of  every  thirteenth  year.  On 
these  occasions  a  greater  number  of  victims  bled  and 
the  penances  were  more  severe  than  at  other  times. 
The  Nahuas  also  observed  a  grand  festival  every 
month  in  the  year;  but,  as  these  feasts  were  closely 
connected  with  their  religion,  and  therefore  will  be 
necessarily  descril)ed  at  length  in  the  next  volume.  1 
will  confine  myself  here  to  such  an  outline  description 
of  them  as  will  suffice  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of 
what  they  were.* 


'  '  En  csta  Fiesta,  y  en  todan  Ian  (iciiihs,  <lnndc  no  so  liicicrc  iiicncion  dc 
partiinilarcH  SacritirioH  d(!  llomltrcH,  lim  avia,  por 'lor  ccma  ^eniTal  harcrlog 
<>n  tudas  laH  KcHtividadcH,  y  no  era  la  que  carecia  dc  cllo.'  Tonjucniadn, 
Afonarij.  I  ml.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  'I'tT). 

*  'Le  fcHte,  clic  annnalnientc  hi  cclcbravano,  crano  piii  Holiuini  iirl 
Teoxihuitl,  <i  Anno  divino,  <|iiali  erann  tutti  )rli  aniii,  4-lie  avoano  ]H>r  carat- 
tcre  il  (7iini}{lio.'  ('l'ui:iifero,  Sloria  Ant.  t(cljifi:s.si)-o,  toni.  ii.,  ji.  84;  Cur- 
bajal  Jispiiiona,  Hint.  Shx.,  t«»ni.  i.,  p.  541).  'Kn  cada  prinnipio  del  nios  en 
el  dia  que  nonibraniua  cabeza  dc  sicrpo  celehralian  una  fiesta  HulcniniHliim 


RELIGIOUS  FEASTS. 


805 


|i)UMini  w\ 
\  iKT  t  lunt- 

Lid  iiiow  •'" 
LlciuiiiH>»>» 


The  Aztec  feast  that  is  mentioned  first  by  the  old 
writers,  namely  that  of  the  month  Atlcalmalco, 
*tho  diminishing  of  the  waters,'  or,  as  it  was  called  in 
some  p.rrts,  Quahuitlehua,  'burning  of  the  trees  or 
mountains,'  was  celebrated  in  honor  of  the  Tialocs, 
gods  of  rains  and  waters.  At  this  feast  a  great  number 
of  sucking  infants  were  sacrificed,  some  upon  certain 
high  mountains,  others  in  a  whirlpool  in  the  lake  of 
Mexico.  The  little  ones  were  mostly  bought  from  their 
mothers,  though  sometimes  they  were  voluntarily  pre- 
sented by  parents  who  wished  to  gain  the  particular 
favor  of  the  god.  Those  only  who  had  two  curls  on 
tiie  head,  and  who  had  been  l)orn  under  a  lucky  sign 
were  tliought  acceptable  to  the  gods.  The  sacrifices 
were  not  all  made  in  one  place,  but  upon  six  several 
mountains  and  in  the  lake.  These  were  visited  one 
after  another  by  a  great  [)rocesHion  of  })riusts  attended 
by  the  music  of  flutes  and  trumpets,  and  Ibllowed  by 
a  vast  multitude  of  people  thirsting  for  the  sight  of 
blood;  nay,  more,  literally  luuigoring  for  the  flesh  of 
the  babes,  if  we  may  credit  the  assertion  of  some 
authors,  that  the  bodies  were  actually  l)rought  back 
and  the  flesh  eaten  as  a  choice  delicacy  by  the  priests 
and  chief  men.     But  of  cannibalism  more  anon. 

The  little  ones  were  carried  to  their  death  upon 
gorgeous  litters  adorned  with  plumes  and  jewels,  and 
were  themselves  dressed  in  a  s|)lendi(l  manner  in  em- 
broidered and  jeweled  mantlt  s.md  sandals,  and  colored 
paper  wings.  Their  faws  v.are  stained  with  oil  of 
India-rubber,  and  upon  each  <;heek  was  jjainted  a  round 
white  spot.  No  wonder  that,  as  the  old  chroniclers 
say,  the  people  wept  as  the  doomed  l)abes  j)assed  by; 
suruly  there  was  good  cause  for  weej)ing  in  such  a 
sight.  Gladiatorial  combats  alid  sacrifice  of  prisoners 
of  war  at  the  temple  completed  this  feast." 

Ill  cnn'  an  |:;imrda(In  y  fcstoia<la  que  ni  ann  burrcr  la  cnsa  ni  hacer 
iliM-oiiipr  lu)  >i,  i»orinitift.'  Diirun,  Iii.sf.  Iiidins,  MS.,  toin.  iii.,  nip.  ii. 

*  S;i!mi,'iiti  III  liis  Mliort  ri^suinij  of  t!in  frsliva!  HtatcM  tliat  hoiuo  hold 
tli'iH  <;plclir,ilitm  to  liiivc  Iweii  in  honor  of  Clialchihiiitiiruc,  the  v;i'.."r};od- 
•lesH,  and  others  in  honor  of  Quctzaleoatl ;  but  Uiinka  that  it  mi"ht  havo 
Vol.  II.    iw 


306 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  next  fe  ist,  that  in  the  montL  of  Tlacaxipehu- 
aliztli,  'the  flaying  of  men,'  was  held  in  honor  of  Xipe, 
who  was  especially  the  patron  deity  of  the  gold- 
smiths.* This  god  was  thought  to  inflict  sore  eyes, 
itch,  and  other  diseases  upon  those  who  offended  him, 
and  they  were  therefore  careful  to  observe  his  feast 
with  all  due  regularity  and  honor.  On  this  occasion 
thieves  convicted  for  the  second  time  of  stealing  gold 
or  jewels''  were  sacrificed,  besides  the  usual  number  of 
prisoners  of  war.  The  vigil  of  the  feast,  on  the  last 
day  of  the  preceding  month,  began  with  solemn 
dances.  At  midnight  the  victims  were  taken  from 
the  chapel,  where  they  had  been  compelled  to  watch, 
and  brought  before  the  sacred  fire.  Here  the  hair 
was  shaven  from  the  top  of  their  heads,  the  captors 
at  the  same  time  drawing  blood  from  their  own  ears 
in  honor  of  the  idol;  tlie  severed  topknot  of  each  war 
prisoner  was  afterwards  hung  up  at  the  house  of  his 
captor  as  a  token  and  memorial  of  the  father's  bravery. 
Towards  daybreak  some  of  the  prisoners  were  taken 
up  to  the  great  temple  to  be  sacrificed.  But  before 
we  proceed  farther  it  will  be  necessary  to  see  how 
these  human  offerings  were  made. 

Sacrifices  varied  in  number,  place,  and  manner, 
according:  to  the  circumstances  of  the  festival.  In 
general  the  victims  suffered  death  by  having  the 
breast  opened,  and  the  heart  torn  out;  but  others 
were  drowned,  others  were  shiit  up  in  caves  and 
starved  to  death,  others  fell  in  the'  gladiatorial  sacri- 
fice, which  will  be   described   elsewhere.     The  cus- 


bccn  in  honor  of  all  these  deities,  namely,  the  Tlnlocs,  Clialchilmitlicue, 
and  Quctzalcoatl.  Sahuffiin,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  liij.  ii.,  pj).  49-50,  83-7. 
See  also  Torqtiemada,  Monarq.  lud.,  torn,  ii.'pp.  250-2,  295. 

«  Although  Saha^un  states  that  Huitzilopochtli  also  received  honors 
this  month,  yet  no  direct  ceremonies  were  oi)8erved  before  his  image.  The 
large  number  of  captives  sacriticed,  however,  tlie  universality  and  length 
of  the  festivities,  the  royal  dance,  etc.,  would  certainly  jMjint  to  a  celebrii- 
tion  in  honor  of  a  greater  deity  than  Xipc.  He  also  says;  'En  esta  (icstii 
mataban  todos  los  cautivos,  honibres,  mugcres,  y  nifios,  which  is  not  very 
probable.  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p.  88. 

'  Thieves  convicted  the  seccnd  time  of  stealing  gold  articles  were  sac- 
rificed. Brasaeur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  503. 


SACRIFICIAL  RITES. 


307 


led  honors 

Ivnd  le"«"» 
.  a  cclcbni- 
Insta  tti'*t'^ 
Is  not  very 

L  were  sac- 
Is. 


tomary  place  was  the  temple,  on  the  topmost  plat- 
form of  which  stood  the  altar  used  for  ordinary  sacri- 
fices.    The  altar  of  the  great  temple  at  Mexico,  says 
Clavigero,  was  a  green  stone,  probably  jasper,  convex 
above,  and  about  three  feet  high  and  as  many  broad, 
and  more  than  five  feet  long.     The  usual  ministers  of 
the  sacrifice  were  six  priests,  the  chief  of  whom  was 
the   Topiltzin,   whose   dignity  was    preeminent   and 
hereditary;  but   at  every  sacrifice   he   assumed   the 
name  of  that  god  to  whom  it  was  made.     When  sac- 
rificing he  was  clothed  in  a  red  habit,  similar  in  shape 
to  a  modern  scapulary,  fringed  with  cotton;  on  his 
head  he  wore  a  crown  of  green  and  yellow  feathers, 
from  his  ears  hung  golden  ear-ornaments  and  green 
jewels,  and  from  his  under  lip  a  pendant  of  turquoise. 
His  five  assistants  were  dressed  in  white  habits  of  the 
same  make,  but  embroidered  with  black;  their  hair 
was  plaited  and  bound  with  leather  thongs,  upon  their 
foreheads  were  little  patches  of  various-colored  paper ; 
their  entire  bodies  were  dyed  black.     The  victim  was 
carried  naked  up  to  the  temple,  where  the  assisting 
priests  seized  him  and  threw  him  prostrate  on  his  back 
upon  the  altar,  two  holding  his  legs,  two  his  feet,  and 
the  fifth  his  head ;  the  high-priest  then  approached, 
and  V.  ith  a  heavy  knife  of  obsidian  cut  open  the  mis- 
eral»!.:  iiu»n's  breast;  then  with  a  dexterity  acquired 
by   loi.ii    practice  the  sacrificer  tore  forth  the    yet 
|.ai;>)>ai.iiig  heart,  which  he  first  offered  to  the  sun 
ii  id  iliju  threw  at  the  foot  of  the  idol;  taking  it  up 
h'.  <igu  ^  of^L'-ed  it  to  the  god  and  afterwards  burned 
it,  pre'icr  zing  the  ashes  with  great  care  and  venera- 
tion.    Sometimes  the  heart  was  placed  in  the  mouth 
of  the  idol  with  a  golden  spoon.     It  was  customary 
also  to  anoint  the  lips  of  the  image  and  the  cornices 
of  the  door  with  the  victim's   blood.     If  he  was  a 
prisoner  of  war,  as  soon  as  he  was  sacrificed  they  cut 
<  ^  his  head  to  preserve  the  skull,  and  threw  the  body 
'    wn  tbe  temple  steps,  whence  it  was  carried  to  the 
ht-'j      of  the  warrior  by  whom  the  victim  had  been 


308 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


taken  captive,  and  cooked  and  eaten  at  a  feast  given 
by  him  to  his  friends ;  tlie  body  of  a  slave  purchased 
for  sacrifice  was  carried  off  by  the  former  proprietor 
for  the  same  purpose.  This  is  Clavigero's  account. 
The  same  writer  asserts  that  the  Otomis  having  killed 
the  victim,  tore  the  bouj  In  pieces,  which  they  sold  at 
market.  The  Zapotecs  sacrificed  men  to  their  gods, 
women  to  their  goddesses,  and  children  to  some  other 
diminutive  deities.  At  the  festival  of  Teteionan  the 
woman  who  represented  this  goddess  was  beheaded 
on  the  sho.  'Jcrs  of  another  woman.  At  the  feast 
celebrating  i.)  ival  of  the  gods,  the  victims  were 

burned  to  deal.  We  have  seen  that  they  drowned 
children  at  one  feast  in  honor  of  Tlaloc;  at  another 
feast  of  the  same  god  several  little  boys  were  shut  up 
in  a  cavern,  and  left  to  die  of  fear  and  hunger.® 

Let  us  now  proceed  with  the  feast  of  Xipe.  We 
left  a  part  of  the  doomed  captives  on  their  way  to 
death.  Arrived  at  the  summit  of  the  temple  each 
one  is  led  in  turn  to  the  altar  of  sacrifice,  seized  by 
the  grim,  merciless  priests,  and  thrown  upon  the 
stone;  the  high-priest  draws  near,  the  knife  is  lifted, 
there  is  one  great  cry  of  agony,  a  shuffle  of  feet  as 
the  assistants  are  swayed  to  and  fro  by  the  death 
struggles  of  their  victim,  then  all  is  silent  save  the 

*  Clavigcro,  Sloria  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  45-9.  The  same 
author  says  with  regard  to  the  miniber  of  sacrifices  made  annually  in  the 
Mexican  Etnpire,  tliat  he  can  atiirni  notliing,  as  the  reports  vary  greatly. 
'Zumarraga,  the  first  bishop  of  Mexico,  says,  in  a  letter  of  the  12tli  of 
June,  1531,  addressed  to  the  general  chapter  of  his  order,  that  in  that 
capital  alone  twenty  thousapu  human  victims  were  annually  sanriftced. 
Some  authors,  (quoted  by  Gomara,  attirm,  that  the  number  of  the  sacrificed 
amounted  to  fifty  thousand.  Acosta  writes,  that  there  was  a  certain  day 
of  the  year  on  which  five  thousand  were  sacrificed  in  difl'erent  places  of  the 
empire;  and  another  day  on  which  they  sacrificed  twenty  thousand.  Some 
authors  believe,  that  on  the  mountain  Tepeyacac  alone,  twenty  thousand 
were  sacrificed  to  the  goddess  Tonantzin.  Torauemada,  in  quoting,  though 
unfaithfully,  the  letter  of  Zumarraga,  says,  tiiat  there  were  twenty  thou- 
sand infants  annually  sacrificed.  But,  on  tlie  contrary.  Las  Casas,  in  his 
refutation  of  the  bloody  btmk,  wrote  by  Dr.  Sepulvcda,  reduces  the  sac- 
rifices to  so  small  a  number,  that  wo  are  left  to  lielieve,  they  amounted 
not  to  fifty,  or  at  most  not  to  a  hundred.  We  are  strongly  of  opinion  that 
all  these  authors  liave  erred  in  the  number,  Las  Casas  by  diminution,  the 
rest  by  exaggeration  of  the  truth.'  Id.,  Translation,  Lonii.  1807,  vol.  i.,  p. 
281. 


SACRIFICES  IN  HONOR  OF  XIPE. 


809 


muttering  of  the  high-priest  as  high  in  air  he  holds 
the  smoking  heart,  while  from  far  down  beneath  comes 
a  low  hum  of  admiration  from  the  thousands  of  up- 
turned faces. 

The  still  quivering  bodies  were  cast  down  the  tem- 
ple steps,  as  at  other  times,  but  on  this  occasion  they 
were  not  taken  away  until  they  had  been  flayed,  for 
which  reason  these  victims  were  called  xipeme, 
'flayed,'  or  tototecti,  'one  who  dies  in  honor  of  Totec' 
The  remains  were  then  delivered  over  to  the  captor 
by  certain  priests,  at  the  chapel  where  he  had  made 
his  vow  of  offering,  a  vow  which  involved  a  fast  of 
twenty  days  previous  to  the  festival.  A  thigh  was 
sent  to  the  king's  table,  and  the  remainder  was  cooked 
with  maize  and  served  up  at  the  banquet  given  by 
the  captors,  to  which  their  friends  were  invited.  This 
dish  was  called  tlacatlaoUi ;  the  giver  of  the  feast, 
says  Sahagun,  did  not  taste  the  flesh  of  his  own  cap- 
tive, who  was  held,  in  a  manner,  to  be  his  son,  but  ate 
of  others. 

The  next  day  another  batch  of  prisoners,  called 
oavanti,  whose  top  hair  had  also  been  shaved,  were 
brought  out  for  eacrifice.  In  the  meantime  a  number 
of  young  men  also  termed  tototecti,  began  a  gladia- 
torial game,  a  burlesque  on  the  real  com  1  tat  to  follow; 
dressing  themselves  in  the  skins  of  the  flayed  victims, 
they  were  teased  to  fight  by  a  number  of  their  com- 
rades ;  these  they  pursued  and  put  to  flight,  and  there- 
upon turned  against  one  another,  dragging  the  van- 
quished to  the  guard-house,  whence  they  were  not 
discharged  until  a  fine  had  been  paid.  A  number  of 
priests,  each  representing  a  god,  now  descended  from 
the  summit  of  the  temple,  and  directed  their  steps  to 
the  stone  of  sacrifice,  which  stood  below  and  must 
not  be  confounded  with  the  altar,  and  seated  them- 
selves upon  stools  round  about  it,  the  high-priest 
taking  the  place  of  honor.  After  them  came  four 
braves,  two  disguised  as  eagles,  and  two  as  tigers,  who 
performed  fencing  tactics  as  they  advanced,  and  were 


3 


: 


i 


i 


810 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


destined  to  fight  the  captives.  A  band  of  singers  and 
musicians,  who  were  seated  behind  the  priests,  and 
bore  streamers  of  white  feathers  mounted  on  long  poles 
which  were  strapped  to  their  shoulders,  now  began 
to  sound  flutes,  shells,  and  trumpets,  to  whistle  and 
to  sing,  while  others  approached,  each  dragging  his 
own  captive  along  by  the  hair.  A  cup  of  pulque  was 
given  to  each  of  these  poor  wretches,  which  he  pre- 
sented toward  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth,  and  then 
sucked  up  the  fluid  by  means  of  a  tube,  A  priest 
thereupon  took  a  quail,  cut  off  its  head  before  the 
captive,  and  taking  the  shield  which  he  carried  from 
Lim  he  raised  it  upwards,  at  the  same  time  throwing 
the  quail  behind  him —  a  symbol,  perhaps,  of  his  fate. 
Another  priest  arrayed  in  a  bear-skin,  who  stood  as 
godfather  tc  tlie  doomed  men,  now  proceeded  to  tie 
one  of  the  captives  to  a  ring  fixed  in  the  elevated  flat 
stone  upon  which  the  combat  took  place;  he  then 
handed  him  a  sword  edged  with  feathers  instead  of 
flint,  and  four  pine  sticks  wherewith  to  defend  him- 
self against  the  four  braves  who  were  appointed  to 
fight  with  him,  one  by  one.  These  advanced  against 
him  with  shield  and  sword  raised  toward  the  sky,  and 
executing  all  manner  of  capers ;  if  the  captive  proved 
too  strong  for  them,  a  fifth  man  who  fought  both  with 
the  right  and  left  hand  was  called  in.®  Those  who 
were  too  faint-hearted  to  attempt  this  hopeless  combat, 
had  their  hearts  torn  out  at  once,  whilst  the  others 
were  sacrificed  only  after  having  been  subdued  by  the 
braves.  The  bleeding  and  quivering  heart  was  lield  up 
to  the  sun  and  then  thrown  into  a  bowl,  prepared  for 
its  reception.  An  assistant  priest  sucked  the  blood 
from  the  gash  in  the  chest  through  a  hollow  cane,  the 
end  of  which  he  elevated  towards  the  sun,  and  then 
discharged  its  contents  into  a  plume-bordered  cup  held 
by  the  captor  of  the  prisoner  just  slain.  This  cup 
was  carried  round  to  all  the  idols  in  the  temples  and 

<  This  farce  difTered  from  the  regular  gladiatorial  combat  which  will  be 
described  elsewhere. 


GHASTLY  BEGGARS. 


811 


chapels,  before  whom  another  blood-filled  tube  was 
held  up  as  if  to  give  them  a  taste  of  the  contents; 
this  ceremony  performed,  the  cup  was  left  at  the  pal- 
The  corpse  was  taken  to  the  chapel  where  the 


ace 


captive  had  watched  and  there  flayed,  the  flesh  being 
consumed  at  a  banquet  as  before.***  The  skin  was 
given  to  certain  priests,  or  college  youths,  who  went 
from  house  to  house  dressed  in  the  ghastly  garb,  with 
the  arms  swinging,  singing,  dancing,  and  asking  for 
contributions;  those  who  refused  to  give  anything 
received  a  stroke  in  the  face  from  the  dangling  arm. 
The  money  collected  was  at  the  disposal  of  the  cap- 
tor, who  gave  it  to  the  performers,  and,  no  doubt,  it 
eventually  found  its  way  to  the  temple  or  school 
treasury."  After  the  sacrifice,  the  priests,  chiefs,  and 
owners  of  the  captives  commenced  to  dance  the  mot- 
zontecomaitotia,  circling  round  the  stone  of  combat, 
weeping  and  lamenting  as  if  going  to  their  death,  the 
captors  holding  the  heads  of  the  dead  men  by  the 
hair  in  their  right  hands,  and  the  priests  sv.inging  the 
cords  which  had  held  them  toward  the  four  quarters  of 
the  compass,  amid  many  ceremonies.  The  next  morn- 
ing solemn  dances  were  held  everywhere,  beginning  at 
the  royal  palaces,  at  which  everybody  appeared  in 
his  best  finery,  holding  tamales  or  cakes  in  his 
hands  in  lieu  of  flowers,  and  wearing  dry  maize,  in- 
stead of  garlands,  as  appropriate  to  the  season.  They 
also  carried  imitations  of  amaranths  made  of  feathers 
and  maize-stalks  with  the  ears.  At  noon  the  priests 
retired  from  the  dance,  whereupon  the  lords  and  no- 


^'^  'Quedanan  las  cabecas  coracones  paralos  sacerdotes.'  Gomara,  Cono, 
Mcx.,  fol.  327. 

"  '  Guardaban  alguno  que  fiiese  principal  sefior  para  eatc  dia;  el  cual 
dcssolaban  para  que  se  vestiese  Montezuma  gran  Key  de  la  tierra  y  con  «Sl 
baylaba  con  sus  reales  contenencias.'  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apolog6tica,  MS., 
cap.  clxx.  '  Einbutian  los  cueros  dc  alj^odon  o  paja,  y,  o  los  colgauan  en  el 
teinplo,  o  en  palacio,'  in  the  case  of  a  prisoner  of  rank.  Goinnra,  Conq. 
Mcx.,  fol.  327.  It  is  not  stated  that  the  persons  who  wore  the  skins  and 
made  the  collection  were  connected  with  the  temple,  but  this  was  no  doubt 
the  case,  especially  as  many  authors  mention  that  priests  had  to  dress  them- 
selves in  the  uhastly  ^arb  {or  a  certain  time.  For  representation  of  priest 
dressed  in  a  flayed  skin  see  Nebel,  Viaje,  pi.  xxxiv. 


812 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


\A 


\'-[ 


bles  arranofed  themselves  in  front  of  the  palace  by 
threes,  with  the  king  at  their  head,  holding  the  lord 
of  Tezcuco  by  the  right  hand  and  the  lord  of  Tlaco- 
pan  by  the  left,  and  danced  solemnly  till  sunset. 
Other  dances  by  warriors,  and  women,  chiefly  prosti- 
tul.f^s,  followed  at  the  temple  and  lasted  till  midnight, 
the  motions  consisting  of  swinging  of  arms  and  inter- 
winding.  The  festivities  were  varied  by  military 
reviews,  sports,  and  concerts,  and  extended  over  the 
whole  month.  It  was  held  incumbent  upon  everyone 
at  this  time  to  eat  a  kind  of  uncooked  cake  called 
huilocpalli.  The  Tlascaltecs  called  this  month  Cohuail- 
huitl,  'feast  of  the  snake,'  a  name  which  truly  indi- 
cates rejoicings,  such  as  carnivals,  sports,  and  banquets, 
participated  in  by  all  classes.  Celebrations  in  honor 
of  Camaxtli  were  also  held  at  this  time  here  as  well 
as  in  Huexotzinco  and  many  other  places,  for  which 
the  priests  prepared  themselves  by  a  severe  fast.  The 
ceremonies  when  they  took  place  in  the  fourth  year, 
called  'God's  year,'  were  especially  imposing.  When 
the  time  came  for  the  long  fast  which  preceded  the 
feast  to  begin,  those  of  the  priests  who  had  sufficient 
courage  to  undergo  the  severe  penance  then  exacted 
from  the  devout  were  called  upon  to  assemble  at  the 
temple.  Here  the  eldest  arose  and  exhorted  them  to 
be  faithful  to  their  vows,  giving  notice  to  those  who 
were  faint-hearted  to  leave  the  company  of  penance- 
doers  within  five  days,  for,  if  they  failed,  after  that  time 
by  the  rules  of  the  fast  they  would  be  disgraced  and 
deprived  of  their  estates.  On  the  fifth  day  they 
again  met  to  the  number  of  two  or  three  hundred, 
although  many  had  already  deserted,  fearing  the 
severity  of  the  rules,  and  repaired  to  Mount  Mat- 
lalcueje,  stopping  half-way  up  to  pray,  while  the 
high-priest  ascended  alone  to  the  top,  where  stood  a 
temple  devoted  to  the  divinity  of  this  name.  Here 
he  offered  chalchiuite-stones  and  quetzal -feathers, 
paper  and  incense,  praying  to  Matlalcueje  and  Ca- 
maxtli to  give  his  servants  strength  and  courage  to 


1 


THE  FEAST  OF  CAMAXTLL 


818 


keep  the  fast.  Other  priests  belonging  to  various  tem- 
ples in  the  meantime  gathered  loads  of  sticks,  two 
feet  long  and  as  thick  as  the  wrist,  which  they  piled 
up  in  the  chief  temple  of  Camaxtli.  These  were  fash- 
ioned to  the  required  form  and  size  and  polished  by 
carpenters  who  had  undergone  a  five  days'  fast,  and 
were,  in  return  for  their  services,  fed  outside  the  tem- 
ple. Flint-cutters,  who  had  also  undergone  a  fast  to 
ensure  the  success  of  their  work,  were  now  summoned 
to  prepare  knives,  which  were  placed  upon  clean  cloths, 
exposed  to  the  sun  and  perfumed;  a  broken  blade  was 
held  as  a  sign  of  bad  fasting,  and  the  one  who  broke  it 
was  reprimanded.  At  sunset,  on  the  day  of  the  great 
penance,  the  achcauhtli,  '  eldest  brothers,'  began  chant- 
ing in  a  solemn  tone  and  playing  upon  their  drums." 
On  the  termination  of  the  last  hymn,  which  was  of  a 
very  lugubrious  character  and  delivered  without 
accompaniment,  the  self-torture  commenced.  Certain 
penance-doers  seized  each  a  knife  and  cut  a  hole  in  the 
tongue  of  each  man,  through  which  the  prepared 
sticks  were  inserted,  the  smaller  first  and  then  the 
stouter,  the  number  varying  according  to  the  piety  and 
endurance  of  the  penitent.  The  chief  set  the  example 
by  passing  four  hundred  and  fifty  through  his  tongue,*' 
singing  a  hymn  at  the  same  time  in  spite  of  all.  This 
was  repeated  every  twenty  days  during  the  fast,  the 
sticks  decreasing  in  size  and  number  as  the  time  for 
the  feast  drew  near.  The  sticks  which  had  been  used 
were  thrown  as  an  offering  to  the  idol  within  a  circle 
formed  in  the  courtyard  of  the  temple  with  a  number 
of  poles,  six  fathoms  in  height,  and  were  afterwards 
burnt.  After  the  lapse  of  eighty  days,  a  branch  was 
placed  in  the  temple-yard,  as  a  sign  that  all  the  peo- 
ple had  to  join  in  the  fast  for  the  remaining  eighty 


>'  'Citatro  tie  ciloa  cantaban  &  las  navajas.'  Motolinia,  Hist.  In  os,  in 
Icazbalrctd,  Col.  dc  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  57. 

^^  *  Estos  palos  que  nietiun  y  sacabaii  por  las  lengiias  erun  tan  gordos 
como  cl  (icdo  piilgar  de  la  niano,  y  otros  conio  cl  dcdo  nulgar  del  pie :  y 
otros  tanto  ^ruezos  conio  los  dos  dcdos  dc  la  niano  pulsar  y  il  con  que 
Befialamos  podian  abrazar.'  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  clxxii. 


314 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


days,  during  which  nothing  but  maize-cakes,  without 
chile — a  severe  infliction,  indeed,  for  this  people — 
were  to  be  eaten,  no  baths  taken  and  no  communion 
with  women  indulged  in,"  Fires  were  to  be  kept 
alight  the  whole  time,  and  so  strict  was  this  rule  that 
the  life  of  the  slaves  in  great  houses  depended  upon 
the  proper  attention  paid  to  it.  The  chief  achcauhtli 
went  once  more  to  the  Matlalcueje  mountain"  escorted 
by  four  others,  where,  alone  and  at  night,  he  offered 
copal,  paper,  and  quails;  he  also  made  a  tour  round 
the  province,  carrying  a  green  branch  in  his  hand,  and 
exhorting  all  to  observe  the  fast.  The  devout  seized 
this  opportunity  to  make  him  presents  of  clothes  and 
other  valuables.  Shortly  before  the  end  of  the  fast 
all  the  temples  were  repaired  and  adorned,  and  three 
days  previous  to  the  festival  the  achcauhtlis  painted 
themselves  with  figures  of  animals  in  various  colors, 
and  danced  solemnly  the  whole  day  in  the  temple- 
yard.  Afterwards  they  adorned  the  image  of  Ca- 
maxtli,  which  stood  about  seventeen  feet  high,  and 
dressed  the  small  idol  by  his  side  in  the  raiments  of 
the  god  Quetzalcoatl,  who  was  held  to  be  the  son  of 
Camaxtli.  This  idol  was  said  to  have  been  brought 
to  the  country  by  the  first  settlers.  The  raiment  was 
borrowed  from  the  Cholultecs,  who  asked  the  same 
favor  when  they  celebrated  Camaxtli's  feast.  Ca- 
maxtli was  adorned  with  a  mask  of  turquoise  mosaic," 
green  and  red  plumes  waved  upon  his  head,  a  shield 
of  gold  and  rich  feathers  was  fastened  to  his  left  arm, 
and  in  his  right  hand  he  held  a  dart  of  fine  workman- 
ship pointed  with  flint.     He  was  dressed  in  several 

1^  Motolinia  conveys  the  idea  that  the  people  also  iicrfornied  t)ic  inflic- 
tion on  the  tongue:  'aauella  dcvota  gente sacaban  jior  siis  lenguos  otros 

palillos  de  A  jeme  y  del  gordor  de  un  caiion  de  pate'  Iliiit.  Indios,  in  Icaz- 
oalceta.  Col.  de  Doc,,  torn,  i.,  p.  68. 

1^  'Cada  dia  de  estosiba  el  vieiode  noche  d  la  sierra  ya  dicha  y  ofrccia 
al  denionio  mucho  panel,  y  copalfi,  y  cordonices.'  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios, 
in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  p.  58. 

I*  '  La  cual  decian  que  habia  venido  con  el  idolo  pequeiio,  de  un  pueblo 
que  se  dice  ToIIan,  y  dc  otro  que  se  dice  Poyauhtlan,  de  dondc  se  afirma 
que  fu^  natural  el  mismo  idolo.'  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazbalceta, 
Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  58-9. 


FEAST  OF  THE  FLOWER-DEALERS. 


815 


robes  and  a  tecucxicolU,  like  a  priest's  vestment,  open 
in  front  and  finely  bordered  with  cotton  and  rabbit- 
hair,  which  was  spun  and  dyed  like  silk.  A  number 
of  birds,  reptiles,  and  insects  were  killed  before  him, 
and  flowers  offered.  At  midnight,  a  priest  dressed  in 
the  vestments  of  the  idol  lighted  a  new  fire,  which 
was  consecrated  with  the  blood  of  the  principal  cap- 
tive, called  the  Son  of  the  Sun.  All  the  other  tem- 
ples were  supplied  from  this  flame.  A  great  number 
of  captives  were  thereupon  sacrificed  to  Camaxtli  as 
well  as  to  other  gods,  and  the  bodies  consumed  at  the 
banquets  that  followed.  The  number  killed  in  the 
various  towns  of  the  province  amounted  to  over  one 
thousand,  a  number  greatly  increased  by  the  numer- 
ous sacrifices  offered  at  the  same  time  in  other  places 
where   Camaxtli   was   worshiped." 

The  next  feast,  which  was  that  of  the  month  called 
Tozoztontli,  or  'short  vigil,'  was  characterized  by  a 
constant  night  watch  observed  by  the  priests  in  the 
various  temples,  where  they  kept  fires  burning  and 
sounded  the  gongs  to  prevent  napping.  More  of  the 
children  bought  in  the  first  month  were  now  sacrificed, 
and  offerings  of  fruit  and  flowers  were  made  to  induce 
the  Tlalocs  to  send  rain."  The  chief  event,  however, 
of  this  month,  was  a  fast  given  in  honor  of  Cohuatlicue, 
or  Coatlantona,  by  the  xochimanques,  or  flower-dealers, 
of  Mexico.  The  celebration  took  place  in  the  temple 
of  Yopico,  which  was  under  the  special  care  and  pro- 
tection of  the  people  of  Xochimilco  and  Quauhnahuac, 
whose  lands  were  renowned  for  the  beauty  and  abun- 
dance of  their  flowers.  Here  were  offered  the  first  flow- 
ers of  the  season,  of  which  hitherto  none  might  inhale 
the  perfume,  and  here  the  j)eople  sat  down  and  chanted 
hymns  of  praise  to  the  goddess.     Cakes  made  of  wild 


"  See  also  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  288-90,  252-3,  296. 

'^  '  Echaban  por  el  pueblo  cierto  i)eclio  6  derraina  recogientlo  taiito  habcr 
que  pudicsen  coiiiprar  cuatro  ninoa  esclavos  dc  cinco  li  scis  afios.  Estos 
coinprados  poiiianlos  en  una  cueva  y  cerrabania  liasta  otro  afio  que  hacian 
otro  tunto.'  Laa  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  clxx. 


!| 


816 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


amaranth  or  savory,  called  tzatzapaltamale,  were  also 
offered.  In  this  temple  of  Yopico  was  a  grotto  in 
which  the  skins  of  the  victims  sacrificed  at  the  feast 
of  the  preceeding  month  were  now  deposited  by  the 
priests  who  had  worn  them  continuously  until  this 
time.  These  marched  in  solemn  procession  to  the 
grotto,  accompanied  by  a  number  of  people  whom 
the  angered  Xipe  had  smitten  with  itch,  or  eye  dis- 
eases; this  act  of  devotion  would,  it  was  thought, 
induce  the  god  to  relent  and  remove  the  curse.  The 
owners  of  the  captives  to  whom  the  skins  had 
belonged,  and  their  fctmilies,  of  whom  none  was  per- 
mitted to  wash  his  head  during  the  month,  in  token 
of  sorrow  for  the  slain,  followed  the  procession.  The 
priests  doffed  their  strange  and  filthy  attire  and  depos- 
ited it  in  the  grotto ;  they  were  then  washed  in  water 
mixed  with  flour,  their  bodies  at  the  same  time  being 
belabored  and  slapped  with  the  moist  hands  of  their 
assistants,  to  bring  out  the  unhealthy  matter  left  by 
the  rotting  skins.  This  was  followed  by  a  lustration  in 
pure  water.  The  diseased  underwent  the  same  washing 
and  slapping.  On  returning  home  feasting  and  anmse- 
ments  broke  out  anew.  Among  other  sports  the  owners 
of  the  late  prisoners  gave  the  paper  ornaments  which 
had  been  worn  by  them  to  certain  young  men,  who, 
having  put  them  on,  took  each  a  shield  in  one  hand 
and  a  bludgeon  in  the  other;  thus  armed  they  ran 
about  threatening  to  maltreat  those  whom  tliey  met. 
Everybody  fled  before  them,  calling  out  "here  comes 
the  tetzonpac."  Those  who  were  caught  forfeited  their 
mantles,  which  were  taken  to  the  house  of  the  war- 
rior, to  be  redeemed,  perhaps,  after  the  conclusion  of 
the  game.  The  paper  ornaments  were  afterwards 
wrapped  in  a  mat  and  placed  upon  a  tripod  in  front  of 
the  wearer's  house.  By  the  side  of  the  tripod  a 
wooden  pillar  was  erected,  to  which  the  thigh-bone  of 
a  victim,  adorned  with  gaudy  papers,  was  attached 
amid  many  ceremonies,  and  in  the  presence  of  the 
captor's  friends.     Both  these  trophies  commemorated 


FEAST  OF  CENTEOTL. 


817 


the  bravery  of  the  owner.  This  lasted  six  days. 
About  this  time,  says  Duran,  certain  old  diviners 
went  about  provided  with  talismans,  generally  small 
idols,  which  they  hung  round  the  necks  of  boys  by 
means  of  colored  thread,  as  a  security  against  evil, 
and  for  this  service  received  presents  from  the 
parents." 

The  following  month,  which  was  called  Huey-To- 
zoztli,  'great  vigil,'"  a  feast  was  celebrated  in  honor  of 
Centeotl,  the  god  of  cereals,  and  Chicomecoatl,  god- 
dess of  provisions.  At  this  time  both  people  and 
priest  fasted  four  days.  Offerings  of  various  kinds 
were  made  to  the  gods  of  the  feast,  and  afterwards  a 
procession  of  virgins  strangely  and  gaudily  attired 
carried  ears  of  corn  to  be  used  as  seed,  to  the  temple 
to  be  blersed." 

The  first  half  of  the  succeeding  mcith,  called 
Toxcatl,  was,  among  the  Mexicans,  taken  up  with 
a  continuous  series  of  festivals  in  honor  of  Tezcat- 
lipoca;  the  latter  half  of  the  month  was  devoted  to 
the  worship  of  his  brother-god  Huitzilopochtli.  Ten 
days  before  the  feast  began,  a  priest,  arrayed  in  the 
vestments  of  TezcatHpoca,  and  holding  a  nosegay  in 
one  hand  and  a  clay  flute  in  the  other,  came  out 
from  the  temple,  and  turning  first  to  the  east  and  then 
to  the  other  three  quarters,  blew  a  shrill  note  on  his 
instrument ;  then,  stooping,  he  gathered  some  dust  on 

"  Duran  adds  that  all  male  children  under  twelve  years  of  age  were 
punctured  in  the  ears,  tongue,  and  leg,  and  kept  on  sliort  allowance  on  the 
day  of  festival,  but  this  is  not  very  probable,  for  other  authors  name  tho 
fifth  month  for  the  scarification  of  infants.  Hist.  Indiiis,  MS.,  tom.  iii., 
appendix,  cap.  iii.  For  particulars  of  the  feast  see  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen., 
tom.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  52-4,  95-7;  Torquenmda,  Monarq.  Intl.,  torn,  ii.,  pp. 
25.3-5,  296;  Boturini,  Idea,  pp.  51-2. 

'»  Boturini,  Idea,  n.  52,  translates  this  name  as  'the  great  bleeding,' 
referring  to  the  scarifications  in  expiation  of  sins. 

"  Tonjiieinada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  ii,,  pp.  255-6;  Sahagun,  Hist. 
Gen.,  torn.  L,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  97-100.  According  to  Duran,  Hist.  Indias,  MS., 
tom.  iii.,  appendix,  cap.  iii.,  the  Tlalocs  were  worshiped  this  month  also, 
and  this  involved  bloody  rites.  KingsborotigK's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vii.,  pp. 
43-4.  Motolinia  states  that  food  was  offered  to  the  stalks:  'delante  do 
aquellas  cafias  ofrccian  comida  y  atolli.'  Hist.  Indies,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
de  Doc,  tom.  i.,  p.  46.  For  a  more  detailed  description  of  this  feast  see 
VoL  III.  of  this  work,  pp.  360-2. 


318 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


his  finger  and  swallowed  it,  in  token  of  humility  and 
submission.  On  hearing  the  whistle  all  the  people 
knelt,  ate  dust,  and  implored  the  clemency  and  favor 
of  the  god.  On  the  eve  of  the  festival  the  nobles 
brought  to  the  temple  a  present  of  a  new  set  of  robes, 
in  which  the  priests  clothed  the  idol,  adorning  it  be- 
sides with  its  proper  ornaments  of  gold  and  feathers ; 
the  old  dress  was  deposited  in  the  temple  coffers  as  a 
relic.  The  sanctuary  was  then  thrown  open  to  the 
multitude.  In  the  evening  certain  fancifully  attired 
priests  carried  the  idol  on  a  litter  round  the  court- 
yard of  the  temple,  which  was  strewn  with  flowers 
for  the  occasion.  Here  the  young  men  and  maidens 
devoted  to  the  service  of  the  temple  formed  a  circle 
round  the  procession,  bearing  between  them  a  long 
string  of  withered  maize  as  a  symbol  of  drought. 
Some  decked  the  idol  with  garlands,  others  strewed 
the  ground  with  maguey-thorns,  that  the  devout  might 
step  upon  them  and  draw  blood  in  honor  of  the  god. 
The  girls  wore  lich  dresses,  and  their  arms  and  cheeks 
were  dyed;  the  boys  were  clothed  in  a  kind  of  net- 
work, and  all  were  adoiaed  with  strings  of  withered 
mpize.  Two  priests  marched  beside  the  idol,  swing- 
ing their  lighted  censers  now  towards  the  image,  now 
towards  the  sun,  and  praying  that  their  appeals  might 
rise  to  heaven,  even  as  the  smoke  of  the  burning 
copal;  and  as  the  people  heard  and  saw  they  knelt 
and  beat  their  backs  with  knotted  cords. 

As  soon  as  the  idol  was  replaced,  offerings  poured 
in  of  gold,  jewels,  flowers,  and  feathers,  as  well  as 
toasted  quails,  corn,  and  other  articles  of  food  pre- 
pared by  women  who  had  solicited  and  obtained  the 
privilege.  This  food  was  afterwards  divided  among 
the  priests,  who,  in  fact,  seem  to  have  really  reaped 
the  benefit  on  most  religious  occasions.  It  was  car- 
ried to  them  by  a  procession  of  virgins  who  served  in 
the  temple.  At  the  head  of  the  procession  marched 
a  priest  strangely  attired  in  a  whice-bordered  surplice, 
reaching  to  the  knee,  and  a  sleeveless  jacket  of  red 


FEAST  OF  TEZCATLIPOCA. 


319 


skin,  with  a  "pair  of  wings  attached,  to  which  hung  a 
number  of  ribbons,  suspending  a  gourd  filled  with 
charms.  The  food  was  set  down  at  the  temple  stair- 
way, whence  it  was  carried  to  the  priests  by  attendant 
boys.  After  a  fast  of  five  days  these  divine  viands 
were  doubtless  doubly  welcome. 

Among  the  captives  brought  out  for  sacrifice  at  the 
same  festival  a  year  before,  the  one  who  possessed  the 
finest  form,  the  most  agreeable  disposition,  and  the 
highest  culture,  had  been  selected  to  be  the  mortal 
representative  of  the  god  till  this  day.  It  was  abso- 
lutely necessary,  however,  that  he  should  be  of  spot- 
less physique,  and,  to  render  him  still  more  worthy  of 
the  divine  one  whom  he  personated,  the  calpixques, 
under  whose  care  he  was  placed,  taught  him  all  the 
accomplishments  that  distinguished  the  higher  clnss. 
He  was  regaled  upon  the  fat  of  the  land,  but  was 
obliged  to  take  doses  of  salted  water  to  counteract 
any  tendency  toward  obesity;  he  was  allowed  to  go 
out  into  the  town  day  and  night,  escorted  by  eight 
pages  of  rank  dressed  in  the  royal  livery,  and  received 
the  adoration  of  the  people  as  he  passed  along.  His 
dress  corresponded  with  liis  high  })08ition;  a  rich  and 
curiously  bordered  mantle,  like  a  fine  net,  and  a  max- 
tli  with  wide,  embroidered  margin,  covered  his  body; 
white  cock-feathers,  fastened  with  gum,  and  a  garland 
of  izquixnchitl  flowers,  encircled  the  helmet  of  sea- 
shells  which  covered  his  head;  strings  of  flowers 
crossed  his  breast;  gold  rings  hung  from  his  ears,  and 
from  a  necklace  of  precious  stones  about  his  neck  dan- 
gled a  valuable  stone;  upon  his  shoulders  were  pouch- 
like ornaments  of  white  linen  with  fringes  and  tassels; 
golden  brcacelets  encircled  the  up[)er  ])art  of  his  arms, 
while  the  lower  part  was  almost  covered  with  others 
of  precious  stones,  called  macucortli ;  upon  his  ancles 
golden  bells  jingled  as  he  walked,  and  prettily  painted 
sli[)pers  covered  his  feet. 

Twenty  days  before  the  feast  he  was  bathed,  and  his 
dress  changed ;  the  hair  being  cut  in  the  style  used  by 


820 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


captains,  and  tied  with  a  curious  fringe  which  formed  a 
tassel  falling  from  the  top  of  the  head,  from  which  two 
other  tassels,  made  of  feathers,  gold,  and  tochomitl,  and 
called  aztaxelli,  were  suspended.  He  was  then  married 
to  four  accomplished  damsels,  to  whom  the  names  of 
four  goddesses,  Xochiquetzal,  Xilonen,  Atlatonan, 
and  Huixtocioatl  were  given,  and  these  remained  with 
him  until  his  death,  endeavoring  to  render  him  as 
happy  as  possible.  The  last  five  days  the  divine  honors 
paid  to  him  became  still  more  imposing,  and  celebrations 
were  held  in  his  honor,  the  first  day  in  the  Tecanman 
district,  the  second  in  the  ward  where  the  image  of 
Tezcatlipoca  stood,  the  third  in  the  woods  of  the  ward 
of  Tepetzinco,  and  the  fourth  in  the  woods  of  Tepe- 
pulco;  the  lords  and  nobles  gave,  besides,  solemn  ban- 
quets followed  by  recreations  of  all  kinds.  At  the 
end  of  the  fourth  feast,  the  victim  was  placed  with 
his  wives  in  one  of  the  finest  awning-covered  canoes 
belonging  to  the  king,  and  sent  from  Tepepulco  to 
Tlapitzaoayan,  where  he  was  left  alone  with  the 
eight  pages  who  attended  him  during  tlie  year.  These 
conducted  him  to  the  Tlacochcalco,  a  small  and  plain 
temple  standing  near  the  road,  about  a  league  from 
Mexico,'"  which  he  ascended,  breaking  a  flute  against 
every  step  of  the  staircase.  At  the  summit  lie  was 
received  by  the  sacrificing  ministers,  who  served  him 
after  their  manner,  and  held  up  his  heart  exultingly 
to  '  ho  sun ;  .the  body  was  carried  down  to  the  court- 
yard on  tlie  arms  of  priests,  and  the  liead  having  been 
cni  off  was  spitted  at  the  Tzonipantli,  or  'place  of 
skulls;'  tlio  legs  and  arms  Avere  set  apart  as  sacred 
food  for  the  lords  and  people  of  the   temple.     This 

^  'Le  Tlacochcalco,  ou  maison  d'armea,  dtai'.  nn  arsenal,  consocrd  i\ 
Hnitziloporlitli,  dans  I'cnccintc  dii  grand  temple.  11  so  tronvait  Ji  cOte  un 
teooalli  oil  Ton  offrait  des  Racrificcs  sixSciaux  h,  cc  dii'ju  ct  t\  Tetzeatlipoca.' 
Brasseur  dc  liourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toin.  iii.,  p  510.  This  sanctwary 
outside  the  town  was  also  dependent  on  the  great  temple,  and,  as  the  fate 
of  the  youth  was  to  illustrate  the  miserable  end  to  w  lich  riches  and  pleas- 
ures may  come,  it  is,  perhaps,  more  likely  that  this  iii>or  and  lonely  edifice 
was  the  place  of  sacriiicc.  Clavigcro,  Storia  Aiit.  Oct.  Memco,  torn,  ii.,  p. 
70,  Miys  'cuaducevanlo. . .  .al  tonipio  di  Tezcatlipoca,' 


FEAST  OF  HUITZILOPOCHTLI. 


831 


end,  so  terrible,  signified  that  riches  and  pleasures 
may  turn  into  poverty  and  sorrow;  a  pretty  moral, 
truly,  to  adorn  so  gentle  a  tale. 

After  the  sacrifice,  the  college  youths,  nobles,  and 
priests  commenced  a  grand  ball  for  which  the  older 
priests  supplied  the  music;  and  at  sunset  the  vir- 
gins brought  another  offering  of  bread  made  with 
honey.  This  was  placed  upon  clay  plates,  covered 
with  skulls  and  dead  men's  bones,  carried  in  pro- 
cession to  the  altar  of  Tezcatlipoca,  and  destined  for 
the  winners  in  the  race  up  the  temple  steps,  who 
were  dressed  in  robes  of  honor,  and,  after  undergo- 
ing a  lustration,  were  invited  to  a  banquet  by  the 
temple  dignitaries.  The  feast  was  closed  by  giving 
an  opportunity  to  boys  and  girls  in  the  college,  of  a 
suitable  age,  to  marry.  Their  remaining  comrades 
took  advantage  of  this  to  joke  and  make  sport  of 
them,  pelting  them  with  soft  balls  and  reproving 
them  for  leaving  the  service  of  the  god  for  the  pleas- 
ures of  matrimony.**  Tezcatlipoca's  representative 
was  the  only  victim  sacrificed  at  this  festival,  but 
every  leap-year  the  blood  flowed  in  torrents. 

After  this  celebration  commenced  the  festival  in 
honor  of  the  younger  brother  of  Tezcatlipoca,  Huit- 
zilopoehtli,  the  Mexican  god  of  war.  The  priests  of 
the  god  prepared  a  life-size  statue  like  his  original 
image,  the  bones  of  which  were  composed  of  mez- 
quite-wood,  the  flesh  of  tzoalli,  a  dough  made  from 
amaranth  and  other  seeds.  This  they  dressed  in  the 
raiments  of  the  idol,  viz:  a  coat  decorated  with 
human  bones,  and  a  net-like  mantle  of  cotton  and  ne- 
i|uen,  covered  by  another  mantle,  the  tlaqmupiallo, 
adorned  with  feather- work,  and  bearing  a  gold  plate 
upon  its  front;  its  wide  folds  were  painted  with 
tlio  bones  and  members  of  a  human  being,  and  fell 
•tver  a  number  of  men's  bones  made  of  dough,  which 

^  Rrassciir  dc  Bourboiirp  indicates  that  the  race  in  the  temple,  and  the 
lilioration  of  the  marriageable  took  place  in  leap-yeuni  only,  but  he  evi- 
•If'iitly  misunderstands  his  authority.     Freacott,   olex.,  vol,  i.,  pp.  75-7, 
KivoH  un  account  of  this  festival. 
Vol.  U.   31 


322 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I 


represented  his  power  over  death.  A  paper  crown, 
very  wide  at  the  top  and  set  with  plumes,  covered 
this  head,  and  attached  to  its  feather-covered  summit 
was  a  bloody  flint-knife,  signifying  his  fury  in  battle. 
The  image  was  placed  upon  a  stage  of  logs,  formed  to 
resemble  four  snakes  whose  heads  and  tails  protruded 
at  the  four  corners,  and  borne  by  four  of  the  principal 
warriors^*  to  the  temple  of  Huitznahuac,  attended  by 
a  vast  number  of  people,  who  sang  and  danced  along 
the  road.  A  sheet  of  maguey-paper,  twenty  fathoms 
in  length,  one  in  breadth,  and  one  finger  in  thickness, 
upon  which  were  depicted  the  glorious  deeds  of  the 
god,  was  carried  before  the  procession  on  the  points  of 
darts  ornamented  with  feathers,  the  bearers  singing 
the  praises  of  the  deity  to  the  sound  of  music.**  At 
sunset  the  stage  was  raised  to  the  summit  of  the  tem- 
ple by  means  of  ropes  attached  to  the  four  corners, 
and  placed  in  position.  The  paper  painting  was  then 
rolled  up  in  front  of  it,  and  the  darts  made  into  a 
bundle.  After  a  presentation  of  offerings  consisting 
of  tamales  and  other  food,  the  idol  was  left  in  charge 
of  its  priests.  At  dawn  the  next  morning  similar 
offerings,  accompanied  with  incense,  were  made  to  the 
family  image  of  the  god  at  every  house.  That  day 
the  king  himself  appeared  in  the  sacerdotal  character. 
Taking  four  quails,  he  wrenched  their  heads  ott*  one 
after  another,  and  threw  the  quivering  bodies  before 
the  idol ;  the  priests  did  the  same,  and  then  the  peo- 
ple. Some  of  the  birds  were  prepared  and  eaten  by 
the  king,  priest,  and  principal  men  at  the  feast,  the 
rest  were  preserved  for  another  occasion.  Each  min- 
ister then  placed  coals  and  chapopotli  incense**  in  his 

**  Contrary  to  the  statement  of  others,  Brasaenr  <le  Bourbours;  says  that 
the  stage  was  borne  by  temple  officers;  surely,  warriors  were  tne  lit  per- 
sons to  attend  the  god  of  war. 

«*  '  Lleviibanle  entablado  con  unas  saetas  que  ellos  llamaban  (cumttl,  las 
cualcs  teiiian  plumas  en  trcs  partes  junto  el  casquiilo,  y  en  el  medio,  y  el 
cabo,  iban  estiis  saetas  una  debajo,  y  otra  encinia  del  pai)el;  tomiibanla-i 
doB,  uno  de  una  parte,  y  otro  de  otra,'  llevdndolas  asidas  ambas  juntas  con 
las  manos,  y  con  ellas  apretaban  el  paplon  una  por  encima,  y  otra  por  de- 
bajo.' Sahagun,  Hist.  Geii.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  lOS-ft. 

*^  '  El  Incienso  no  era  del  ordinario,  que  llaman  Copal  bianco,  ni  de  el 


INCENSING  OF  HUITZILOPOCHTLI. 


823 


tleinaitl^  and  wafted  the  disagreeable  odor  towards 
the  idol.  The  ashes  were  then  emptied  from  the  cen- 
sers into  an  immense  brazier,  called  the  tlexictli,  or 
'fire-navel.'  This  ceremony  gave  the  name  to  the 
festival,  which  was  known  as  the  'incensing  of  Huit- 
zilopochtli.'  The  girls  devoted  to  the  service  of  the 
temple  now  appeared,  having  their  anns  and  legs 
decorated  with  red  feathers,  their  faces  painted,  and 
garlands  of  toasted  maize  on  their  heads;  in  their 
hands  they  held  split  canes,  upon  which  were  flags  of 
paper  or  cloth  painted  with  vertical  black  bars.  Link- 
ing hands  they  joined  the  priests  in  the  grand  dance 
called  toxcaehocholoa.  Upon  the  large  brazier,  round 
which  the  dancers  whirled,  stood  two  shield-bearers 
with  blackened  faces,  who  directed  the  motions. 
These  men  had  cages  of  candlewood  tied  to  their 
backs  after  the  manner  of  women.  The  priests  who 
joined  in  the  dance  wore  paper  rosettes  upon  their 
foreheads,  yellow  and  white  plumes  on  their  heads, 
and  had  their  lips  and  their  blackened  faces  smeared 
with  honey.  They  also  wore  undergarments  of  paper, 
called  amasmaxtli,  and  each  held  a  palm  wand  in  his 
hand,  the  upper  part  of  which  was  adorned  with  flow- 
ers, while  the  lower  end  was  tipped  with  a  ball,  both 
balls  and  flowers  being  made  of  black  feathers;  the 
part  of  the  wand  grasped  in  the  hand  was  rolled  in 
strips  of  black-striped  paper.  When  dancing,  they 
touched  the  ground  with  their  wands  as  if  to  support 
themselves.  The  musicians  were  hidden  from  view 
in  the  temple.  The  courtiers  and  vvarriors  danced  in 
another  part  of  the  courtyard,  apart  from  the  priests, 
with  girls  attired  somewhat  like  those  already  de- 
scribed. 

At  the  same  time  that  the  representative  of  Tez- 

Incicnso  cnniiin ....  ^tno  de  vna  Gomo,  h  Betun  negro,  il  inancra  do  Fez,  el 
(|iiiil  lic(>r  Hc  ciigcndrn  en  la  Mar,  y  sua  Agnas,  y  oToa,  lo  licclian  en  algunos 
partci^  il  8U8  riberas,  y  orillos,  y  le  llaman  Chapopotii,  el  qual  lieuha  de  »\ 
null  olor,  para  quien  no  le  acostunibra  &  oler,  y  es  intenso,  y  fucrte.'  Tor- 
qucmnda,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  266. 

^  A  kind  of  perforated  and  ornamented  censer,  shaped  like  a  large 
spoon. 


324 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


catlipoca  was  chosen,  the  year  before,  another  youth 
was  appointed  to  represent  Huitzilopochtli,  to  whom 
was  given  the  name  of  Ixteocale,  that  is,  'eyes  of  the 
lord  of  the  divine  house.'^  He  always  associated 
with  the  other  doomed  one  of  Tezcatlipoca,  and  shared 
his  enjoyments;  but,  as  the  representative  of  a  less 
esteemed  god,  he  was  paid  no  divine  honors.  His 
dress  was  characteristic  of  the  deity  for  whom  he 
was  fated  to  die.  Papers  painted  with  black  circles 
covered  his  body,  a  mitre  of  eagle-feathers,  with  wav- 
ing plumes  and  a  flint  knife  in  the  centre  adorned  his 
head,  and  a  fine  piece  of  cloth,  a  hand  square,  with  a 
bag  called  patoxin  above  it,  was  tied  to  his  breast; 
on  one  of  his  anns  he  hjul  an  ornament  made  of  the 
hair  of  wild  beasts,  like  a  maniple,  called  imatacax, 
and  golden  bells  jingled  about  his  ankles.  Thus  ar- 
rayed he  led  the  dance  of  the  plebeians,*  like  the 
god  conducting  his  warriors  to  battle.  This  youth 
had  the  privilege  of  choosing  the  hour  of  his  death, 
but  any  delay  involved  the  loss  to  him  of  a  propor- 
tionate amount  of  glory  and  happiness  in  the  other 
world.  When  he  delivered  himself  up  to  the  sacri- 
ficers,  they  raised  him  on  their  arms,  tore  out  his 
heart,  beheaded  him,  and  spitted  the  head  at  the  place 
of  skulls.  After  him  several  other  captives  were  im- 
molated, and  then  the  priests  started  another  dance, 
the  atepocaxixilihua,  which  lasted  the  remainder  of 
the  day,  certain  intervals  being  devoted  to  incensing 
the  idol.  On  this  day  the  male  and  female  children 
born  during  the  year  were  taken  to  the  temple  and 
scarified  on  the  chest,  stomach,  and  arms,  to  mark 
them  as  followers  of  the  god. 

The  feast  in  honor  of  Quetzalcoatl,  as  it  was  cele- 
brated during  this  month  in  Cholula,  and  the  feast  of 
the  following  month,  called  Etzalqualiztli,  dedicated 

*"  riavigero  writes:  'Ixteocale,  che  vale,  Savio  Signor  del  Cielo.'  Storin 
A  tit.  del  Mensico,  toiu.  ii.,  p.  72.  Several  other  names  are  also  applied  to 
him. 

*9  'Mischiavasi  nel  ballo  de'Corti^ani.'  Clarigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Men- 
tico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  72. 


SMALL  FEAST  OF  THE  LORDS, 


325 


to  the  Tlalocs,  or  rain  gods,  the  reader  will  find  fully 
described  in  the  next  volume." 

The  next  month  was  one  of  general  rejoicing  among 
the  Nahuas,  and  was  for  this  reason  called  Tecuilhuit- 
zintli,    or  Tecuilhuitontli,  'small  feast  of  the  lords.' 
The  nobles  and  warriors  exercised  with  arms  to  pre- 
pare for  coming  wars ;  hunting  parties,  open-air  sports, 
and  theatricals  divided  the  time  with  banquets  and  in- 
door parties;  and  there  was  much  interchanging  of 
roses  out  of  compliment.     Yet  the  amusements  this 
month  were  mostly  confined  to  the  lower  classes,  the 
more  imposing  celebrations  of  the  nobility  taking  place 
in  the  following  month.     The  religious   celebrations 
were  in  honor  of  Huixtocihuatl,  the  goddess  of  salt, 
said  to  have  been  a  sister  to  the  rain  gods,  who  quar- 
reled with  her,  and   drove  her  into  the  salt   water, 
where   she   invented   the   art   of  making  salt.     Her 
chief  devotees  were,  of  course,  the  salt-makers,  mostly 
females,  who  held  a  ten-days'  festival  in  her  temple, 
singing   and  dancing  every  evening    from  dusk   till 
midnight    in   company   with    the    doomed    captives. 
They  were  all  adorned  with  garlands  of  a  sweet-snitl' 
ing  herb  called  iztauhiatJ,  and  danced  in  a  ring  lornicu 
by  cords  of  flowers,  led  by  some  of  their  own  sex;  the 
nmsic  was  furnished  by  two  old  men.     The  female 
who  represented  the  goddess  and  was  to  die  in  her 
honor  danced  with  them,  generally  in  the  centre  of 
the  circle,  and  accompanied  by  an  old  man  holding  a 
beautiful  plume,  called  hi(ixt(>j>('tlaeotl;  if  very  nervous 
.she  was  suppoited  by  old  women.''*     She  was  dressed 
in  the  yellow  robes  of  the  goddess,  and  wore  oj    her 
head  a    mitre    surmounted   by   a   number   ot    green 
plumes ;  her  huipil  and  skirt  with  net  covering  were 
worked  in  wavy  outlines,  and  bordered  with  chalchi- 
uites;  ear-rings  of  gold  in  imitation  of  flowers  hung 
from  her  ears;  golden  bells  and  white  shells  held  by 

3»  Pp.  286-7,  334-43. 

^[ '  Se  juntauan  todos  lo8  caualleroB  y  principalcH  pcrsonaB  de  cada  pro- 

uincia ve.Hian  vna  mu^cr  dc  la  ropa  y  iiiBignias  de  la  diosa  de  la  mu,  y 

baylauan  con  ella  todos.'  Goiiiara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  327. 


326 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


1 


I 


straps  of  tiger-skin,  jingled  and  clattered  about  her 
ancles;  her  sandals  were  fastened  with  buttons  and 
cords  of  cotton.  On  her  arm  she  bore  a  shield  painted 
with  broad  leaves,  from  which  hung  bits  of  parrot- 
feathers,  tipped  with  flowers  formed  of  eagle-plumage; 
it  was  also  fringed  with  bright  quetzal-feathers. 
In  her  hand  she  held  a  round  bludgeon,  one  or  two 
hands  broad  at  the  end,  adorned  with  rubber-stained 
paper,  and  three  flowers,  at  equal  distances  apart, 
filled  with  incense  and  set  with  quetzal-feathers;  this 
shield  she  flourished  as  she  danced.  The  priests 
who  performed  the  sacrifice  were  dressed  in  an  ap- 
propriate costume;  on  the  great  day,  the  priests  per- 
formed another  and  solemn  dance,  devoting  intervals 
to  the  sacrifice  of  captives,  who  were  called  Huixtoti 
in  honor  of  the  deity.  Finally,  towards  evening,  the 
female  victim  was  thrown  upon  the  stone  by  five  young 
men,  who  held  her  while  the  priests  cut  open  her 
breast,  pressing  a  stick  or  a  swordfish-bone  against  her 
throat  to  prevent  her  from  screaming.  The  heart  was 
held  up  to  the  sun  and  then  thrown  into  a  bowl.  The 
music  struck  up  and  the  people  went  home  to  feast.** 
The  feast  of  the  following  month,  Hueytecuilhuitl, 
or  'great  feast  of  the  lords,'  occurred  at  the  time  of 
the  year  when  food  was  most  scarce,  the  grain  from 
the  preceding  harvest  being  nearly  exhausted  and  the 
new  crop  not  yet  ripe  for  cutting.  The  nobles  at  this 
time  gave  great  and  solemn  banquets  among  them- 
selves, and  provided  at  their  persqpal  expense  feasts 
for  the  poor  and  needy.  On  the  eleventh  day  a  reli- 
gious celebration  took  place  in  honor  of  Centeotl, 
under  the  name  of  Xilonen,  derived  from  xilotl,  which 
means  a  tender  maize-ear,  for  this  goddess  changed 
her  name  according  to  the  state  of  the  grain.  On 
this  occasion,  a  woman  who  represented  the  goddess 

'*  '  Era  esta  fiesta  de  nuiy  poca  solemnidad  ysin  ceremoiiias,  ni  coinidas, 
y  sin  niuertc"  de  huinbrcs;  en  fin  no  era  mas  dc  una  prenaracion  jjara  la 
nesta  venidcia  del  mes  que  viene.'  Duran,  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  torn,  lii.,  ap- 
pendix, cap.  iii. ;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  124-8;  Clavigero, 
Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toui.  ii.,  pp.  74-5. 


GREAT  FEAST  OF  THE  LORDS. 


327 


and  was  dressed  in  a  similar  manner,  was  sacrificed. 
The  day  before  her  death  a  number  of  women  took 
her  with  them  to  offer  incense  in  four  places,  which 
were  sacred  to  the  four  characters  of  the  divisions  of 
the  cycle,  the  reed,  the  flint,  the  house,  and  the  rab- 
bit. The  night  was  spent  in  singing',  dancing,  and 
praying  before  the  temple  of  the  goddess.**  On  the 
day  of  sacrifice  certain  priestesses  and  lay  women 
whirled  in  a  ring  about  the  victim,  and  a  number  of 
priests  and  principal  men  who  danced  before  her.  The 
priests  blew  their  shells  and  horns,  shook  their  rattles 
and  scattered  incense  as  they  danced,  the  nobles  held 
stalks  of  maize  in  their  hands  which  they  extended 
toward  the  woman.  The  priest  who  acted  as  execu- 
tioner wore  a  bunch  of  feathers  on  his  shoulders,  held 
by  the  claws  of  an  eagle  inserted  in  an  artificial  leg. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  dance  this  priest  stopped  at 
the  foot  of  the  temple,  shook  the  rattle-board  before  the 
victim,  scattered  more  incense,  and  turned  to  lead  the 
way  to  the  summit.  This  reached,  another  priest 
seized  the  woman,  twisted  her  shoulders  against  his, 
and  stooped  over,  so  that  her  breast  lay  exposed.  On 
this  living  altar  she  was  beheaded  and  het  heart  torn 
out.  After  the  sacrifice  there  was  more  dancing,  in 
which  the  women,  old  and  young,  took  part  by  them- 
selves, their  arms  and  legs  decorated  with  red  macaw- 
feathers,  and  their  faces  painted  yellow  and  dusted 
with  marcasite.  The  whole  pleasantly  finished  with 
a  feast.  Offerings  were  also  presented  to  the  house- 
This  festival  inaugurated  the  eating  of 

During  the  next  month,  which  was  called  Tlaxo- 

33  Duran  says  that  the  women  took  the  victim  to  mount  Chapultepec,  to 
the  very  summit,  and  said,  '  My  dauj^hter,  let  us  liiistcn  back  to  the  place 
whence  we  came,'  whereupon  all  started  back  to  the  temple,  chasing  the 
doomed  woman  before  them.  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  toni.  iii.,  appendix,  cap. 
iii. 

^^  Sa/iagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  128-39;  Torquemada,  Mo- 
narq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  269-71,  297-8;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  518,  says:  'Les  rois  eux-ni6mes  prenaient  alors  part 
k  la  danse,  qui  avait  lieu  dans  lea  endroits  oil  ils  puuvait  s'assenibler  le  plus 
lie  spectatcurs.' 


hold  gods 
corn.^ 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


chimaco,  or  'the  distribution  of  flowers,'"  gifts  of  flow- 
ers were  presented  to  the  gods  and  mutually  inter- 
changed among  friends.  At  noon  on  the  day  of  the 
great  feast,  the  signal  sounded  and  a  pompous  dance 
was  begun  in  the  courtyard  of  the  temple  of  Huitzi- 
lopochtli,  to  whom  the  honors  of  the  day  were  paid, 
in  which  the  performers  consisted  of  various  orders  of 
warriors  led  by  the  bravest  among  them.  Public 
women  joined  these  dances,  one  woman  going  hand  in 
hand  with  two  men,  and  the  contrary,  or  with  their 
hands  resting  on  each  other's  shoulders,  or  thrown 
round  the  waist*  The  musicians  were  stationed  at 
a  round  altar,  called  momuztli.  The  motions  consisted 
of  a  mere  interwinding  walk,  to  the  time  of  a  slow 
song.  At  sunset,  after  the  usual  sacrifices,  the  peo- 
ple went  home  to  perform  the  same  dance  before  their 
household  idol;  the  old  indulging  in  liquor  as  usual. 
The  festival  in  honor  of  lyacacoliuhqui,  the  god  of 
commerce,  was,  however,  the  event  of  the  month, 
owing  to  the  number  and  solemnity  of  the  sacrifices  of 
slaves,  brought  from  all  quarters  by  the  wealthy  mer- 
chants for  the  purpose,  and  the  splendor  of  the  attend- 
ant banquets.  The  Tlascaltecs  called  this  month 
Miccailhuitzintli,  'the  small  festival  of  the  dead,'  and 
gathered  in  the  temples  to  sing  sorrowful  odes  to  the 
dead,  the  priests,  dressed  in  black  mantles,  making 
offerings  of  food  to  the  spirit  of  the  departed.  This 
seems  to  have  been  a  commemoration  of  the  ordinary 
class  only,  for  the  departed  heroes  and  great  men  were 
honored  in  the  following  month.  Duran  and  others 
assert,  however,  that  the  festival  was  devoted  to  the 
memory  of  the  little  ones  who  had  died,  and  adds  that 
the  mothers  performed  thousands  of  superstitious  cere- 
monies with  their  children,  placing  talismans  upon 
them  and  the  like,  to  prevent  their  death." 

s*  Torqiiemadn,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  271. 

'*  'Salian  los  Hombres  Nobles,  y  niuehas  Mii);crc8  Principales,  y  asianse 


(le  las  munoB  los  vnos,  dc  los  otros,  inezclodos  Hombres,  y  Mugeres  iiiiii  por 

ordcn,  y  liiego  se  lieclmban  los  brakes  al  ciicUo,  y  osi  abra9auos,  coiiiciifa- 

ban  h, moversc  niiii  paso  h,  paso.'    Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  271. 

^  Duran,   Hist,   Indtvu,   MS.,  torn,   iii.,   appenaix,  cap.   iii.;  Veytia, 


FEAST  OF  THE  FALL  OF  FRUIT. 


329 


The  feast  of  the  next  month,  called  Xocotlhuetzin, 
'fall,  or  maturity  of  fruit,'  was  dedicated  to  Xiuhte- 
cutli,  the  god  of  fire.  At  the  beginning  of  the  month 
certain  priests  went  out  into  the  mountains  and 
selected  the  tallest  and  straightest  tree  they  could 
find.  This  was  cut  down  and  trimmed  of  all  except 
its  top  branches.'"  It  was  then  moved  carefully  into 
the  town  upon  rollers,  and  set  up  firmly  in  the  court- 
yard of  the  temple,  where  it  st<x)d  for  twenty  days. 
On  the  eve  of  the  feast-day  the  tree  was  gently  low- 
ered to  the  ground ;  early  the  next  morning  carpen- 
ters dressed  it  perfectly  smooth,  and  fastened  a  cross- 
yard  five  fathoms  long,  near  the  top,  where  the 
branches  had  been  left.  The  priests  now  adorned  the 
pole  with  colored  papers,  and  placed  upon  the  summit 
a  statue  of  the  god  of  fire,  made  of  dough  of  am- 
aranth-seeds, and  curiously  dressed  in  a  maxtli,  sashes, 
and  strips  of  paper.  Three  rods  were  stuck  into  its 
head,  upon  each  of  which  was  spitted  a  tamale,  or 
native  pie.  The  pole  was  then  again  hoisted  into  an 
erect  position. 

Those  who  had  captives  to  offer  now  appeared, 
dancing  side  by  side  with  the  victims,  and  most  gro- 
tesquely dressed  and  painted.  At  sunset  the  dance 
ceased,  and  the  doomed  men  v/ere  shut  up  in  the  tem- 
ple, while  their  captors  kept  guard  outside,  and  sang 
hymns  to  the  god.  About  midnight  every  owner 
brought  out  his  captive  and  shaved  off  his  top  hair, 
which  he  carefully  kept  as  a  token  of  his  valor.  At 
dawn  the  human  offerings  were  taken  to  the  Tzom- 
pantli,  where  the  skulls  of  the  sacrificed  were  spitted, 
and  there  stripped  by  the  priests  of  their  dress  and 
ornaments.  At  a  certain  signal  each  owner  seized  his 
captive  by  the  hair  and  dragged  or  led  him  to  the 

HiM.  Ant.  Mrj.,  torn,  i.,  p.  65;  Torqiieniada,  Monarq.  hid.,  torn,  ii.,  pp. 
'"i;  Sa/iagiiii,  Hist.  Gen.,  toin.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  61-2,  1,^~ 


271-.%  298; 


1.39-41. 


3'  'Cortabanun  ffcan  drbol  en  cl  inontc,  dc  veiiitc  y  cinco  brazas  dc 
larjjo.'  Sahaffun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p.  141.  '  L'eniportaient  (the 
tree)  proccssionnclIc:iictit  au  temple  dc  Hiiitzilopuchtli,  sans  rien  lui  enle- 
vcr  uc  sea  ranicaux  ni  dc  son  fcuillagc'  Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Hint. 
Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  521. 


330 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


foot  of  the  temple-steps.  Thereupon  those  priests 
who  were  appointed  to  execute  the  fearful  saeritice 
descended  from  the  temple,  each  hearing  in  his  hand 
a  bag  filled  with  certain  stupefying  powder  extracted 
from  the  yiauhtli  plant,  which  they  threw  into  the 
faces  of  the  victims  to  deaden  somewhat  the  agony 
before  them.  Each  naked  and  bound  captive  was 
then  borne  upon  the  shoulders  of  a  priest  uj)  to  the 
summit  of  the  temple,  where  smoldered  a  great  heap 
of  glowing  coal.  Into  this  the  bearers  cast  their  liv- 
ing burdens,  and  when  the  cloud  of  dust  was  blown 
oft*  the  dull  red  mass  could  be  seen  to  heave,  human 
forms  could  be  seen  writhing  and  twisting  in  agony, 
the  crackling  of  flesh  could  be  distinttiy  heard.**  But 
the  victims  were  not  to  die  by  fire ;  in  a  few  moments, 
and  before  life  was  extinct,  the  blackened  and  blistered 
wretches  were  raked  out  by  the  watching  priests,  cast 
one  after  another  upon  the  stone  of  sacrifice,  and  in  a 
few  moments  all  that  remained  upon  the  sunnnit  of 
the  temple  was  a  heap  of  human  Hearts  smoking 
at  the  feet  of  the  god  of  fire. 

These  bloody  rites  over,  the  people  came  together 
and  danced  and  sang  in  the  courtyard  of  the  temple. 
Presently  all  adjourned  to  the  place  where  the  pole 
before  mentioned  stood.  At  a  given  signal  the 
youths  made  a  grand  scramble  for  the  pole,  and  he 
who  first  reached  the  summit  and  scattered  the 
image  and  its  accoutrements  among  the  applauding 
crowd  below,  was  reckoned  the  hero  of  the  day.  With 
this  the  festival  ended,  and  the  pole  was  dragged 
down  by  the  multitude  amid  much  rejoicing. 

The  Tepanecs,  according  to  Duran,  had  a  \evy  sim 
ilar  ceremony.     A  huge  tree  was  carried  to  +'' 
trance  of  the  town,  and  to  it  offerings  and 
were  presented  every  day  during  the  month  pi       iling 
the  festival.     Then  it  was  raised  with  many  cei   mo- 
nies, and  a  bird  of  dough  placed  at  the  top.     Food 

"  Clavigero  says  that  the  captors  sprinkled  the  victims  and  threw  them 
into  the  fire.  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  77. 


•Ml 


.liSt; 


FEASTS  OF  TEPANEC8  AND  TLASCALTEC8. 


831 


and  wine  wore  offered,  and  then  the  warriors  and 
women,  dressed  in  the  finest  gannents  and  holding 
small  dougli  idols  in  their  hands,  danced  round  the 

I)ole,  while  the  youths  struggled  wildly  to  reach  and 
Luock  down  the  bird  image.  Lastly,  the  pole  was 
overthrown.*" 

The  Tlascaltecs  called  the  same  month  Hueymiccail- 
huitl,  'the  great  fcHtival  of  the  dead,'  and  commemo- 
rated the  event  with  much  solemnity,  painting  their 
bodies  black  and  making  much  lamentation.  Both 
here  and  in  other  j)arts  of  Mexico  the  priests  and  no- 
bles passed  several  days  in  the  temple,  weeping  for 
their  ancestors  ?,nd  singing  their  heroic  deeds.  The 
families  of  lately  deceased  persons  assembled  upon  the 
terraces  of  their  houses,  and  prayed  with  their  faces 
turned  towards  the  noiih,  where  the  dead  were  sup- 
posed to  sojourn.  Heroes  who  had  fallen  in  battle,  or 
died  in  captivity,  defunct  princes,  and  other  persons 
of  merit  were,  in  a  manner,  canonized,  and  their  stat- 
ues placed  among  the  images  of  the  gods,  whom, 
it  was  believed,  they  had  joined  to  live  in  eternal 
bliss." 

The  festival  of  the  next  month,  called  Ochpaniztli, 
was  held  in  honor  of  Centeotl,  the  mother-goddess. 
Fifteen  days  before  the  festival  began  those  who  were 
to  take  part  in  it  connnenced  a  dance,  which  they 
repeated  every  afternoon  for  eight  daj's.  At  the  ex- 
piration of  this  time  the  medical  women  and  midwives 
brought  forth  the  woman  who  was  to  die  on  this  oc- 
casion, and  dividing  themselves  into  two  parties, 
fought  a  sham  battle  by  pelting  each  other  with 
leaves.  The  doomed  woman,  who  was  called  'the 
image  of  the  mother  of  the  gods,"  placed  herself  at 
the  head  of  one  party  of  the  combatants,  sup})orted 


<»  Duran,  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  appendix,  torn,  iii.,  cap.  iii. 

*'  'C'etait  lY'poquo  oil  la  noblesse  ccldhrait  la  commemoration  des  princes 
c't  (les  (fuerriers  <jui  les  avaicnt  pr^cjdes.'  Jirassevr  de  Bonrboiirtf,  Hist, 
'''if.  Civ.,  toni.  ill.,  p.  .522;  Torruemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toni.  ii.,  pp.  21(8, 
..:i-5;  Codex  Telkriano-Reiuerma,  in  Kingsborough's  Mcx.  Anliq.,  vol.  v., 
pp.  130-1. 


S32 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


by  three  old  women  who  guarded  and  attended  upon 
her  continually.  This  was  repeated  durim^  tour  suc- 
cessive days.  On  tlie  fifth  day  the  unfortunate  crea- 
ture was  conductecl  by  her  guardians  and  the  medical 
women  through  the  market-place.  As  fjhe  walked 
she  scattered  maize,  and  at  the  end  of  her  journey 
she  was  received  by  the  priests,  who  delivered  her 
again  uO  the  women  that  they  might  console  her  (for 
it  was  necessary  that  she  should  be  in  a  good  humor, 
say  the  old  chroniclers)  and  adorn  her  with  the  orna- 
ments of  the  mother-goddess.  At  midnight  she  was 
carried  to  the  summit  of  the  temple,  caught  up  upon 
the  shoulders  of  a  priest,  and  in  this  position  beheaded. 
The  body  while  yet  warm  was  flayed,  and  the  skin 
used  in  certain  reliorious  ceremonies  which  will  be  de- 
scribed  at  length  elsewhere."  In  this  month  the  tem- 
pies  and  idols  underwent  a  thorough  cleansing  and 
repairing,  a  sacred  work  in  which  everyone  was  eager 
to  share  according  to  his  means  and  ability,  believing 
that  divine  blessings  would  ensue.  To  this  commend- 
able custom  is  no  doubt  to  be  attributed  the  good  con- 
dition in  which  the  religious  edifices  were  found  by 
the  Conquerors,  liojids,  public  buildings,  and  private 
houses  also  shared  in  this  renovation,  and  special 
prayers  were  offered  up  to  the  gods  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  health  and  j)ro[)erty. 

The  festival  of  the  succeeding  month,  called  Teot- 
leco,  'coming  of  the  gods,'  was  sacred  to  all  the  deities, 
though  the  principal  honors  were  paid  to  Tezcatlipoca 
as  the  supreme  head.  Fifteen  days  of  the  month 
being  ])assed,  the  college-boys  prepared  for  the  great 
event  by  decorating  the  altars  in  the  temples,  orato- 
ries, and  public  buildings,  with  green  branches  tied  in 
bunches  of  three.  In  the  same  manner  they  decked 
the  idols  in  private  ho'ises,  receiving  from  the  inmates, 
as  their  reward,  baskets  containing  from  two  to  four 
ears  of  maize ;  this  gift  was  called  cacalotl. 

**  Sec  volume  iii.,  of  thix  work,  pp.  .364-9,  wlivrc  t\  tlitailcd  (lo8cri|>tion 
of  this  festival  m  givi'ii. 


FOOTSTEPS  OF  THE  GODS. 


333 


Tezcatlipoca,  being  younger  and  stronger  than  the 
other  gods,  and  therefore  able  to  travel  faster,  was 
expected  to  arrive  during  the  night  of  the  eighteenth. 
•  A  mat,  sprinkled  with  flour,  was  therefore  placed  on 
the  threshold  of  his  temple,  and  a  priest  set  to  watch 
for  the  footprints  which  would  indicate  the  august 
arrival.*^  He  did  not,  however,  remain  constantly 
close  to  the  mat ;  had  he  done  so  he  would  probably 
never  have  seen  the  longed-for  marks,  but  he  ap- 
proached the  spot  from  time  to  time,  and  immediately 
on  perceiving  the  tracks  he  shoutsd:  "His  majesty 
has  arrived;"  whereupon  the  other  priests  arose  in 
haste,  and  soon  their  shells  and  trumpets  resounded 
through  all  the  temples,  proclaiming  the  joyful  tidings 
to  the  expectant  people.  These  now  flocked  in  with 
their  offerings,  each  person  bringing  four  balls  made  of 
roasted  and  ground  amaranth -seed  kneaded  M'ith 
water;  they  then  returned  to  their  homes  to  feast  and 
drink  pulque.  Others  beside  the  old  peo[)le  appear 
to  have  been  permitted  to  indulge  in  libations  on  this 
occasion,  which  they  euphoniously  called  'washing  the 
feet  of  the  god'  after  his  long  journey.  On  the  follow- 
ing day  other  deities  arrived,  and  so  they  kept  com- 
ing until  the  last  divine  laggard  had  left  his  footprints 
on  the  mat.  Every  evening  the  people  danced,  feasted, 
*  wjished  the  feet  of  the  gods,'  and  made  a  sacrifice  of 
slaves,  who  were  thrown  alive  upon  a  great  bed  of 
live  coal  which  glowed  on  the  tccaleo.**  At  the  head 
of  the  steps  leading  uj)  to  the  place  of  sacrifice  stoml 
two  young  men,  one  of  whom  wore  long,  false  hair, 
and  a  crown  adorned  with  rich  plumes;  his  face  was 
})ainted  black,  with  white  curved  stripes  drawn  from 
ear  to  forehead,  and  f roiu  the  inner  corner  of  tlie  eye 

*'  SnhnKtin  writes:  'A  la  meclin  noclie  de  cMe  miniiio  din,  inolian  iiii 
ixico  (le  hiiriiia  de  iiiiiiz,  y  hnciaii  iiii  montoncillo  dc  ella  liicn  tiipidu:  y  In 
tiiltricabnn  dc  liariiin.  redoiido  cuinn  tin  q\tcHi>,  sobro  iiii  pctatc.  En  ol 
iimnin  vcian  ciiundo  habiaii  llegado  todox  los  dioHcs,  p4)r<iiio  aparccin  iiiin 
pisada  do  un  pie  |)cqucilu  Bobro  la  liariiiu.'  Hint.  Gen.,  toiii.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p. 
l.J7. 

**  These  sacrifices  by  fire  apncar  to  liavc  been  made  upon  the  siuiunit  of 
a  Hniall  temple  which  stood  wiUiin  the  ruurtyard  of  the  iar)(er  one. 


88A 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


to  the  cheek ;  down  his  back  hung  a  long  feather,  with 
a  dried  rabbit  attached  to  it.  The  other  nian  was 
dressed  to  resemble  an  immense  bat,  and  held  rattles 
like  poppy-heads  in  his  hands.  Whenever  a  victim 
was  cast  into  the  fire  these  weird  figures  daii'ed  and 
leaped,  the  one  whistling  with  his  fingers  and  mouth, 
the  other  shaking  his  rattles.*® 

After  the  sacrificing  was  ended,  the  priests  placed 
themselves  in  order,  dressed  in  paper  stoles  which 
crossed  the  chest  from  shoulder  to  armpit,  and 
ascended  the  steps  of  the  small  edifice  devoted  to  fire 
sacrifices;  hand  in  hand  they  walked  round,  and  then 
rushed  suddenly  down  the  steps,  releasing  each  other 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  cause  many  to  tumble.  This 
game,  which  certainly  was  not  very  dignified  for 
priests  to  play  at,  was  called  mamatlavicoa,  and  gave 
rise  to  much  merriment,  especially  if  any  of  the  rev- 
erend players  should  lose  his  temper,  or  limp,  or  make 
a  wry  face  after  a  fall.  The  festival  closed  with  a 
general  dance,  which  lasted  from  noon  till  night.  At 
this  season  all  males,  young  and  old,  wore  feathers  of 
various  colors  gummed  to  the  arms  and  body,  as  talis- 
mans to  avert  evil.** 

The  festival  of  the  next  month,  called  Tepeilhuitl, 
was  sacred  to  the  Tlalocs,  and  is  fully  described  else- 
where." The  Mexican  Bacchus,  CJentzontotoclitin, 
was  also  especially  honored  during  this  month,  accord- 
ing t^>  Torquemada,  and  slaves  were  sacrificed  to  him. 
A  captive  was  also  sacrificed  by  night  to  a  deity 
named  Nappatecutli." 

The   festivals   of  the   ensuing   month,   which   was 


**  'Ballnvano  attorno  ad  un  gran  fuoco  niolti  ciovaiii  travestiti  in  iMirec- 
chi<!  forme  di  iiumtri,  cfrattaiit(>aiidavani>Kettun(lude'|irigi<)iiieri  iiel  nioco. ' 
Clavuftro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Measico,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  78;  BrasscHr  tie  Bourbuinuj, 
Hist.  },at.  Viv.,  toiii.  iii.,  p.  527. 

«  The  burning  an<l  dancing  took  place  on  the  first  two  days  of  the  fol- 
lowing month,  according  to  Sahagun.  'Kstos  dos  dias  jjostreros  (run  del 
mes  que  oc  siguc.'  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p.  150;  Torquemada,  Mo- 
vara.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  278-9. 

«  See  vol.  iii.,  p.  343-6. 

M  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toni.  ii.,  pp.  152-3. 


FESTIVAL  OF  THE  MONTH  QUECHOLLI. 


fol- 

n  Ae\ 

Mo- 


called  Quecholli,*'  were  devoted  to  various  deities, 
though  Mixcoatl,  god  of  the  chase,  seems  to  have  car- 
ried the  honors  in  most  parts  of  Mexico.  The  first 
five  days  of  the  month  were  passed  in  repose,  so  far 
as  rehgious  celebrations  were  concerned,  but  on  the 
sixth  day  the  authorities  of  the  city  wards  ordered 
canes  to  be  gathered  and  carried  to  the  temple  of  Hu- 
itz'lc  iochtli;  there  young  and  old  assembled  during 
the  four  days  following,  to  share  in  the  sacred  work 
of  making  arrows.  The  arrows,  which  were  all  of 
uniform  length,  were  then  formed  into  bundles  of 
twenty,  carried  in  procession  to  the  temple  of  Huit- 
zilopochtli,  and  piled  up  in  front  of  the  idol.  The 
four  days  were,  moreover,  devoted  to  fasting  and 
penance,  involving  abstinence  from  strong  liquors,  and 
separation  of  husbands  from  wives.  On  the  second 
day  of  the  fast,  the  boys  were  summoned  to  the  tem- 
ple, where,  having  first  blown  upon  shells  and  trump- 
ets, their  faces  were  smeared  with  blood  drawn  from 
their  ears.  This  sacrifice,  called  momacaico,  was  made 
to  the  deer  which  they  proposed  to  hunt.  The  rest  of 
the  people  drew  blood  from  their  own  ears,  and  if  any 
one  omitted  tliis  act  he  was  deprived  of  his  mantle  by 
the  overseers. 

On  the  second  day  following,  darts  were  made  to 
be  used  in  games  and  exercises,  and  shooting  matches 
were  held  at  which  maguev-leaves  served  for  targets. 
The  next  day  was  devoted  to  ceremonies  in  honor  of 
the  dead  by  rich  and  poor.  The  day  after,  a  great 
quantity  of  hay  was  brought  from  the  hills  to  the 
temple  of  Mixcoatl.  Upon  this  certain  old  priestesses 
seated  themselves,  while  mothers  brought  their  chil- 
dren before  them,  accompanied  by  five  sweet  tamales. 
On  this  day  were  also  ceremonies  in  honor  of  the  god 
of  wine,  to  whom  sacrifices  of  male  and  female  slaves 
were  nuide  by  the  pulque-dealers. 

On  the  tenth  day  of  the  month  a  number  of  lumt- 
ers  set  out  for  mount  Cacatepec,  near  Tacubaya,  to 

*'  The  nttiiie  uf  a  bird  witli  red  and  blue  plumage. 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I 


celebrate  the  hunting  festival  of  Mixcoatl,  god  of  the 
chase.  On  the  first  day  they  erected  straw  huts,  in 
which  they  passed  the  night.  The  next  morning, 
having  broken  their  fast,  they  formed  themselves  into 
a  great  circle,  and  all  advancing  toward  a  common 
centre,  the  game  was  hemmed  in  and  killed  with  ease. 
The  spirits  of  the  children  sacrificed  to  the  rain-gods, 
whose  dwelling  was  upon  the  high  mountains,  were 
supposed  to  descend  upon  the  hunters  and  make  t'hem 
strong  and  fortunate.  Having  secured  their  game, 
the  hunters  started  for  home  in  grand  procession,  sing- 
ing songs  of  triumph,  and  hymns  to  the  mighty  Mix- 
coatl. After  a  solemn  sacrifice  of  a  portion  of  the 
game  to  the  god,  each  took  his  share  home  and  feasted 
upon  it.*  The  Tlascaltecs  sacrificed  to  the  god  at  the 
place  where  the  hunt  took  place,  which  was  upon  a 
neighboring  liill.  The  way  leading  to  the  spot  was 
strewn  with  leaves  over  which  the  idol  was  carried 
with  great  pomp  and  ceremony."  Towards  the  close 
of  the  month  male  and  female  slaves  were  sacrificed 
before  Mixcoatl."^ 

In  Tlascala  and  the  neighboring  republics  this  was 
the  'month  of  love,'  and  great  numbers  of  young  girls 
were  sacrificed  to  Xochiquetzal,  Xochitecatl,  and  Tla- 
zolteotl,  goddesses  of  sensual  delights.  Among  the 
victims  were  many  courtesans,  who  voluntarily  offered 
themselves,  some  to  die  in  the  temple,  others  on  the 
battlefield,  where  they  rushed  in  recklessly  among  the 
enemy.  As  no  particular  disgrace  attended  a  life  of 
prostitution,  it  seems  improbable  that  remorse  or  re- 
pentance could  have  prompted  this  self-sacrifice,  it 
must  therefore  be  attributed  to  pure  religious  fervor. 


**  '  Al  undtioimo  dia  de  este  mes,  iban  &  hocer  una  casa  d  aquella  sierra 
que  estahii  cncinia  dc  Atlacuioaynn,  y  esta  era  fiesta  p<>r  si,  de  inaiiera  quo 
en  este  nies  Iui1>ia  dos  fiestas.'  Saha(jini,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p.  _I6!». 
'No  sacritii-alNin  estc  dia  hcinibrcs  sino  eaza,  y  asi  la  caza  scrvia  de  yiutinias 
&  los  Uioscs.'  Durim,  IUhL  Indian,  MS.,  appendix,  turn,  iii.,  cap.  iii.;  Tor- 
quetnadtt,  Motiarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  148-9. 

i'  Acostti,  Hist,  de  lu»  Ynd.,  pp.  .127-S;  Montnnua,  Nieuwe  Weereld,  p. 
221;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  li)».  ii.,  cap.  xv. 

>*Sahagun,  Hiat.  Gen.,  turn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p.  IG7. 


FEAST  OF  THE  MONTH  OF  HARD  TIMES. 


387 


As  a  recompense  for  their  devotion,  these  women  be- 
fore they  went  to  their  death  had  the  privilege  of 
insulting  with  impunity  their  chaster  sisteiu  It  is 
further  said  that  a  certain  class  of  young  men  addicted 
to  unnatural  lusts,  were  allowed  at  this  period  to 
solicit  custom  on  the  public  streets.  At  Quauhtitlan, 
every  fourth  year,  during  this  month,  a  festival  was 
celebrated  in  honor  of  Mitl,  when  a  slave  was  bound 
to  a  cross  and  shot  to  death  with  arrows.** 

The  feast  of  the  next  month,  called  Panquetzaliz- 
tli,  was  dedicated  to  Huitzilopochtli,  god  of  war;  that 
of  the  following  month,  called  Atemoztli,  was  sacred 
to  the  Tlalocs.  Both  these  festivals  will  be  described 
elsewhere." 

The  ensuing  month  was  named  Tititl,  or  the  month 
of  'hard  times,'  owing  to  the  inclement  weather.  The 
celebrations  of  this  period  were  chiefly  in  honor  of  an 
aged  goddess,  named  Ilamatecutli,  to  whom  a  female 
slave  was  sacrificed.  This  woman  represented  the 
goddess  and  was  dressed  in  white  garments  decorated 
with  dangling  shells  and  sandals  of  the  same  color: 
upon  her  head  was  a  crown  of  feathers;  the  lower 
part  of  her  face  was  painted  black,  the  upper,  yellow ; 
in  one  hand  she  carried  a  white  shield  ornamented 
with  feathers  of  the  eagle  and  the  night-heron,  in  the 
other  she  held  a  knitting  stick.  Before  going  to  her 
death  she  performed  a  dance,  and  was  permitted,  con- 
trary to  usual  custom,  to  express  her  grief  and  fear  in 
loud  lamentations.  In  the  afternoon  she  was  con- 
ducted to  the  temple  of  Huitzilopochtli,  accompanied 
by  a  procession  of  priests,  among  whom  was  one 
dressed  after  the  manner  of  the  goddess  Ilamatecutli, 
After  the  heart  of  the  victim  had  been  torn  from  her 
breast,  her  head  was  cut  off  and  given  to  this  person- 
age, who  immediately  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  other  priests  and  led  them  in  a  dance  round  the 


"  Torquemnda,   Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.    299,   280-1;  Brasaeur  de 
Bourlmirtf,  Hist.  Nnt.  Civ.,  toin.  iii.,  p.  5.30,  trnn.  ii.,  pp.  402-3. 
"  ISee  vol.  iii.  of  thin  work,  pp.  297-300,  323-4,  346-8. 
Vol.  II.   23 


888 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


temple,  brandishing  the  head  by  the  hair  the  whil6. 
As  soon  as  the  performers  of  the  vecula,  as  this  dance 
was  named,  had  left  the  summit  of  the  temple,  a  priest 
curiously  attired  descended,  and,  proceeding  to  a  spot 
where  stood  a  cage  made  of  candlewood  adorned  with 
papers,  set  fire  to  it.  Immediately  upon  seeing  the 
tlames  the  other  priests,,  who  stood  waiting,  rushed 
one  and  all  up  again  to  the  temple-top ;  here  lay  a 
Hower,  which  was  secured  by  the  first  who  could  put 
hands  upon  it,  carried  back  to  the  fire,  and  there 
burned.  On  the  following  day  a  game  was  played 
which  resembled  in  some  respects  the  Roman  Luper- 
(talia.  The  players  were  armed  with  little  bags  filled 
with  paper,  leaves,  or  flour,  and  attached  to  cords 
three  feet  long.  With  these  they  struck  each  other, 
and  any  girl  or  woman  who  chanced  to  come  in  their 
way  was  attacked  by  the  boys,  who,  approaching 
quietly  with  their  bags  hidden,  fell  suddenly  upon  her, 
crying  out:  "This  is  the  sack  of  the  game."  It  some- 
times happened,  however,  that  the  woman  had  pro- 
vided herself  with  a  stick,  and  used  it  freely,  to  the 
great  discomfiture  and  utter  rout  of  the  urchins.""  A 
captive  was  sacrificed  during  this  month  to  Mictlan- 
tecutli,  the  Mexican  Pluto,  and  the  traders  celebrated 
a  granci  feast  in  honor  of  Yacatecutli.'^  During  the 
last  Aztec  month,  which  was  called  Itzcalli,  imposing 
rite?  were  observed  throughout  Mexico  in  honor  of 
Xiuhtecutli,  god  of  fire;"  in  the  surrounding  states, 
such  as  Tlacopan,  Coyuhuacan,  Azcapuzalco,"  Quauh- 
titlan,*  and  Tlascala,™  ceremonies  more  or  less  similar 


h« 


i 


*^  Gomara  aays  men  and  women  danced  two  nights  with  the  gods  and 
drank  until  they  were  all  drunk.  Couq.  Mtx.,  fol.  3*28.  Aeeordiu);  to  Du- 
ron, Cainaxtli  waH  fdted  in  this  month,  and  a  bread  railed  yocotainally  was 
oaten  exclusively  on  the  day  of  the  feMtival.  Hint.  Imtias,  MS.,  torn,  iii., 
appendix,  cap.  iii. ;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tuni.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  179-82. 

*>  Clavigero,  Sloria  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  83;  Torquemada,  Mo- 
ttarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  153. 

"  Sec  vol.  jii.  of  ilm  work,  pp.  390-3. 

M  See  Tortuemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  286;  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg.  Hint.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  539;  £a«  C'a«a«,  Htst.  Apologitica,  MS., 
cap.  clxxi. 

i*8ee  Qomara,  Conq.  Sfex.,  fol.  329;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn. 


f 


MISCELLANEOUS  FEAST& 


8to 


Bour- 

k  MS.. 


were  gone  through,  accompanied  by  much  roasting  and 
flaying  of  men  and  women. 

Besides  these  monthly  festivals  there  were  many 
others  devoted  to  the  patron  deities  of  particular 
trades,  to  whom  the  priests  and  people  interested  in 
their  worship  made  offerings,  and,  in  some  cases, 
human  sacrifices.  There  were  also  many  movable 
feasts,  held  in  honor  of  the  celestial  bodies,  at  harvest 
time*  and  on  other  like  occasions.  These  sometimes 
happened  to  fall  on  the  same  day  as  a  fixed  festival, 
in  which  case  the  less  important  was  either  set  aside 
or  postponed.  It  is  related  of  the  Culhuas  that  on 
one  occasion  when  a  movable  feast  in  honor  of  Tezcat- 
lipoca  chanced  to  fall  upon  the  day  fixed  for  the  cele- 
bration of  Huitzilopochtli,  they  postponed  the  former, 
and  thereby  so  offended  the  god  that  he  predicted  the 
destruction  of  the  monarchy  and  the  subjugation  of 
the  people  by  a  strange  nation  who  would  introduce  a 
monotheistic  worship." 

One  of  the  most  solemn  of  the  movable  feasts  was 
that  given  to  the  sun,  which  took  place  at  intervals 
of  two  or  three  hundred  days,  and  was  called  Netona- 
tiuhqualo,  or  'the  sun  eclipsed.'  Another  festival 
took  place  when  the  sun  appeared  in  the  sign  called 
Nahui  Ollin  Tonatiuh,®*  a  sign  much  respected  by 
kings  and  princes,  and  regarded  as  concerning  them 
especially. 

At  the  great  festival  of  the  winter  solstice,  which 
took  place  either  in  the  month  of  Atemoztli  or  in  that 
of  Tititl,  all  the  people  watched  and  fasted  four  days, 
and  a  number  of  captives  were  sacrificed,  two  of  whom 
represented  the  sun  and  moon.*^      About   the  same 

ii.,  pp.  28C-7;  Lcta  Ctisas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  clxxi;  Motolinia, 
Hist.  InUios,  in  fcazbalceta,  Col.  tte  Doc.,  t«»ni.  i.,  pp.  4.3-4. 

''"See  Las  Cases,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  clxxi.;  Torquemada, 
Moiiarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  291. 

*'  lirasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  538. 

<•<  '  Naltiii  Ollin  Tonatiuh,  esto  es,  el  sol  en  rhb  cuatro  movientos, 
aconipaAodn  de  la  Via  lactca.'  Leon  y  Gama,  Dos  Piedras, -oi  i.,  p.  91. 

^  'Mataban  quatro  Cautivos  de  urn  que  se  Uainalian  Chaclianie,  que 
quicre  dccir:  Toutos;  y  mataban  tanibieu  la  inia<;cn  del  Sol,  y  de  la  Luna, 
que  eri^n  doB  Honibrea.'  Torquemtula,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  148.     'Od 


840 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I 


time  a  series  of  celebrations  were  held  in  honor  of 
Iztacacenteotl,  goddess  of  white  maize;  the  victims 
sacrificed  on  this  occasion  were  lepers  and  others  suf- 
fering from  contagious  diseases.**  Whenever  the  sign 
of  Ce  MiquiztlijOr  One  Death,  occurred,  Mictlantecutli, 
god  of  hades,  was  f^ted,  and  honors  were  paid  to  the 
dead.*"  Of  the  heavenly  bodies,  they  esteemed  next 
to  the  sun  a  certain  star,  into  which  Quetzalcoatl  was 
supposed  to  have  converted  himself  on  leaving'  the 
earth.  It  was  visible  during  about  two  hundred  and 
sixty  days  of  the  year,  and  on  the  day  of  its  first  ap- 
pearance above  the  horizon,  the  king  gave  a  slave  to 
be  sacrificed,  and  many  other  ceremonies  were  per- 
formed. The  priests,  also,  offered  incense  to  this  star 
every  day,  and  drew  blood  from  their  bodies  in  its 
honor,  acts  which  many  of  the  devout  imitated." 

At  harvest-time  the  first-fruits  of  the  season  were 
offered  to  tlie  sun.  The  sacrifice  on  this  occasion  was 
called  Tetlimonamiquian,  'the  meeting  of  the  stones.' 
The  victim,  who  was  the  most  atrocious  criminal  to 
be  found  in  the  jails,  was  placed  between  two  im- 
mense stones,  balanced  opposite  each  other;  these 
were  then  allowed  to  fall  together.  After  the  remains 
had  been  buried,  the  principal  men  took  part  in  a 
dance:;  the  people  also  danced  and  feasted  during  the 
day  and  night." 

Every  eight  years  a  grand  festival  took  place,  called 

immolait  ensuite  un  grand  nombre  de  captifs,  dont  les  principaux,  appclds 
Chachainu,  figuraicnt  le  soleil  ct  la  lunc'  Brasseur  dc  Bourbourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  535. 

*<  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  160-2;  Leon  y  Gama,  Dos 
Piedras,  pt  i.,  p.  91. 

**  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  538. 

'«  'Creen  que  Topilciii  su  rey  primcro  so  coiiuertio  en  aquella  cstrclla.' 
Gomara,  Conq.  Mcx.,  fol.  331;  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologttica,  MS.,  cap. 
clxxiv. 

«'  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  249-50.  * Papahua-tlamacazqui, 
on  Ministrca  aux  longs  clieveux.  C'eat  par  Icura  mains  que  pa^saient  Ics 
pr^mices  dcs  fruits  dc  la  tern;  qu'on  offrait  aux  astres  du  iour  ct  dc  |a  nuit 

On  immolait  nn  grand  nombre  dc  captifs  ct,  h  Icur  dcfaut,  Ics  criininels 

Sur  leur  sepulture  on  executait  un  ballet.'  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 

Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  274-5.  For  description  of  Zapotec  harvest- 
feast  see  Burqoa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  torn,  ii.,  pt  ii.,  fol.  332-3;  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  tiist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  40-2. 


THE  BINDING  OF  THE  YEARS. 


841 


Atamalqualiztli,  'the  fast  of  bread  and  water/  the 
principal  feature  of  which  was  a  mask  ball,  at  which 
people  appeared  disguised  as  various  animals  whose 
actions  and  cries  they  imitated  with  great  skill." 
The  most  solemn  of  all  the  Mexican  festivals  was 
that  called  Xiuhmolpilli,  that  is  to  say,  'the  binding- 
up  of  the  years.'  Every  fifty-two  years  was  called  a 
'sheaf  of  years,'  and  it  was  universally  believed  that  at 
the  end  of  some  'sheaf  the  world  would  be  destroyed. 
The  renewal  of  the  cycle  was  therefore  hailed  with 
great  rejoicing  and  many  ceremonies.** 

<8  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  195-7. 

^  For  description  of  this  feust  see  vol.  iii.  of  this  work,  pp.  393-6. 
The  authorities  on  Aztec  festivals  arc:  Sahaaun,  Hist.  Gen.,  toin.  i.,  lib. 
ii.,  pp.  49-218,  lib.  i.,  pp.  1-40;  Kingsborougltfs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vii.,  pp. 
1-98;  Torqitemada,  Monarq.  Jnd.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  147-56,  246-300;  Clavigero, 
Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toin.  ii.,  pp.  66-86;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apoloqitica, 
MS.,  cap.  clxix-clxxvii. ;  Motolinta,  Hist.  Indies,  in  Icazbalccta,  Col.  de 
Doe., torn,  i.,  pp.  38-62;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  326-36;  Duran,  Hist.  In- 
dicts, M8.,  torn,  iii.,  appendix,  can.  iii.;  Leon,  Caminodel  Cielo,  pp.  96-100; 
Cainurgo,  Hist.  Tlnx.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcix.,  pp. 
130-7;  Mendiela,  Hist.  Ecles.,  pp.  99-107;  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  pp. 
327-9,  354-6,  360-4,  332-93;  Boturini,  Idea,  pt  i.,  pp.  50-3,  90-3;  Tezozomoc, 
Hi.it.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  161-6;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap. 
xv-xvii. ;  Purrhas  his  Pilgrimes,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  1040-8;  Gemelli  Careri,  in 
ChurchilVs  Col.  Voyages,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  490-1;  Montamts,  Nietnve  Weereld, 
pp.  221,  248,  265-7;   IVest  und  Ost  Indisehcr  Lnsfgart,  pt  i.,  pp.  71-2;  Codex 


Tellcriano-Remcnsis,  in  Kingsboroiigli's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  v.,  pp.  129-34; 
Bvasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  234-5,  5274-5,  torn, 
ii.,  pp.  462-3,  torn,  iii.,   pp.  40-2,  498-547;  Klemm,  CtUtur-Geschichte,  torn. 


v.,  pp.  104-14;  Carbajal  Espincin,  Hist.  Me.v.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  515-17,  531-51; 
Bussierre,  L'Empire  Mex.,  pp.  128-38;  Lenoir,  ParalUle,  pp,  9-11. 


CHAPTER  X. 

POOD    OF   THE    NAHUA    NATIONS. 

Obioin  of  Aoricultube— Floatinq  Gardens— Aoricc't.tural  Prod* 
UCT8— Manner  of  preparing  the  Soil— Description  of  Agri- 
cultural Implements— Irrigation- Granaries  — 'J  ARDENS  — 
THE  Harvest  Feast— Manner  of  Hunting— Fishing— Methods 
OF  procuring  Salt- Nahua  Cookery— Various  kinds  of  Bread 
—Beans— Pepper— Fruit— Tam ALES— Miscellaneous  Articles 
OF  Food— Eating  of  Human  Flesh— Manufacture  of  Pulque 
—  Preparation  of  Chocolatl  —  Other  Beverages  —  Intoxi- 
cating Drinks— Drunkenness— Time  and  Manner  of  Taking 
Meals. 

Huntinj]^,  fishing,  and  agriculture  furnished  the 
Nahua  nations  with  means  of  subsistence,  besides 
which  they  had,  in  common  with  their  unciviUzed 
brethren  of  the  sierras  and  forests,  the  uncultivated 
edible  products  of  the  soil.  Among  the  coast  nations, 
the  dwellers  on  the  banks  of  large  streams,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  the  lake  regions  of  Andhuac  and  Mi- 
choacan,  fish  constituted  an  important  article  of  food. 
But  agriculture,  here  as  elsewhere,  distinguished  sav- 
agism  from  civilization,  and  of  the  lands  of  the  so- 
called  civilized  nations  few  fertile  tracts  were  found 
uncultivated  at  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards.  Culti- 
vation of  the  soil  was  doubtless  the  first  tangible  step 
in  the  progressive  development  of  these  nations,  and 
this  is  indicated  in  their  traditionary  annals,  which 
point,  more  or  less  vaguely,  to  a  remote  period  when 

(3*9) 


AGRICULTURE  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


848 


the  Quinames,  or  giants,  occupied  the  land  as  yet  un- 
tilled ;  which  means  that  the  inhabitants  were  savat^es, 
whose  progress  liad  not  yet  exhibited  any  change  suf- 
ficiently marked  to  leave  its  imprint  on  tradition.  At 
a  time  still  more  remote,  however,  the  invention  of 
bows  and  arrows  is  traditionally  referred  to.* 

The  gradual  discovery  and  introduction  of  agricul- 
tural arts  according  to  the  laws  of  development,  wore 
of  course  unintelligible  to  the  aboriginal  mind;  con- 
sequently their  traditions  tell  us  wondrous  tales  of 
divine  intervention  and  instruction.  Nevertheless, 
the  introduction  of  agriculture  was  doubtless  of  very 
ancient  date.  The  Olmecs  and  Xicalancas,  tradition- 
ally the  oldest  civilized  peoples  in  Mexico,  were  far- 
mers back  to  the  limit  of  traditional  history,  as  were 
the  lineal  ancestors  of  all  the  nations  which  form  the 
subject  of  this  volume.  Indeed,  as  the  Nahua  na- 
tions were  living  when  the  Spaniards  found  them,  so 
had  they  probably  been  living  for  at  least  ten  centu- 
ries, and  not  improbably  for  a  nmch  longer  period. 

It  was,  however,  according  to  tradition,  during  tlie 
Toltec  period  of  Nahua  culture  that  husbandry  and 
all  the  arts  pertaining  to  the  production  and  prepara- 
tion of  food,  were  brought  to  the  highest  degree  of 
perfection.  Many  traditions  even  attribute  to  the 
Toltecs  the  invention  or  first  introduction  of  agri- 
culture.' 


;i: 


>  '  Dicen  que  en  oquellos  principios  del  mnndo  ee  mantenian  los  Iiom- 
bres  Bolaniente  con  frutas  y  ycrbaa,  hastaque  nno  (i  ^nien  llanian  Tlaoniin- 
iii,  que  quiere  dccir,  el  que  niatd  eonflecna  hall6  la  invcncion  del  iirco  y  la 
lecha,  y  que  desde  ent6nce8  conienzaron  &  ejercitaree  en  la  caza  y  nian- 
tencrsc  de  carnes  de  loa  animales  que  niataban  en  ella.'  Vejflia,  Hint.  Aiit 
Mrj.,  torn,  i.,  p.  10.  The  giants  lived  'mas  como  bruton  que  conio  raciona- 
Ics:  gu  alimento  cnin  las  carnca  crudas  de  las  aves  y  fieras  qiie  cazavan  sin 
(listincion  alguna,  las  frutas  y  ycrbas  silvcstrcs  porque  nana  cultivaban;' 
yet  they  knew  how  to  make  pufque  to  get  drunk  with.  /(/.,  p.  l.'il. 

*  The  Olmecs  raised  at  least  maize,  chile,  and  beans  1>efore  the  time  of 
the  Tnltecs.  Vei/tia,  Hist.  Ant.  Afej.,  torn,  i.,  p.  154.  The  Toltec  'comida 
era  el  mismo  manteniniiento  que  ahora  sc  usa  del  maiz  que  sembraban  -y 
l)cncticiaban  asi  el  bianco  como  el  de  mas  colores.'  Sa/uigwi,  Hist.  Gen., 
torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  112.  To  the  Toltec  i^iculture  'debitrici  si  riconob- 
l)erole  posteriori  Nazioni  del  frumentone,  detcotone,  del  pcveronc,  e  d'altri 
utilissimi  fnitti.'  Claviffero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mesdro,  torn,  i.,  p.  127.  The 
Toltecs  'truxeron  mays,   algodon,  y  denias  semillas.'  Vetancvrt,  Teatro 


344 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


But  even  during  this  Toltec  period  hunting  tribes, 
both  of  Nahua  and  other  blooa,  were  purHuing  their 
game  in  the  forests  and  mountains,  especially  in  the 
northern  region.  Despised  by  their  more  civilized, 
corn-eating  brethren,  they  were  known  as  barbarians, 
dogs,  Cliichimecs,  'suckers  of  blo^jd,'  from  the  custom 
attributed  to  them  of  drinking  blood  and  eating  raw 
flesh.  Many  tribes,  indeed,  although  very  far  from 
being  savages,  were  known  to  the  aristocratic  Toltecs 
as  Chichimecs,  by  reason  of  some  real  or  imaginary  in- 
feriority. By  the  revolutions  of  the  tenth  century, 
some  of  these  Chichimec  nations,  probably  of  the 
Nahua  blood  and  tillers  of  the  soil,  although  at  the 
same  time  l)old  hunters  and  valiant  warriors,  gained 
the  ascendancy  in  Andhuac.  Hence  the  absurd  ver- 
sions of  native  traditions  which  represent  the  Valley 
of  Mexico  as  occupied  during  the  Chichimec  period 
by  a  people  who,  until  taught  better  by  the  Acolhuas, 
lived  in  caverns  and  subsisted  oii  wild  fruits  and  raw 
meat,  while  at  the  same  time  they  were  ruled  by  em- 
perors, and  possessed  y  most  complicated  and  advanced 
system  of  government  and  laws.  Their  bar))arisni 
probably  consisted  for  the  most  part  in  resisting  for  a 
time  the  enervating  influences  of  Toltec  luxury,  espe- 
cially in  the  pleasures  of  the  table.* 


Mex.,  pt  ii.,  p.  11.  'Tenian  el  maiz,  algodon,  chile,  frijolca  y  las  dcnias 
iienullas  de  la  ticrra  que  hay.'  Ixililxochitl,  Rclacioiicn,  in  Kiiiffsborough's 
Mex.  Antiq.,  torn,  ix.,  pp.  327,  393-4. 

3  'Su  comida  era  toda  espeeie  de  caza,  tanto  cuadriipeda  como  voldtil. 

sin  dititincion  ni  otro  coiidiinento  que  asada,  y  las  frutas |ieru  iiadu  Hcni- 

braban,  ni  cultivalmn.*  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  6.  'Nu  tteni- 
braban,  ni  cocian,  ni  asaban  laa  Carnes  do  la  caza.'  Their  kings  and  nuhlcs 
kept  forests  of  deer  and  hare  to  sup]>ly  the  ^teople  with  food,  until  in  No- 
naltzin's  reign  they  were  taught  to  plant  by  a  tlesrendant  of  tiie  Toltcrs. 
Torqtiemada,  Moiiarq.  Ind.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  32,  3*-9,  67,  279.  They  were  the 
first  inliabitants  of  the  country  and  'solo  se  niantenian  de  cafa.*  'Cayauan 
venados,  liebrcs,  concjos,  coniadrejas,  topos,  gatos  inontCHCs,  paxaros, 
y  ann  inmundicias  coino  culebras,  lagartos,  ratones,  langostas,  y  gusanos,  y 
desto  y  de  yeruas  y  rayzes  sc  sustentauan.*  Acosta,  Hist  de  las  Ynd.,  pp. 
45.3-fi.  And  to  the  same  effect  C'lavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toin.  i., 
pp.  132-3;  Brasaeur  de  Jiourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  i).  203;  Her- 
redia  y  Sarmiento,  Sermon,  p.  74;  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  An- 
nates des  Voif.,  1843,  torn,  xmiii.,  pp.  140,  ir»l;  Vclancvrt,  Teulro  Mex.,  pt 
ii.,  p.  12.  I'hcy  began  to  till  the  ground  in  llotzin's  reign,  but  before  that 
thoy  roasted  their  meat  and  did  not,  as  many  claim,  eat  it  raw.  Ixtlilxo- 


CHINAMPA8,  OR  FLOATING  OARDENa 


845 


The  Aztecs  were  traditionally  com-eatera  from  the 
first,  but  while  shut  up  fur  lung  years  on  an  island  in 
the  lake,  they  had  littlo  opportunity  for  agricultural 
pursuits.  During  this  period  of  their  history,  the  fish, 
birds,  insects,  plants,  and  mud  of  the  lake  supplied 
them  with  food,  until  floating  gardens  were  invented 
and  subsequent  conquests  on  the  main  land  afforded 
them  broad  fields  for  tillage.  As  a  rule  no  details  are 
preserved  concerning  the  pre- Aztec  peoples;  where 
such  details  are  known  they  will  be  introduced  in 
their  proper  place  as  illustrative  of  later  Nahua  food- 
customs. 

The  chinampas,  or  floating  gardens,  cultivated  by 
the  Aztecs  on  the  surface  of  the  lakes  in  Andhuac, 
were  a  most  extraordinary  source  of  food.  Driven  in 
the  days  of  their  national  weakness  to  the  lake  islands, 
too  small  for  the  i-illage  which  on  the  main  had  sup- 
ported them,  these  ingenious  people  devised  the  chi- 
nampa.  They  observed  small  portions  of  the  shore, 
detached  by  the  high  water  and  held  together  by 
fibrous  roots,  floating  about  on  the  surface  of  the 
water.  Acting  on  the  suggestion,  they  constructed 
rafts  of  light  wood,  covered  with  ,^inaii«;r  sticks, 
rushes,  and  reeds,  bound  together  with  fibrous  aipiatic 
plants,  and  on  this  foundation  they  hea]>ed  two  or 
three  feet  of  black  mud  from  the  bottom  of'  the  lake. 
Thus  the  broad  surface  around  their  island  home  was 
dotted  with  fertile  gardens,  self-irrigating  and  inde- 
pendent of  rains,  easily  moved  from  place  to  place 
according  to  the  fancy  of  the  proprietor.  They  usually 
took  the  form  of  parallelograms  and  were  often  over  a 
hundred  feet  long.  All  the  agricultural  products  of 
the  country,  particularly  maize,  chile,  and  beans  were 
soon  produced  in  abundance  on  the  chinampas,  while 
the  larger  ones  even  bore  fruit  and  shade  trees  of  con- 
siderable size,  and  a  hut  for  the  convenience  of  the 

rhill.  Hist.  Chich.,  in  KingsboroitqKa  Mex.  Antia.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  213-14;  Id., 
Rlueinnes,  p.  3.35.  Agriculture  introduced  in  Nopaltzin'a  reign.  Id.,  p. 
344.  But  Sahagun,  Hist.  Geii.,  toni.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  It!),  says  some  of  the 
Chichimccs  'hacian  tambien  alguna  sementerilla  ae  niaiz.' 


■ 


ii 


846 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


owner,  or  gardener.  The  floating  gardens  have  re- 
mained in  use  dowu  to  modern  times,  but  since  the 
waters  of  the  lakes  receded  so  much  from  their  former 
limits,  they  have  befji  generally  attached  to  the 
shore,  being  separated  by  narrow  canals  navigated 
by  the  canoes  which  bear  their  produce  to  the  mar- 
kets. In  later  times,  however,  only  flowers  and  gar- 
den vegetables  have  been  raised  in  thi»  manner.* 

On  the  mainland  throughout  the  Nahua  territory 
few  fertile  spots  were  left  uncultivated.  The  land 
was  densely  p<»pulated,  and  agriculture  was  an  hon- 
orable j)rofe8Hiou  in  which  all,  except  the  king,  the 
nobility,  and  soldiers  in  time  of  actual  war,  were 
more  or  less  engaged." 

Agricultural  products  in  the  shape  of  f(K)d  were 
not  a  prominent  feature  among  articles  of  ex[)ort  and 
impt)rt,  excej)ting,  of  course,  luxuries  for  the  tables  of 
the  kings  and  nobles.  Each  province,  as  a  rule,  raised 
only  sufficient  supplies  for  its  own  ordinary  necessi- 
ties; consequently,   when  by  reason   of    drought    or 

*  *S<ibr«  jiincia  y  espiulurin  nc  crlin  tiorra  en  tul  forma,  que  nn  la  dcs- 
ho^a  v\  mfua,  y  alii  m'.  Hiviiihra,  y  fiiltiiin,  y  crceu,  y  inadiira,  y  hv  llciiu  dc 
Vila  fiarti!  d  otra.'  The  iiriMluotu  are  iiiui/c,  chile,  wild  aiiiaruiitli,  toiiiatim, 
liouim,  chiuii,  pumpkins,  etc.  A^osta,  Hist,  de  Ian  Yiiil.,  p.  47'.!.  '  l.n  l«ii- 
(i;;iirM  r<')((>lai'e  b  <|tiii<lriliiiii;a:  la  liiiiglicsHa,  c  la  largliczza  miii  variu;  iiiii 
]>vr  lo  nil!  liaiiiKi,  Mcroiido  clic  mi  pare,  otto  iH-rticlie  in  circa  di  liiiiKiiczxa, 
lion  (liu  di  tre  di  lur;;lic/.%a.  c  iiiciio  d'uii  picilc  d'ulc\azi(iiie  Hulla  HUpcrlicii; 
d(>irac<|na.'  ('lorii/r/i>,  Sturin  Aiil.  ilrl  Mr.ssiro,  Utm.  ii.,  pp.  l.VJI-.'l.  I'n»- 
diice  not  mily  |iliiiitH  useful  for  ftMMl,  dress,  and  niedicinc,  nut  llowers  and 


(laiits  that  serve  only  fur  deeonition  and  lu.xury.  /(/.,  tom.  iv.,  p.  '2:1'.  <'ar- 
liajal  Ksiilnosa.  Hist.  Mrj-.,  toiii.  i.,  p.  f)'2(»,  traiiMlates  ('lavi;,'cio's  deserip- 
tioii.  'I'airy  IslandM  of  llowers,  overshadowed  occasionally  ly  trees 'if  coii- 
siderahlc  si/.c'  'Tliat  ar('liipelaj.;o  of  vvaii(leriii(;  islands.'  '.'(N)  or  .'{(N)  feet 
Ion;;,  .1  or  4  feet  ilecp.  I'lr.smtr.i  Mix.,  vol.  ii.,  )ip.  70,  107-H.  ''he  Mack 
mud  of  the  cliiiiiimpaH  is  imprc^riiated  with  muriate  of  soda,  whii  li  is  grad- 
ual I  v  washed  out  as   the  surface  is  watered,   lliintliuhll,   K.s.siii  J'of.    toui. 


i.,  pp.  2(K)-'i.  Mention  liy  (iayan^^os  in  i'tirlfs,  ('iirtn,i,  p.  7'.*;  Ilriri/i)i  i/ 
Sitriitivnio,  Sfriiioii,  pp.  9't-i\.  '('amcHoneH,  que  ellos  llamaii  <'liiiiaiii- 
jias.'  Torqiieni'iila,  Mumtrq.  lint.,  toin.  ii.,  p.  48H;  Ciirli,  Carta.s,  pt  i., 
pp.  .•J8«. 

*  'Ks  csfa  provineia  (Tlaseala)  de  iihk'Iiom  vallcs  llanos  y  hcrmosos,  y 
todos  laliradoH  y  semltrados.'  In  Cholula  'iii  un  palnio  de  tierra  hay  i|iip 
no  est^  lahrado.'  Cortes,  <'iirt)i.i,  pp.  (W,  7'».  'Tout  le  nioiidc,  plus  on 
moiiiH,  H'adonnait  h  la  culture,  et  se  faisait  lionneiir  (ie  travailler  ii  la  cam- 
|ia;;iic.'  Uruxufur  dr.  Luiirhnurtj,  lli-sl.  Snt.  Cir.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  (5.H;  Tiin/nr- 
mtulii,  Motiarq.  Ind.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  4Si.  'ilusta  los  inonteH  y  sierras  fraj^'osas 
las  teniaii  ocupadas  con  semhrados  y  otrosaprovechamieiitoH.'  IxUiixochitl, 
Hist  Chick.,  ill  Kintjsboromjh'a  .\f)x.  Anliq.,  vol.  i.\.,  p.  'J50. 


ABORIGINAL  AGRICULTURE. 


847 


other  cause,  a  famine  desolated  one  province,  it  was 
with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  food  could  be  ob- 
tained from  abroad.  The  Mexicans  were  an  improv- 
ident people,  and  want  was  no  stranger  to  them.' 

The  chief  products  of  Nahua  tillage  were  maize, 
beans,  inagueyes,  cacao,  chian,  chile,  and  various  na- 
tive fruits.^  The  maize,  or  Indian  corn,  the  dried 
ears  of  which  were  called  by  the  Aztecs  centli,  and 
the  dried  kernelH  separated  from  the  cob,  llaoUi*  was 
the  standard  and  universal  Nahua  food  Indigenous 
to  America,  in  the  development  of  whoso  civilization, 
traditionally  at  least,  it  played  an  impoilant  part,  it 
has  since  been  introduced  to  the  world.  It  is  the  sub- 
ject of  the  New- World  traditions  respecting  the  intro- 
duction of  agriculture  among  men.  Tortillas,  of  maize, 
accompanied  l)y  the  inevitable  frijoles,  or  beans,  sea- 
soned with  chile,  or  pej)per,  a»id  washed  down  with 
drinks  prepared  from  the  maguey  and  cacao,  were 
then,  as  now,  the  all-sustaining  diet,  and  we  are  t«jld 
that  corn  grew  so  strong  and  high  in  tiie  Holds  that 


«  Corlis,  Carlan,  p.  75;  Ixtlilxorhitl,  Ifisf.  Chick.,  in  Kiiiffsborough'ji 
Mcu:  Auti'/.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  'liiit;   I'liffid,  Ifisf.  Ant.  Mrj.,  toiii.  iii.,  p.  331. 

*  A  full  lint  mill  de.scr'ptioii  of  tlic  iiiiiiiy  eililtlu  Mexican  pluiitH  whicli 
witrv  ciiltivutvd  liy  the  NtiliiiaH  in  the  ^sixteenth  un<l  earlier  eenturieH,  an 
they  have  \h'v\\  ever  Hiiu-e  liy  their  il<<seen(lants,  is  jjiven  by  the  lM)tnnist, 
llernande/,  in  his  Xum  J'litutdnim;  nee  also  ('/nn'fferti,  Storia  Ant.  ilr.l 
.Mi.isiro,  toMi.  i.,  pp.  4."»  OS;  re|>eHte(l  in  ('iirlmjal  K.s/iitioxa,  Hint.  Mrx., 
toni.  i.,  pp.  I()_'-I!t;  Arusta,  Hist.  dr.  ln.i  )'iii/.,  p.  '2'M\,  ft  sfij.  Maize,  n>u- 
L'liey,  cacao,  hananax,  and  vuu.'!u.  i'ri:s<:ot€x  Mvx.,  v«»l.  i.,  pp.  l.Sj-<i.  Tho 
I'oloiiacH  raixi-il  fruits,  luii,  no  ,  ri-ao  or  rriiifiniztli.  Sithaifiin,  Hint,  (len., 
tiini.  iii.,  lilt,  x.,  p.  131.  T!ie  |HMiple  of  Mirhoacan  raised  'inaii!.  frisolen, 
pepitii.s  V  friilu,  y  he.  sciiiillas  <li>  nianteniitiicntos,  llanniduH  miitl.tli,  y 
'■/liiin.'  til.,  p.  137.  i'he  Matlull/iiicas  also  ruised  the  hixnilitli.  Id.,  p. 
130.  Ilesides  corn,  the  most  iniiiortant  prodncts  were  cotton,  <'acao,  nui- 
;iiiey  (nietl),  frijole.s,  <'liia,  and  eliile.  ('loriijmi,  Storia  Ant.  di'l  Mn.i.sico, 
titui.  ii.,  u.  \i>H;  t'tirhajid  l\.i/iino.in,  Hint.  Mix.,  toni.  1.,  p.  (»'2t.  '  l.cs  Mexi- 
cuins  cnltivaient  non-senleinent  tonics  les  tieurs  et  tontes  les  ]>lantes  <|U« 


|iroi|iiit  lenr  I'.ays,  nuiis  encon;  niie  inlinitc  d'antrcs  iin'ils  y  avai<>nt  trans 
|iliiiit('es  lies  coiitrccs  les  pins  cloi;;n('cs.'  T-'zozdniiir,  Ili.it.  ]\li.i.,  toni.  i.,  p. 
44.  /(/.  Cniiiim,  in  Kin</.sooroii<f/i'.i  .l/»v.  Aiitiif.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  IH.     'Hay  frulas 


de  niiiclias  nianeras,  en  ipie  h,iy  cere/as,  y  ciriiehts  que  son  seniejaliies  a  Ins 
lie  Iv.ipaiiiL'  ('Hi-fi's,  t'(irta.s,  p.  KM.  I'ruil  was  ntore  ahuiidant  anioni;  the 
lliiastecs  khan  '.-Lsewlierc.  Tfzmomuf,  lli.sf.  Mi-x.,  toin.  i.,  p.  147.  '  I'hey 
liiiiic  also  many  kindes  of  ]iot  hcrU's,  as  Icllice,  raddiith,  cresHCH,  (;arlicke, 
"Miyons,  and  many  other  herlH;s  Itcsides.'  I'rtir  Martyr,  dee.  v.,  lih.  iii. 
Iliiihle  fruits,  Sahaijiin,  Jli.it.  Urn.,  toni.  ii.,  lib.   viii.,  p.  3(K). 

"  Miilina,   liiiriunitriii.   'Centli,  o  TIaulli,  i|ue  otros  dizen   niayz.'    (Jo- 
iiutra.  Com/.  Mix.,  j».  3-<3. 


■^ 


'5 1 


348 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


covered  the  surface  of  the  country  in  some  parts,  as 
to  seriously  embarrass  the  conqueror  Cortes  in  his 
movements  aj^ainst  the  natives  hidden  in  these  nat- 
ural labyrinths.* 

Respecting  the  particular  methods  of  cultivation 
practiced  by  the  Nahuas,  except  in  the  raisin*^  of  corn, 
early  observers  have  left  no  definite  information."' 
The  valleys  were  of  course  the  favorite  localities  for 
cornfields,  but  the  hij^hlands  were  also  cultivated. 
In  the  latter  case  the  trees  and  bushes  were  cut 
down,  the  land  burned  over,  and  the  seed  put  in 
amonjic  the  ashes.  Such  lands  were  allowed  to  rest 
several  years  —  Torquemada  says  five  or  six  — after 
each  crop,  until  the  surfjice  was  covered  with  grass 
and  bushes  for  a  new  burning.  No  other  fertilizer 
than  ashes,  so  far  as  known,  was  ever  employed. 
Fields  were  enclosed  by  stone  walls  and  hedges  of 
maguey,  which  were  carefully  njpaired  each  year  in 
the  month  of  Panquetzaliztli.  Tluy  had  no  laboring 
animals,  and  their  farming  impUMnents  were  ex«  •  <  •! 
ingly  few  and  rude.  Three  of  tb's.  .niy  arc  i 
tioned.  The  hnictli  was  a  kind  </  -iit-cn  hhcnui  w 
spade,  in  handling  which  Inith  haiMl>  and  feet  were 
used.  The  conf/,  or  cok  (serpent),  so  called  |)roba- 
bly  from  itn  shape,  was  a  copper  iniplr-nieiit  with  a 
wooden  handle,  used  somewhat  as  a  hoe  is  us«'d  by 
modern  farmers  in  breaking  the  surface  of  the  soil. 
Another  copper  instrument,  shaped  lik<'  a  sickle,  with 
a  wooden  handh;,  was  used  for  pruning  fruit-trees.  A 
simple  •jharp  stick,  the  point  of  whicli  was  hardened 
in  the  fire,  or  more  rarely  tipped  with  copper,  was  the 
im)>iement  in  most  conmion  use.  To  plant  corn,  the 
farmer  dropped  a  few  kernels  into  a  hole  made  with 
this  stick,  and  covered  them  with  his  f(K>t,  taking  tlu; 

*  Cort^n,  Cnrlnt,  p.  (14;  Tnrqitrmailn,  Moiinrq.  Intl.,  toin.  i.,  p..")!.')  In 
Tlascala  'no  tionon  otni  rii|uoza  iii  |;;ranjeria,  hjiio  ceiitii  que  cm  hii  ,>Hn.' 
itoinnrn,  Coiiq.  Mi'x.,  fol.  Hi. 

'•  Peter  MarJvr  iiinl  tlic  AiionyinnuR  Conqueror  rwy,  however,  that  cnctto- 
trecH  were  iiliuited  under  lar;;('r  trecH,  '.vhicli  were  eut  down  when  the  |dunt 
gained  Hutliuieut  titrunj,'th.  Dec.  v.,  lib.  iv.  i  fcasbakcla,  ('ol.  dr.  iJoc,  io»\. 
I.,  p.  380. 


CORNFIELDS  AND  GRANARIES. 


349 


greatest  pains  to  make  the  rows  perfectly  straiglit  and 
parallel;  tlio  intervalH  between  the  hills  were  always 
uuit'onu,  thoujj^h  tiie  space  was  re<j^ulated  attcordins^ 
to  the  nature  and  fertility  of  the  soil.  The  Held  was 
kept  carefully  weeded,  and  at  a  certain  ai(e  the  stalks 
were  supported  by  heapin»r  up  the  soil  round  tlieni. 
At  maturity  the  stalks  were  often  broken  two  thirds 
up,  that  the  husks  mitjfht  protect  the  hanj^iniif  ear 
from  rain.  Durinj^  the  growth  and  ripening  of  the 
maize,  a  watchman  or  boy  was  kept  constantly  on 
guard  in  a  .sheltered  station  connmmding  the  Held, 
who.se  duty  it  was  to  drive  away,  with  Ht<»nes  and 
shouts,  tile  Hocks  of  feathered  robbers  which  abound- 
ed in  the  country.  Women  and  children  aided  the 
men  in  the  lighter  farm  labors,  such  as  dropping  the 
.seeds,  weeding  the  plants,  and  husking  and  cleaning 
the  grain.  To  irrigate  the  Helds  the  water  of  rivers 
and  of  mountain  streams  was  utilized  by  means  of 
canals,  dams,  and  ditches.  The  network  of  canals  by 
whi^'J*  tile  cacao  plantations  of  the  tierra  caliente  in 
T*biw«o  were  watered,  ottered  to  Cortes'  army  even 
niore  H»-rious  obstructions  than  the  dense  growth  of 
the  maizales,  or  cornHelds. 

(i.-Hfiaries  for  storing  maize  were  built  of  oyamcti, 
or  o^iiiiK'tl,  a  tree  whosi?  long  branches  were  regular, 
tough,  and  Hexible.  Tb*'  .sticks  were  laid  in  log-house 
fashion,  one  alnive  an<jther,  and  close  together,  so  as 
to  form  a  tight  sfpiare  ro(»m,  which  was  covered  with  a 
W;»t<'r  tight  roof,  and  had  only  two  openings  or  win- 
4i'.^s,  one  at  the  to|)  arnl  another  at  the  bottom.  Many 
t4  the.se  granaries  had  a  <'a|)a('ity  t)f  seveial  thou.sand 
busheJH,  and  in  them  corn  was  preserved  for  several, 
or,  as  iJrasseur  says,  for  Hfteen  or  twenty,  years, 
liesides  the  regular  and  extensive  plantations  of  sta- 
])h'  prodiu'ts,  gardens  wen'  common,  tastefidly  laid 
out  an<l  <le\oted  to  the  cultivati«)n  of  fruits,  vegeta- 
bles, nie<licinal  herbs,  and  parti<ularly  flowers,  of 
which  the  Mexicans  were  very  Ibnd,  and  which  W(Te 
in  demand  for  teujple  decorations  and  bou<iuet8.     The 


860 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


i 


gardens  connected  with  the  palaces  of  kings  and  no- 
bles, particularly  those  of  Tezcuco,  Iztapalapan,  and 
Huaxtepec,  excited  great  wonder  and  admiration  in 
the  minds  of  the  first  European  visitors,  but  these 
have  been  already  mentioned  in  a  preceding  chapter." 

We  shall  find  the  planting  and  growth  of  maize  not 
without  influence  in  the  development  of  the  Nahua 
calendars,  and  that  it  was  closely  connected  with  the 
worship  of  the  gods  and  with  religious  ideas  and  cere- 
monies. Father  Burgoa  relates  that  in  Oajaca,  the 
cultivation  of  this  grain,  the  people's  chief  support, 
was  attended  by  some  peculiar  ceremonies.  At  har- 
vest-time the  priests  of  the  maize  god  in  Quegolani, 
ceremonially  visited  the  cornfields  followed  by  a  pro- 
cession of  the  people,  and  sought  diligently  the  fairest 
and  best-filled  ear.  This  they  bore  to  the  village, 
placed  it  on  an  altar  decked  for  the  occasion  with  flow- 
ers and  precious  chalchiuites,  sang  and  danced  before 
it,  and  wrapped  it  with  care  in  a  white  cotton  cloth, 
in  which  it  was  preserved  until  the  next  seed-time. 
Then  with  renewed  processions  and  solemn  rites  the 
magic  ear  with  its  white  covering  was  wrapped  in  a 
deer-skin  and  buried  in  the  midst  of  the  cornfields  in 
a  small  hole  lined  with  stones.  When  another  har- 
vest came,  if  it  were  a  fruitful  one,  the  precious  offer- 
ing to  the  earth  was  dug  uj)  and  its  decayed  remains 
distributed  in  small  parcels  to  the  haj)py  populace  as 
talismans  a<;ainst  all  kinds  of  evil." 

The  game  most  abundant  was  deer,  hare,  rabbits, 
wild  hogs,  wolves,  foxes,  jaguars,  or  tigers,  Mex- 
ican lions,  coyotes,  •  pigeons,  i)artridges,  (juails,  and 
many  aquatic  birds.     The  usual  weapon  was  the  bow 

»  On  tlic  culture  of  maize  nnd  other  points  mentioned  above  kcc  Tor- 
quemada,  Monarq.  Intl.,  toni.  ii.,  pp.  481-2,  M4,  toni.  i.,  p.  HM5;  Clarigrro, 
Storia  Ant.  del  JUfniiiro,  toni.  ii.,  pp.  153-6;  brasscur  ilc  Uourhourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Cir  torn  iii.,  pp.  (5.3.1-7,  toin.  iv.,  p.  (U;  Varhtijnl  Esintioaa,  tlist. 
Hex.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  621-4;  ('orti!.i.  Cartas,  n.  75;  Denial  Diaz,  Hist.  Couq., 
p.  128;  L'amnrgo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Noumlcs  Aimales  ties  Voy.,  1843,  torn, 
xeviii.,  p.  196;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  ii. ;  Gagern,  \n  Soc.  Mcx.  Geog., 
Botetin,  i^^Kjwca,  torn,  i.,  pp.  815-16. 

'•  Burqoa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  torn,  ii.,  pt  ii.,  pp.  332-3;  Ura.iseur  de  Hour- 
bourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  40-2. 


THE  CHASE  IN  ANAHUAC. 


SU: 


and  arrow,  to  the  invention  of  which  tradition  ascribes 
the  origin  of  the  chase;  but  spears,  snares,  and  nets 
were  also  employed,  and  the  sarbacan,  a  tube  through 
which  pellets  or  darts  were  blown,  was  an  effective 
bird-killer.  Game  in  the  royal  forests  was  protected 
by  law,  and  many  hunters  were  employed  in  taking 
animals  and  birds  alive  for  the  king's  collections. 
Among  the  peculiar  devices  employed  for  taking 
water-birds  was  that  already  mentioned  in  connection 
with  the  Wild  Tribes;  the  hunter  floating  in  the 
wiiter,  with  only  his  head,  covered  with  a  gourd,  above 
the  surface,  and  thus  approaching  his  prey  unsus- 
pected. Young  monkeys  were  caught  by  putting  in 
a  concealed  tire  a  peculiar  black  stone  which  exploded 
when  heated.  Corn  was  scattered  about  as  a  bait, 
and  when  the  old  monkoys  brought  their  young  to 
feed  they  were  frightened  by  the  explosion  and  ran 
away,  leaving  the  young  ones  an  easy  prey.  The  na- 
tive hunters  are  represented  as  particularly  skillful  in 
following  an  indistinct  trail.  According  to  Sahagun, 
a  superstition  prevailed  that  only  four  arrows  might  be 
shot  at  a  tiger,  but  to  secure  success  a  leaf  was 
attached  to  one  of  the  arrows,  which,  making  a  pecu- 
liar whizzing  sound,  fell  short  and  attracted  the  beast's 
attention  while  the  hunter  took  deliberate  aim.  Croc- 
odiles were  taken  with  a  noose  round  the  neck  and 
also,  by  the  boldest  hunters,  by  inserting  a  stick  sharp- 
ened and  barbed  at  both  ends  in  the  ariinial's  open 
mouth.  It  is  probable  that,  while  a  small  portion  of 
the  common  peo[»le  in  certain  j)arts  of  the  country 
sought  game  for  food  alone,  the  chase  among  the  Na- 
huas  was  for  the  most  part  a  diversion  of  the  nobles 
and  soldiers.  There  were  also  certain  hunts  estab- 
lished by  law  or  custom  at  certain  periods  of  tlie  year, 
the  products  of  which  were  devoted  to  sacrificial  pur- 
poses, although  most  likely  oaten  eventually. 

In  the  month  Quecholli  a  day's  hunt  was  cele- 
hrated  bv  the  warriors  in  honor  of  Mixcojitl.  A  large 
forest     4httt  of  Zacatepec,  near  Mexico,  being  a  favor- 


862 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


iJt: 


n  i 


ite  resort — was  surrounded  by  a  line  of  hunters  many 
miles  in  extent.  In  the  centre  of  the  forest  various 
snares  and  traps  were  set.  When  all  was  ready,  the 
living  circle  began  to  contract,  and  the  hunters  with 
shouts  pressed  forward  toward  the  centre.  To  aid  in 
the  work,  the  grass  was  sometimes  fired.  The  various 
animals  were  driven  from  their  retreats  into  the  snar*"" 
j)repared  for  them,  or  fell  victims  to  the  huntsmen's 
arrows.  Immense  quantities  of  game  were  thus  se- 
cured and  borne  to  the  city  and  to  the  neighboring 
towns,  the  inhabitants  of  which  had  assisted  in  the 
hunt,  as  an  offering  to  the  god.  Each  hunter  carried 
to  his  own  home  the  heads  of  such  animals  as  he  had 
killed,  and  a  prize  was  awarded  to  the  most  successful. 
In  the  month  Tecuilhuitontli  also,  while  the  warriors 
practiced  in  sham  fights  for  actual  war,  the  common 
people  gave  their  attention  to  the  chase.  Large  num- 
bers of  birds  were  taken  in  nets  spread  on  poles  like 
spear-shafts.  In  earlier  times,  when  the  chase  was 
more  depended  on  for  food,  the  first  game  taken  was 
offered  to  the  gods;  or,  by  the  Chichimecs  and  Xochi- 
milcas,  to  the  sun,  as  Ixtlilxochitl  informs  us," 

Fish  was  much  more  universally  used  for  food  than 
game.  Torquemada  tells  us  that  the  Aztecs  first  in- 
vented the  art  of  fishing  prompted  by  the  mother  of 
invention  when  forced  by  their  enemies  to  live  on  the 
lake  islands;  and  it  wtis  the  smell  of  roasted  tisii, 
wafted  to  the  shore,  that  revealed  their  preseni'e. 
This  tradition  is  somewhat  absurd,  and  it  is  difftcult 
to  believe  that  the  art  was  entirely  unknown  during 
the  ])re('oding  Toltec  and  Olmec  periods  of  Nahua 
civilization.     Besides    the   supply  in  lake  and  river, 

1'  On  hunting  »rc  MotoUnin,  Hist.  ladios,  in  Teazhnlceta,  Col.  dr  Dm:, 
torn,  i.,  p.  48;  Snhaf/iiH,  Hist.  <ifii..  Xnnx.  i.,  lib.  ii..  ii.  1(>5,  toni.  iii.,  lib.  xi.. 
pp.  140-2*20,  ini'ludiuK  »  full  liHt  and  ilcHcription  uf  Muxican  uninial.>i;  Tor- 
quemntlii,  ilona,.^.  /(tW.,  toni.  i.,  j).  208,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  281,207;  Piter  Murtyr. 
aec,  v.,  liU.  iii.;  Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  22;  Canuirrfo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  \oui'rlli:i 
Aniutlrs  ilf.i  Votf.,  184.3,  torn,  xcviii.,  p.  106;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Jirlnrtoiii:t,  in 
Kinijshonmrfh'ti  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  2iX>,  S40,  4.')8;  Claritfrro.  Stnrin 
Ant.  (M  .Mr.mro,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  160-2.  List  of  Mexican  aninwls  in  Id.,  toiii. 
i.,  pp.  6«-0}>;    Carbajnl  tspinosa.   Hist.   Mex.,  Umi.   i.    m*.  (536-7,  12(1-44, 


I*' 
th 


with  same  lint;  Braxaeur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  Umi.  L,  p.  235. 


FISHERIES  AND  SALT. 


853 


artificial  ponds  in  the  royal  gardens  were  also  stocked 
with  fish,  and  we  have  seen  that  fresh  fish  from  the 
ocean  were  brought  to  Mexico  for  the  king's  table. 
Respecting  the  particular  methods  employed  by  the 
Nahua  fishermen,  save  that  they  used  both  nets  and 
hooks,  the  authorities  say  nothing.  The  Tarascos 
had  such  an  abundance  of  food  in  their  lakes  that 
their  country  was  named  Michoacan,  'land  of  fish;' 
and  the  rivers  of  Huastecapan  are  also  mentioned  as 
richly  stocked  with  finny  food." 

The  Nahuas  had,  as  I  have  said,  no  herds  or  flocks, 
but  besides  the  royal  collections  of  animals,  which  in- 
cluded nearly  every  known  variety  of  quadrupeds, 
birds,  and  reptiles,  tlie  common  people  kept  and  bred 
techichi  (a  native  animal  resembling  a  dog),  turkeys, 
quails,  geese,  ducks,  and  many  other  birds.  The  no- 
bles also  kept  deer,  hares,  and  rabbits." 

Next  to  chile,  salt,  or  iztatl,  was  the  condiment 
most  used,  and  most  of  ilie  supply  came  from  the  Val- 
ley of  Mexico.  The  best  was  made  by  Ixtiling  the 
water  from  the  salt  lake  in  large  pots,  and  was  pre- 
served in  white  cakes  or  balls.  It  was  oftener,  how- 
ever, led  by  trenches  into  shallow  pools  and  evaporated 


•*  Clarnqami,  Sforia  Ant.  del  Messiro,  torn,  i.,  pp.  90-10.').,  torn,  ii.,  p. 
1(52,  with  iiHt  and  description  of  Mexican  fishes,  of  wliioh  iiver  ItK)  vurie- 
lies  fit  for  fiMHl  are  mentioned;  rejieated  in  Vnrbajal  EsfiiiioHa,  Hint.  Mex., 
turn,  i.,  pp.  I4r>-."»0,  6'28;  I'eter  Afiirti/r,  dec.  v.,  lib.  li.,  iii.;  Tezozomoc, 
Hint.  Mex.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  fi<),  147;  Torrfiiemaila,  Monarq.  Intl.,  toin.  i.,  p.  93; 
I'amarffo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  A  nnale.<i  de»  V")/.,  1843,  toni.  xcviii.,  p. 
IH'2;  Acosla,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  4*i0.  List  uf  tittlieH  in  Salutgun,  Hist. 
(kn.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  xi.,  pp.  19<^207. 

"  'Crian  nnichaH  pilhnus . . .  .que  son  tan  grandesconio  jtavos.'  'Conejos, 
liehrcs,  vcnadoM  y  perros  petiuenos,  cjiie  crian  para  comer  (!a8tradcm.'  Cortes, 
( 'itrtas,  pp.  '2,3,  94,  104,  '2'2'2.  '  V'oun);  whelpes  flesh  is  vsuuii  there ....  which 
tiiev  ^cld  and  fatte  for  footle.'  I'ctir  Mnrti/r,  dec.  v.,  .'ib.  iii.  The  same 
luitlior,  dec.  v.,  lil).  iii.,  nives  some  (jueer  information  rcspectin};  the  turk- 
eys. 'The  fcmalles  •■ometimes  lay  :a).  or  HO.  ejjjji-s.  »o  tiiat  it  is  a  niulti- 
plyin}!  company.  The  males,  arc  alwuyes  in  loue,  and  therefore  they  say, 
ilifv  are  verj'  Iifjht  nieate  of  di)restion.'  A  i-ertain  iiriest  rejMirts  that  'the 
iiiaie  is  tnuihlcd  with  certayne  impedimentes  in  tne  le^^^es,  that  he  can 
si'iirse  allure  the  lienne  to  treade  her.  vnlesse  s<»me  knownc  iK'nwm  take  her 
in  his  hand,  and  hohl  her  .  .AssoMMttut  hee  perceia«th  the  iienne  which  he 
liMiclh,  is  lichl,  hce  pn^sentJy  ctmimeth  vnto  her,  and  performes  his  husinesse 
ill  tiie  hantt  of  the  ludder  '  See  tJlavt^ro,  Storiit  An-t.  del  Messir.o,  toni. 
ii.,  pp.  l.VM).  tom.  iv.,  p.  :!28;  Cnrbajtil  Espt-uomt,  Hist.  Mex.,  turn,  i.,  pp. 
tiJf-6:  Owdo.  Hint.  Gen.,  wm.  iii.,  pp.  291-2. 
Vol.  II.    'U 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


i 

I 
! 


by  the  nun.  The  work  would  seem  to  have  been  done 
by  women,  since  Saha^un  speaks  of  the  women  and 
^irls  employed  in  this  industry  as  dancing  at  the  feast 
in  honor  of  the  ji^oddess  of  salt  in  the  month  Tecuil- 
huitontli.  A  {Mxjr  quality  of  salt,  tequizquitl,  brick- 
colored  and  strongly  impregnated  with  saltpetre,  was 
scraped  up  on  the  Hats  around  the  lakes,  and  largely 
used  in  salting  meats.  Las  Casas  mentions  salt  springs 
in  the  heA  of  fresh-water  streams,  the  water  of  which 
was  [Kiinped  out  through  hollow  canes,  and  yielded  on 
evapiiration  a  fine  white  salt;  but  it  is  not  certain  what 
part  of  the  country  he  refers  to.  The  Aztec  kings 
practically  monopolized  the  salt  market  and  refused 
to  sell  it  to  any  except  tributary  nations.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  disposition,  republican  Tlascala,  one  of 
the  few  nations  that  maintained  its  independence,  was 
forced  for  many  years  to  eat  its  food  unsalted;  and 
so  habituated  did  the  people  become  t(j  this  diet,  that 
in  later  times,  if  we  may  credit  Camargo,  very  little 
salt  was  consumed." 

We  now  come  to  the  methods  adopted  by  the  Na- 
hujis  in  preparing  and  cooking  fcKKj.  Maize,  when 
in  the  milk,  was  eaten  boiled,  and  called  elotl;  when 
dry  it  was  often  prepared  for  food  by  simply  parciiing 
or  roa-sting,  and  then  named  mumtiehiti  But  it  usu- 
ally came  to  the  Aztec  table  in  the  shape  of  tlaxcalli, 
the  Spanish  tortillas,  the  standard  bread,  then  as  now, 
in  all  8[)anish  America.  It  would  be  difficult  to 
name  a  book  in  any  way  treating  of  Mexico  in  wiiicli 
tortillas  are  not  fully  described.  The  aborigines  boiled 
the  corn  in  water,  to  which  lime,  or  sometimes  nitre, 
was  added.  When  sufficiently  soft  and  free  from 
hulls  it  was  crushed  on  the  metlatl,  or  metate,  with  a 
stone  roller,  and  the  dough,  after  being  kneaded  also 

'«  Peter  Martur,  dec.  v.,  lib.  iii. ;  Torqttcmada,  Momir^.  Ind.,  torn,  i., 
p.  4.")0;  Herrern,  Hist.  (!eii.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  caj).  v.;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Geii., 
torn,  iii.,  p.  284;  Cortts,  Cartas,  p.  66;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  111), 
ii.,  pp.  124-8,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  1.10;  Alho'rnoz,  in  Intzbalceta,  Vol.  dv. 
Dor.,  t(Hii.  i.,  p.  fi07;  Camnrgo,  Hist.  Ttax.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  d>s 
Vojf.,  184.S,  toni.  xcviii.,  p.  180;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  100;  Solis,  Hist. 
Conq.  Mex.,  toin.  i.,  pp.  390-1. 


THE  NAHUA  CUISINE. 


8B5 


on  the  metate,  was  formed  by  the  hands  of  the  women 
into  very  thin  round  cakes  which  were  quickly  baked 
on  eartnen  pans,  or  comalli,  and  piled  up  one  on 
another  that  they  might  retain  their  warmth,  for 
when  cold  they  lost  their  savor.  Peter  Martyr  speaks 
of  these  tortillas  as  "bread  made  of  Maizium."  They 
were  sometimes,  but  rarely,  flavored  with  different 
native  plants  and  flowers.  There  was,  however,  some 
variety  in  their  preparation,  according  to  which  they 
bore  different  names.  For  example  totanquitlaxcal- 
litlaquelpackolli  were  very  white,  being  folded  and  cov- 
ered with  napkins;  huietlaxcalli  were  lan^e,  thin,  and 
soft;  qnaHhtlfujualli  were  thick  and  rough;  tlaxcal- 
fmcholli,  grayish;  and  tldcepoallitlaxvalli  presented  a 
blistered  surface.  There  were  many  other  kinds.  In 
addition  to  the  tlaxcalli,  thicker  corn-bread  in  the  form 
of  long  cakes  and  balls  were  made.  Atolli  varied  in 
consistency  from  porridge,  or  gruel,  to  mush,  and  may 
consequently  be  classed  either  as  a  drink  or  as  food. 
To  make  it,  the  hulled  corn  was  mashed,  mixed  with 
water,  and  boiled  down  to  the  required  consistency ; 
it  was  variously  sweetened  and  seasoned,  and  eaten 
both  hot  and  cold.  According  to  its  condition  and 
Koasoning  it  received  about  seventeen  names;  thus 
totonqaiatoUi  was  eaten  hot,  nequatoUi  was  sweetened 
with  honey,  ch'dneqnatoUi  was  seasoned  with  chile, 
iuul  qimnhnexatoUi  with  saltj)etre. 

Beans,  the  etl  of  the  Aztecs,  the  frijoles  of  the 
Spaniards,  were  while  yet  green  boiled  in  the  pod, 
and  were  then  called  exotl;  when  dry  they  were  also 
i^unerally  boiled;  but  Ixtlilxochitl  mentions  flour  made 
from  beans. 

Chilli,  chile,  or  pepper,  was  eaten  both  green  and 
dry,  whole  and  ground.  A  sauce  was  also  made 
tVoin  it  into  which  hot  tortillas  were  dipped,  and  which 
formed  a  part  of  the  seasoning  in  nearly  every  Nahua 
tlish.  "  It  is  the  principal  sauce  and  the  only  spice 
of  the  Indias,"  as  Acosta  tells  us. 

Flesh,  fowl,  and  fish,  both  fresh  and  salted,  were 


866 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


stewed,  boiled,  and  roasted,  with  the  fat  of  the 
tochichi,  and  seasoned  with  chile,  tmnatl  (since  called 
toinatos),  etc.  The  larjjer  roasted  game  preserved  for 
eating  from  the  sacrifices  in  the  month  of  Itzcalli  is 
termed  calpuleque  by  Sahagun.  Pipimi  was  a  stew 
of  fowl  with  chile,  tomatos,  and  ground  pumpkin- 
seeds.  Deer  and  rabbits  were  barbecued.  Peter  Mar- 
tyr speaks  of  "rest  and  sodden  meates  of  foule." 

Fruits,  for  the  most  part,  were  eaten  as  with  ua, 
raw,  but  some,  as  the  plantain  and  banana,  were 
roasted  and  stewed. 

So  much  for  the  plain  Nahua  cookery.  Into  the 
labyrinthine  mysteries  of  the  mixed  dishes  I  shall 
not  penetrate  tar.  It  is  easier  for  the  writer,  and 
not  less  satisfactory  to  the  reader,  to  dismiss  the  sub- 
ject with  the  remark  that  all  the  articles  of  food  that 
have  been  mentioned,  fish,  flesh,  and  fowl,  were  mixed 
and  cooked  in  every  conceivable  proportion,  the  pro- 
duct taking  a  different  name  with  each  change  in  the 
ingredients.  The  two  principal  classes  of  these  mixed 
dishes  were  the  pot-stews,  or  cazuelas,  of  various 
meats  with  multitudinous  seasonings ;  and  the  tamnfli, 
or  tamales,  meat  pies,  to  make  which  meats  were  boiled, 
chopped  fine,  and  seasoned,  then  mixed  with  maize- 
dough,  coated  with  the  same,  wrai)ped  in  a  corn-husk, 
and  boiled  again.  These  also  took  different  names 
according  to  the  ingredients  and  seasoning.  The  ta- 
male  is  still  a  favorite  dish,  like  tortillas  and  frijoles. 

Miscellaneous  articles  of  food,  not  already  spoken 
of,  were  axaifiwatl,  flies  of  the  Mexican  lakes,  dried, 
ground,  boiled,  and  eaten  in  the  form  of  cakes;  aJin- 
auhtli,  the  eggs  of  the  same  fly,  a  kind  of  native 
caviar;  many  kinds  of  insects,  ants,  maguey-worms, 
and  even  lice;  tecuitlatl,  'excrement  of  stone,'  a  slime 
that  was  gathered  on  the  surface  of  the  lakes,  and 
dried  till  it  resembled  cheese ;  eggs  of  turkeys,  igua- 
nas, and  turtles,  roasted,  boiled,  and  in  omelettes ;  vari- 
ous reptiles,  frogs,  and  frog-spawn ;  shrimps,  sardines, 
and   crabs;  conj-silk,  wild -amaranth   seeds,   cherry- 


EATING  OF  HUMAN  FLESH. 


857 


stones,  tule-roots,  and  very  many  other  articles  inex- 
pressible; yucca  flour,  potoyucca,  tunas;  honey  from 
maize,  from  l)ees,  and  from  the  maguey;  and  roasted 
portions  of  the  maguey  stalks  and  leaves. 

The  women  did  all  the  work  in  preparing  and  cook- 
ing food;  in  Tlascala,  however,  the  men  felt  that  an 
apology  was  due  for  allowing  this  work  to  be  done  by 
women,  and  claimed,  as  Sahogun  says,  that  the  smoke 
of  cooking  would  impair  their  eye-sight  and  make 
them  less  successful  in  the  hunt.  All  these  articles 
of  food,  both  c«)oked  and  uncooked,  were  offered  for 
sale  in  the  market-places  of  each  large  town,  of  which 
I  shall  speak  further  when  I  come  to  treat  of  com- 
merce. Eating-houses  were  also  generally  found  near 
the  markets,  where  all  the  substantial  and  delicacies 
of  the  Nahua  cuisine  might  be  obtained." 

One  article  of  Nahua  food  demands  special  men- 
tion— human  flesh.  That  they  ate  the  arms  and  legs 
of  the  victims  sacrificed  to  their  gods,  there  is  no  room 
for  doubt.  This  religious  cannibalism — perhaps  human 
sacrifice  itself — was  probably  not  practiced  before  the 
cruel-minded  Aztec  devoteesof  Huitzilopochtli  came  in*^ 
to  power,  or  at  least  was  of  rare  occurrence;  but  during 
the  Aztec  dominion,  the  custom  of  eating  the  flesh  of 
sacrificed  enemies  became  almost  universal.  That  can- 
nibalism, as  a  source  of  food,  unconnected  with  religious 


"  On  the  preparation  of  food,  and  for  mention  more  or  less  extensive  of 
miscellaneous  articles  of  food,  see  Sahagun,  Ilist.  (icn.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp. 
l2»-.30,  184-6,  toni.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  p.  258,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  207,  .302-5,  torn, 
iii.,  lib.  X.,  pp.  118-19,  130,  132;  Acosta,  Hist,  tk  las  Yud.,  pp.  237-68; 
250-1,  254,  2o7-8;  Beriial  Diaz,  Hist.  Cony.,  fol.  68-9;  Cortds,  Cartas,  pp. 
23,  68,  103-5;  Relacion  dc  Algunas  Cosas,  in  Ivazhalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn, 
i.,  pp.  378-9;  Peter  Mnrtj/r,  dec.  v.,  lib.  ii.,  iii.;  La.i  Casas,  Hist.  Apolo- 
gitica,  MS.,  cap.  43,  175;  Torqtiemada,  Moiiart/.  Ltd.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  9.3,  353, 
373,  torn,  ii.,  p.  297;  Goiiuxra,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  39,  318-19;  Clavigero,  Storia 
Ant.  del  Messico,  toni.  ii.,  pp.  158,  217,  etc.,  toni.  iv.,  p.  228;  Solis,  Hist. 
Conq.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  394;  Tezozomoc,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  44,  48-9,  60, 
88,  133,  141-3;  Sniegazionc  delle  Tavole  del  Codice  Mexicano  (Vaticano),  in 
Kingsborougli's  ilex.  Antiq.,  vol.  v.,  p.  191;  Carhajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex., 
torn,  i.,  pp.  624,  628-30,  674-9;  Diaz,  Itinerario,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc., 
toni.  i.,  pp.  298-9;  Zuazo,  Carta,  in  Id.,  pp.  359-61;  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
liinirg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  p.  234,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  031,  G41-4;  Camargo, 
Ilist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  des  Voy.,  1843,  turn,  xcviii.,  pp.  142, 
151-2. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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358 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


rites,  was  ever  practiced,  there  is  little  evidence.  The 
Anonymous  Conqueror  tells  us  that  they  esteemed 
the  flesh  of  men  above  all  other  food,  and  risked  their 
lives  in  battle  solely  to  obtain  it.  Bemal  Diaz  says 
that  they  sold  it  at  retail  in  the  markets;  and  Veytia 
also  states  that  this  was  true  of  the  Otomls.  Father 
Gand  assures  us  that  there  were  many  priests  that 
ate  and  drank  nothing  but  the  flesh  and  blood  of  chil- 
dren. But  these  ogreish  tales  are  probably  exaggera- 
tions, since  those  who  knew  most  of  the  natives, 
Sahagun,  Motolinia,  and  Las  Casas,  regard  the  canni- 
balism of  the  Nahuas  rathier  as  an  abhorrent  feature 
of  their  religion  than  as  the  result  of  an  unnatural  ap- 
petite. That  by  long  usage  they  became  fond  of  this 
food,  may  well  be  believed;  but  that  their  prejudice 
was  strong  against  eating  the  flesh  of  any  but  their 
sacrificed  foes,  is  proven,  as  Gomara  says,  by  the  fact 
that  multitudes  died  of  starvation  during  the  siege 
of  Mexico  by  Cortes.  Even  the  victims  of  sacrifice 
seem  only  to  have  been  eaten  in  banquets,  more  or 
less  public,  accompanied  with  ceremonial  rites.  A 
number  of  infants  sacrificed  to  the  Tlalocs  were  eaten 
each  year,  and  the  blood  of  these  and  of  other  victims 
was  employed  in  mixing  certain  cakes,  some  of  which 
were  at  one  time  sent  as  a  propitiatory  offering  to 
Cortes." 

i>  'Oi  dezir,  que  le  (for  Montezuma)  Bolian  guisar  cames  de  mucha- 
ohos  de  poca  edad.'  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  68,  35,  37.  A  slave 
'elaborately  dressed'  was  a  prominent  feature  of  the  banquet.  Preacotfs 
Mex.,  vol.  i.,  p.  156.  They  ate  the  arms  and  legs  of  the  Spaniards  cap- 
tured. Gemelli  Careri,  in  Churchill's  Qol.  Voyages,  vol.  iv.,  p.  527.  'They 
draw  so  much  blood,  as  in  stead  of  luke  warme  water  may  suffice  to  temper 
the  lumpe,  which  by  the  hellJHh  butchers  of  that  art,  without  any  perturba- 
tion of  the  stomacke  being  sutticiently  kneaded,  while  it  is  nioytit,  and  soft 
euen  as  a  potter  of  the  clay,  or  a  wax  chandler  of  wax,  so  doth  this  image 
maker,  admitted  and  chosen  to  be  maister  of  this  damned  and  cursed  worke.' 
Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  iv.,  i.  'Cocian  aquella  came  con  maiz,  y  daban 
d  cada  uno  un  pedazo  de  ella  en  una  escudilla  6  cajete  con  su  caldo,  y  su 
maiz  cocida,  y  llamaban  aquella  comida  tlacatlaolli.  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen., 
tom.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  89,  14,  84,  93,  97.  '  La  tenian  por  cosa,  como  sagrada,  y 
mas  se  niovian  a  esto  por  Religion,  que  por  vicio.'  Torquemada,  Monarq. 
Ind.,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  684-8.  See  also  Albomoz,Sn  leazbafceta,  Col.  de  Doc., 
torn,  i.,  p  488;  Zuazo,  Carta,  in  Id.,  pp.  363,  385;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios, 
in  Id.,  pp.  40-1,  59;  Belacion  de  Algunas  Cosas,  in  Id.,  p.  398;  Veytia, 
Hist.  Ant  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  282-3;  Gand,  in  Temaux-t'ompans,  Voy., 


DRINKS  AND  DRUNKENNESS. 


8B» 


The  most  popular  Nahua  beverages  were  thc^ie  since 
known  as  pulque  and  chocolate.  The  former,  called 
by  the  natives  octli — pulque,  or  pulcre,  being  a  South 
American  aboriginal  term  applied  to  the  liquor  in 
some  unaccountable  way  by  the  Spaniards — ^was  the 
fermented  juice  of  the  maguey.  One  plant  is  said  to 
yield  about  one  hundred  pounds  in  a  month.  A  cavity 
is  cut  at  the  base  of  the  larger  leaves,  and  allowed 
to  fill  with  juice,  which  is  removed  to  a  vessel  of 
earthen  ware  or  of  skin,  where  it  ferments  rapidly 
and  is  ready  for  use.  In  a  pure  state  it  is  of  a 
light  color,  wholesome,  and  somewhat  less  intox- 
icating than  gr?.pe  wine;  but  the  aborigines  mixed 
with  it  various  herbs,  some  to  merely  change  its  color 
or  flavor,  and  others  to  increase  its  intoxicating  prop- 
erties. This  national  drink  was  honored  with  a  spe- 
cial divinity,  Ometochtli,  one  of  the  numerous  Nahua 
gods  of  wine.  According  to  some  traditions  the 
Quinames,  or  giants,  knew  how  to  prepare  it,  but  its 
invention  is  oftener  attributed  to  the  Toltecs,  its  first 
recorded  use  having  been  to  aid  in  the  seduction  of 
a  mighty  monarch  from  his  royal  duties.^' 

Chocolatl — the  foundation  of  our  chocolate — was 
made  by  pounding  cacao  to  a  powder,  adding  an  equal 
quantity  of  a  seed  called  pochotl,  also  powdered,  and 
stirring  or  beating  the  mixture  briskly  in  a  dish  of 
water.     The  oily  foam  which  rose  to  the  surface  was 

B^rie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  197;  Bologne,  in  Id.,  p.  215;  Duran,  Hitt,  Indiaa,  MS., 
torn,  iii.,  appendix,  cap.  iil;  Carbajal,  Diacurso,  p.  60;  Clavigero,  Storia 
Ant.  del  McHsico,  toin.  ii.,  p.  47;  Brai>seur  de  Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  iii.,  pp.  502-3,  torn,  iv.,  p.  90;  La»  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS., 
cap.  175-6. 

"  Tcaxaleevia,  texcalcevilo,  and  malaluhtli  are  some  of  the  names  given 
to  pulc^ue  according  to  its  hue  and  condition.  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn, 
i.,  lib.  li.,  pp,  175,  179,  186.  Pulque  from  Chilian  language,  Clavigero,  Slo- 
ria  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  221-2.  See  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist. 
Mex.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  679-80;  Brasseur  de  Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat,  Civ.,  torn, 
iii.,  pp.  643-4,  torn,  i.,  pp.  340-5;  Duran,  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  tom.  iii., 
cap.  xxii;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  tom.  i.,  p.  151.  'Antes  que  d  su  vino  lo 
cuezan  con  unas  raices  que  le  ecnan,  es  claro  y  dulce  como  i^uamiel.  Des- 
nues  de  cocido,  hdcese  al^  espeso  y  tiene  nial  olor,  y  los  que  con  ^1  se  em- 
Deodan,  mucho  peor.'  Stotolinia,  Hist.  Indies,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  deDoe., 
tom.  i.,  pp.  22-3;  and  Ritos  Antiguos,  pp.  16-17,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex. 
Antiq.,  vol.  ix.  '  No  hay  perros  muertos,  ni  bomba,  aue  assi  hiedan  como 
el  haliento  del  borracho  deste  vino.'  Oomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  319. 


360 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


then  .separated,  a  small  quantity  of  maize  flour  was 
added,  and  the  liquid  which  was  set  before  the  fire. 
The  oily  portion  was  finally  restored  and  the  beverage 
was  drunk  lukewarm,  sweetened  with  honey  and  often 
seasoned  with  vanilla.  This  drink  was  nutritious, 
refreshing,  and  cooling,  and  was  especially  a  favorite 
with  those  called  upon  to  perform  fatiguing  labor  with 
scant  food.** 

Miscellaneous  drinks  were  water,  plantain -juice, 
the  various  kinds  of  porridge  known  as  atolli,  already 
mentioned,  the  juice  of  maize-stalks,  those  prepared 
from  chian  and  other  seeds  by  boiling,  and  fermented 
water  in  which  corn  had  been  boiled — a  favorite  Ta- 
rasco  drink.  Among  the  ingredients  used  to  make 
their  drinks  more  intoxicating  the  most  powerful  was 
the  teonanacatl,  'flesh  of  god,'  a  kind  of  mushroom 
which  excited  the  passions  and  caused  the  partaker 
to  see  snakes  and  divers  other  visions.'* 

The  Aztec  laws  against  drunkenness  were  very  se- 
vere, yet  nearly  all  the  authors  represent  the  people 
as  delighting  in  all  manner  of  intoxication,  and  as 
giving  way  on  every  opportunity  to  the  vice  when 
the  power  of  their  rulers  over  them  was  destroyed 
by  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards.     Drinking  to  ex- 

*"  'Esta  bebida  ea  el  mas  sano  y  mas  sustancioso  aliinento  de  cuantos  se 
conocen  en  el  inundo,  pues  el  que  bebe  una  taza  de  ella,  aunque  haga  una 
Jornada,  puede  pasarse  todo  el  dia  sin  tomar  otra  cosa;  y  siendo  frio  por 
su  naturaleza,  es  mejor  en  tienipo  caliente  que  frio.'  Belacion  de  Algunaa 
Cosas,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  381.  'La  mejor,  maa  dclicada 
y  cara  beuida  que  tienen  es  de  liarina  de  cacao  y  agua.  Algunas  vezes  le 
mezclan  miel,  y  harina  de  otras  legunibres.  Esto  no  emborracha,  antes  re- 
fresca mucho.'  Gomara,  Conq.  JUex.,  fol.  319.  'Of  ccrtaine  almondes.... 
they  make  wonderfull  drinke.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v,,  lib.  ii.,  iv.  'Cierta 
bebida  hecha  del  mismi/  cacao,  que  dezian  era  para  tener  acceso  con  mu- 
geres.'  Bernal  Diaz,  His'.  Conq.,  fol.  68.  Red,  vermilion,  orange,  black, 
and  white.  Sahagun,  JUat.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  301-2.  See  Acosta, 
Hist,  de  las  Ytia.,  p.iil;  Clavigero  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp. 
219-20;  Brasseur  de  Buurbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  642-3. 

<>  Chicha  and  sendfchd,  fermented  drinks.  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del 
Messico,  tom.  ii.,  p.  221.  Sendech6,  an  Otomi  drink,  for  a  full  description 
see  Mendoza,  in  Soe.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  epoca,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  25-8. 
'Ale,  and  syder.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  iv.  'Pr.nicap  que  es  cierto 
brebaie  que  ellos  beben.'  Cortis,  Cartas,  p.  76.  See  besides  references  in 
note  19;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazoalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  tom.  i.,  p. 
23;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  118,  130;  Mendieta,  Hist. 
Eaet.,  p.  139;  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  67G,  673-9. 


MEALS  OF  THE  COMMON  PEOPLE. 


86t 


ex- 


cess seems  to  have  been  with  them  a  social  vice, 
confined  mostly  to  public  feasts  and  private  ban- 
quets. It  may  have  been  chiefly  against  intemperance 
among  the  working  classes,  and  ofiicials  when  on  duty, 
that  the  stringent  laws  were  directed.  Mendieta 
speaks  of  the  people  as  very  temperate,  using  pulque 
only  under  the  direction  of  the  chiefs  and  judges  for 
medicinal  pui-poses  chiefly.  The  nobles  made  it  a 
point  of  honor  not  to  drink  to  excess,  and  al'  feared 
punishment.  But  Motolinia  and  other  good  author- 
ities take  an  opposite  view  of  the  native  character  in 
this  respect.** 

Concerning  the  manner  of  serving  the  king's  meals, 
as  well  as  the  banquets  and  feasts  of  nobles  and  the 
richer  classes,  enough  has  been  already  said.  Of  the 
daily  meals  among  the  masses  little  is  known.  The 
Nahuas  seem  to  have  confined  their  indulgence  in  rich 
and  varied  viands  to  the  oft-recurring  feasts,  while  at 
their  homes  they  were  content  with  plain  fare.  This 
is  a  peculiarity  that  is  still  observable  in  the  country, 
both  among  the  descendants  of  the  Nahuas  and  of 
their  conquerors.  The  poorer  people  had  in  each 
house  a  metate  for  grinding  maize,  and  a  few  earthen 
dishes  for  cooking  tortillas  and  frijoles.  They  ate 
three  meals  a  day,  morning,  noon,  and  night,  using 
the  ground  for  table,  table-cloth,  napkins,  and  chairs, 
conveying  their  tlaxcalli  and  chile  to  the  mouth  with 
the  fingers,  and  washing  down  their  simple  food  with 
water  or  atole.  The  richer  Nahuas  were  served  with 
a  greater  variety  on  palm-mats  often  richly  decorated, 


^  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  pp.  138-40.  'Comunmente  comenzaban  d  be- 
1)er  despues  de  viaperas,  y  dabanse  taiita  prisa  &  beber  de  diez  en  diez,  6 
quince  en  quince,  y  los  escanciadores  que  no  cesaban,  y  la  coniida  que  no 
era  mucha,  a  prima  noche  ya  van  perdiendo  el  sentido,  ya  cayendo  ya  useu- 
tundo,  cantando  y  dando  voces  Uaniando  al  denionio.'  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios, 
in  Icazbalceta,  Vol.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  pp.  23,  32.  'Bcben  con  tanto  exceso, 
que  no  paran  basta  caer  como  niuertos  de  pure  ebrios,  y  tienen  &  grande 
honra  beber  niucho  y  embriagarse.'  Relacion  de  Algutias  Cosas,  in  Id.,  pp. 
582,  587.  Drinkers  and  druntcards  had  several  special  divinities.  Brasseur 
de  bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  totn.  iii.,  p.  493.  Drank  less  before  the  con- 
quest. Duran,  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  torn,  iii.,  cap.  xxii. ;  Clavigero,  StoriaAnt. 
del  Messico,  toni.  i.,  p.  119. 


wa 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


around  which  low  seats  were  placed  for  their  conveni- 
ence; napkins  were  also  furnished.^ 

*>  'Comen  en  el  suelo,  y  soziamente. . .  .parten  los  hueuos  en  vn  cabello 
que  Be  arrancan,'  whatever  that  operation  ma^  be.  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol. 
319.  .  'Es  gente  que  con  muv  poco  mantenimiento  vive,  y  la  que  menos  come 
de  cuantas  nay  en  el  mundo.  Relacion  deAlgunas  Coaat,  in  Icazhalceta,  Col. 
de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  379-80.  '  Molto  Bobrj  nel  mangiare.'  Clavigero,  Storia 
Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  i.,  p.  119.  'It  is  notlawfuU  for  any  that  ia  vnmaried  to 
sit  at  table  with  such  as  are  maried,  or  to  eate  of  the  same  dish,  or  drinke  of 
the  same  cup,  and  make  themseluca  equall  with  such  as  are  married.'  Peter 
Martyr,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  iv.  The  nobles  gave  feasts  at  certain  periods  of  the 
year  tor  the  relief  of  the  poor.  Torquemada,  Moiiarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  270. 
See  also  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  138;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen., 
torn,  iii.,  p.  535;  Brasseurde  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  644-5, 
Additional  references  for  the  whole  subject  of  Nahua  food  are: — Montanus, 
Nieuwe  Weercld,  pp.  74,  80,  247,  251;  Dapper,  Neue  Welt,  pp.  83,  91, 
278-9,  283;  Klemm,  Cultur-Geschiehte,  torn,  v.,  pp.  10-13,  20-6,  102,  104, 
180-3,  189,  196;  Wdppaus,  Geog.  «.  Stat.,  pp.  44-9;  Tylor'a  Anahuac,  pp. 
62,  103,  145-6,  173-4;  Fossey,  Mexique,  pp.  44,  215,  485-6;  Malte-Brun,  Pr6- 
cis  de  la  G6og.,  tom.  vi.,  p.  456;  Monglave,  Risumi,  pp.  37-8,  261;  Delaporte 
Reisen,  tom.  x.,  pp.  257,  268-9;  Dillon,  Hist.  Mex.,  p.  45;  Chevalier,  Mex. 
Ancien  y  Mod.,  pp.  15-27;  MiUler,  Amerikanisclie  Urreligionen,  p.  538; 
Boyle's  Ride,  vol.  i.,  pp.  278-9;  Macgregor's  Progress  of  Amer.,  vol.  i., 
p.  22;  Gibhs,  in  Hist.  Mag.,  vol.  vii.,  p.  99;  Hazart,  Kirchen-Geschichte, 
tom.  ii.,  p.  502;  Helps'  Span.  Conq.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  455;  Lafond,  Voyages,  tom. 
i.,  p.  107;  Baril,  Mexique,  pp.  20S-9;  Bussierre,  L'Empire  Mex.,  pp.  164-6, 
178,  230;  Lenoir,  Parallile,  p.  39;  Long,  Porter,  andYucker's  America,  p. 
162;  Soden,  Spanier  in  Peru,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  16-17. 


CHAPTEK  XI. 

DRESS   OF   THE    NAHUA    NATIONS. 
Prooress  in  Dress— Dress  of  the  Pre-Aztec  Nations— Garments 

OF    THE    CHICHIMECS    AND    TOLTECS— INTRODUCTION    OF    COTTON— 

The  Maxtli— The  Tilmatli— Dress  of  the  Acolhuas— Origin 

OF  THE  TaRASCAN  COSTUME— DRESS  OF  THE  ZAPOTECS  AND  TABAS- 

CANS— Dress  of  Women— The  Huipil  and  Cueitl— Sandals- 
Manner  OF  WearinA  the  Hair— Painting  and  Tattooing- Or- 
naments used  bv  the  Nahuas — Gorgeous  Dress  of  the  Nobles- 
Dress  OF  the  Koyal  Attendants— Names  of  the  Various 
Mantles— The  Royal  Diadem— The  Royal  Wardrobe— Costly 
Decorations. 


With  but  few  exceptions  the  dress  of  all  the  civi- 
lized nations  of  Mexico  appears  to  have  been  the  same. 
The  earliest  people,  the  historians  inform  us,  went  en- 
tirely naked  or  covered  only  the  lower  portion  of  the 
body  with  the  skins  of  wild  animals.  Afterwards,  as 
by  degrees  civilization  advanced,  this  scanty  covering 
grew  into  a  regular  costume,  though  still,  at  first, 
made  only  of  skins.  From  this  we  can  note  a  farther 
advance  to  garments  manufactured  first  out  of  tanned 
and  prepared  skins,  later  of  maguey  and  palm-tree 
fibres,  and  lastly  of  cotton.  From  the  latter  no  further 
progress  was  made,  excepting  in  the  various  modes  of 
ornamenting  and  enriching  the  garments  with  feather- 
work,  painting,  embroidery,  gold-work,  and  jewelry. 
The  common  people  were  obliged  to  content  them- 
selves with  plain  clothing,  but  the  dress  of  the  richer 

1363) 


364 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


classes,  nobles,  princes,  and  sovereigns,  was  of  finer 
texture  and  richer  ornamentation.^ 

The  descriptions  of  the  dresses  of  the  nations  which 
occupied  the  Valley  of  Mexico  before  the  Aztecs 
vary  according  to  different  authors.  While  some  de- 
scribe them  as  gorgeously  decked  out  in  painted  and 
embroidered  garments  of  cotton  and  nequen,  others 
say,  that  they  went  either  wholly  naked  or  were  only 
partially  covered  with  skins.  Thus  Sahagun  and 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  describe  the  Toltecs  as  dressed 
in  undergarments  and  mantles  on  which  blue  scor- 
pions were  painted,'  while  the  latter  author  in  another 
place  says  that  they  went  entirely  naked.'  Veytia 
goes  even  farther  than  Sahagun,  affirming  that  they 
knew  well  how  to  manufacture  clothing  of  cotton,  that 
a  great  difference  existed  between  the  dress  of  the 
nobles  and  that  of  the  plebeians,  and  that  they  even 
varied  their  clothing  with  the  seasons.  He  describes 
them  as  wearing  in  summer  a  kind*  of  breech-cloth  or 
drawers  and  a  square  mantle  tied  across  the  breast 
and  descending  to  the  ankles,  while  in  winter  in  addi- 
tion to  the  above  they  clothed  themselves  in  a  kind  of 
sack,  which  reached  down  as  far  as  the  thighs,  with- 
out sleeves  but  with  a  hole  for  the  head  and  two 
others  for  the  arms.* 

The  Chichimecs,  generally  mentioned  as  the  suc- 
cessors of  the  Toltecs,  are  mostly  described  as  going 
naked,  or  only  partly  dressed  in  skins.*     This  appears, 

^  'La  gcnte  pobrc  vestia  de  nequen,  que  es  la  tela  que  se  haze  del  ma- 
guey, y  los  ricos  vestian  de  algodon,  con  orlaa  labradas  de  plunia,  y  pelo  de 
conejoB.'  Herrcra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  ii. 

*  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  112;  Brassevr  de  Bour- 
bourp.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  p.  233.    'Maxtli  enrichide  broderies,  et 

tunique  d'unc  grande  finesse.'  Id.,  p.  350.  'En  tiempo  de  calor  con  sua 
mantas  y  pauetcs  de  algodon,  y  en  tiempo  de  frio  se  ponian  unos  jaque- 
tones  sin  mangus  que  los  llevaban  hasta  las  rodillas  con  bus  mantaB  y  pa- 
fietes.'  Ixtlilxochitl,  Relaciones,  in  Kingsborough's  Mcx.  Antirj.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
327. 

3  'Nu  Buivant  la  coutume  des  indigenes  qui  travaillaient  aux  champs.' 
Brasseur  dc  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  p.  348. 

*  'Algodon,  que  sabian  beneficiar  y  fabricar  de  ^1  las  ropas  dc  que  se 
vestian.'  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  43,  Id.,  tom.  i.,  p.  253. 

i  'Su  vestuario  eran  las  pieles. . .  .que  las  ablandaban  y  curabau  para 
el  efecto,  troyendo  en  tiempo  de  f rios  el  pelo  adentro,  y  en  tiempo  do  calo- 


DRESS  OF  THE  AZTECS,  TABASCOS,  AND  HUASTECS.    865 

however,  only  to  relate  to  the  people  spoken  of  as 
wild  Chichimecs;  those  who  inhabited  Tezcuco  and 
others  in  that  neighborhood  as  civilized  as  the  Aztecs, 
dressed  probably  in  a  similar  fashion  to  theirs;  at 
least,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  this  was  the  case  with 
their  sovereigns  and  nobles.  All  the  Nahuas,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Tarascos  and  Huastecs,  made  use  of 
the  breech-cloth,  or  maxtli.*  This  with  the  Mexicans 
in  very  early  i  imes  is  said  to  have  been  a  kind  of  mat, 
woven  of  the  roots  of  a  plant  which  grew  in  the  Lake 
of  Mexico,  and  was  called  amoxtli''  Later,  the  fibre 
of  the  palm-tree  and  the  maguey  furnished  the  mate- 
rial "or  their  clothing,  and  it  was  only  during  the  reign 
of    S^ing  Huitzilihuitl  that  cotton  was   introduced." 


res  . .  .el  pelo  por  la  parte  afuera.'  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hut  Chich.,  in  Kingabor- 
ough's  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  214;  Motoliiiia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazbalceta, 
Col.dc  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  4;  Gomara,  C'onq.  Mex.,  fol.  298;  Clavigero,  Storia 
Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  i.,  p.  133;  Torquemcuta,  Monarq.  Iiid.,  torn,  i.,  p.  38. 
Por  lo  frio  de  su  clima  vestian  todos  pieles  de  aniniales  odubndas  y  curtidas, 
nin  que  perdiesen  el  pelo,  las  que  acomodaban  d  maiiera  de  un  sayo,  que  por 
detras  les  Ile;;aba  hasta  las  corvas,  y  por  delante  &  medio  inuslo.'  Veytia, 

Hist.  Ant.  Met.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  5,  toin.  i.,  p.  25.   'S'liabillaient depeauxde 

bStes  fauves,  Ic  poil  en  deiiors  durant  V&i&,  el  en  dedans  en  liivcr. . .  .Chez 

Icb  cla£r"'.is  aisles ces  peaux  dtaient  tann^ea  ou  maroquin^es  avec  art;  on 

y  usait  aussi  des  toilcs  de  ncquen,  et  quelquefois  des  cotonnadcs  d'une  grando 
finesse.'  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  186. 

^  'Maxtlatl,  bragas,  o  cosa  scnieiante.'  Molina,  Vocabulario.  The 
Tarascos  'n'adoptferent  jamais  I'usage  des  eale^ons.'  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax., 
In  Noitvelles  Annales  des  Voy.,  1843,  toni.  xcviii.,  p.  132.  The  maxtii  is 
frequently  spoken  of  as  drawers  or  pantaloons.  The  Huastecs  'no  traen 
maxtlcs  con  que  cubrir  sus  vergiienzas.'  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii., 
lib.  X.,  p.  134. 

'  Torqtiemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  84. 

8  'Cominciarono  in  questo  tempo  a  vestirsi  di  cotone,  del  quale  erano 
innanxi  aflfatto  privi  per  la  loro  miseria,  n^  d'altro  vestivansi,  se  non  delle 
tele  grosse  di  flio  di  maguei,  o  di  palma  salvatica.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant. 
del  Messico,  torn,  i.,  p.  ISl.  'Lcs  Mexicains,  les  Tecpaneques  etlesautres 
tribus  qui  restferent  en  arri^re,  conservferent  I'usage  des  Atones  de  coton,  do 
fil  de  palmier,  de  maguey  ixohcle,  de  poil  de  lapiu  et  de  lifevre,  ainsi  que 
des  peai.x  d'animaux.'  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvellcs  Annales  des 
Voy.,  1843,  xcviii.,  p.  132.  'Non  aveano  lana,  nfe  ssta  comune,  ni;  lino, 
nb  canapa;  ma  sapplivano  alia  lana  col  cotone,  alia  seta  colla  piuma,  e  col 
pelo  del  coniglio,  e  della  lepre,  ed  al  lino,  ed  alia  canapa  coll'  Icxotl,  o 

nalma  montana,  col  QuetzeUtehUi,  col  Pati,  e  con  altre  spezie  di  Maguei 

II  modo,  che  avevano  di  preparer  qoesti  materiali,  era  ^uello  stesso,  che 
hanno  gli  Europci  nel  lino,  e  nella  canapa.  Macerevano  m  acqua  le  foglie. 
c  poi  Ic  nettavano,  le  mettcvano  al  Sole,  e  le  ammaccavano,  hnattantoch^ 
Ic  mettevano  in  istatodi  poterle  filare.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico, 
torn,  ii.,  pp.  207-8.  Yc^otl,  Palma  Montana.  'Non  videtur  fileudum,  h 
foliis  huius  arboris  fila  parari,  linteis,  storisq.  intexendis  perquam  accom- 
moda,  politiora,  firmioraq.  eis  quaa  ex  Metl  passim  fieri  consueuere,  ma- 


866 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  maxtli  was  about,  twenty-four  feet  long  and 
nine  inches  wide,  and  was  generally  more  or  less  orna- 
mented at  the  ends  with  colored  fringes  and  tassels, 
the  latter  sometimes  nine  inches  long.  The  manner 
of  wearing  it  was  to  pass  the  middle  between  the 
legs  and  to  wind  it  about  the  hips,  leaving  the  ends 
hanging  one  in  front  and  the  other  at  the  back,  a^i 
is  done  at  this  day  by  the  Malays  and  other  East 
Indian  natives.  It  was  at  the  ends  usually  that  the 
greatest  display  of  embroidery,  fancy  fringes,  and  tas- 
sels was  made.' 

As  a  further  covering  the  men  wore  the  tilmatli,  or 
ayatl,  a  mantle,  which  was  nothing  more  than  a  square 
piece  of  cloth  about  four  feet  long.  If  worn  over 
both  shoulders,  the  two  upper  ends  were  tied  in  a  knot 
across  the  breast,  but  more  frequently  it  was  only 
thrown  over  one  shoulder  and  knotted  under  one  of 
the  arms.  Sometimes  two  or  three  of  these  mantles 
were  worn  at  one  time.  This,  however,  was  only  done 
by  the  l>etter  classes.  The  older  Spanish  writers  gen- 
erally compare  this  mantle  to  the  Moorish  albomoz. 
It  was  usually  colored  or  painted,  frequently  richly 
embroidered  or  ornamented  with  feathers  and  furs. 

dentibus  in  primis  aqua,  mox  protritia,  ac  lotis,  iteTum<][.  et  iterum  macera- 
tis,  et  insolatis,  donee  aptaredauntur,  vt  ncri  possint,  et  in  usus  accommodari 
n:  iteries  est  leuis,  ac  lenta.'  Hernandez,  Nova.  Plant.,  p.  76. 

*  '  Maxtles,  c'est  ainsi  qu'on  nomme  en  langue  mexicaine  des  esp^ces 
d'almai/sales  ([iii  sont  loneuea  de  quatre  brasses,  larges  d'une  palme  et 
demie  et  terniin^es  par  des  Moderies  de  diversescouleurs,  qui  out  plus  d'une 
palme  et  demie  de  naut.'  Camargo.  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Notivellea  Annates  des 
Voy.,  1843,  tom.  xcviii.,  p.  132.  'Cuoprono  le  loro  jiarti  vergogno  se  cosi 
di  dietro  come  dinanzi,  con  certi  sciugatoi  molto  galanti,  che  sono  come  gran 
fazzuoli  che  si  legano  il  capo  per  via^o,  di  diuersi  colori,  e  orlati  di  varie 
foggie,  e  di  colori  similmente  diuersi,  con  i  suoi  iiocclii,  che  nel  cingersegli, 
viene  I'un  capo  dauanti  e  I'altro  di  dietro.'  Relatione  fa tta  far  vn  qentiV 
huomo  del  Stgnor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Eamusio,  Navigationi,  tom.  iii.,  fol. 
305.  In  Meztitlan,  'les  uns  et  les  autres  couvraient  leur  nudit^s  d'une 
longuebande  d'^toffe,  semblable  &  un  a/matzar ,  qui  leur  faisait  plusieursfois 
Ic  tour  du  corps  et  passait  ensuite  entre  les  janibes,  les  extr^mit^s  retoni- 
bant  par-devant  jusqu'auxgenoux.'  Chaves,  JRapport,  in  Ternaux-Compaiis, 
Koy.,  s^rie  iL,  tom.  v.,p.316.  'Losvestido8quetraen(Totonacs)es  comode 
almaizales  muy  pintados,  y  los  hombrestraen  tapadas  sus  verguenzas.'  Cor- 
tts,  Cartas,  p.  23.  In  Oajaca,  'Maxtles  conque  se  cubrian  sus  vcrgiienzas.' 
Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  lib.x.,  pp.  136,  123,  131.  The  Miztecs  'por 
caraguelles  trahian  matzles,  que  los  Castellanos  dizen  mastiles.'  Herrera, 
Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii,  cap.  xii.;  Clavigera,  SU>ria  Ant.  del  Messico, 
torn.  iL,  p.  223. 


GARMENTS  OP  THE  TABASCOS. 


807 


The  edges  were  scolloped  or  fringed  with  tufts  of  cot- 
ton and  sometimes  with  gold.  Kich  people  had,  be- 
sides these,  mantles  made  of  rabbit  or  other  skins,  or  of 
beautiful  feathers,  and  others  of  fine  cotton  into  which 
was  woven  rabbit-hair,  which  latter  were  used  in  cold 
weather.*" 

In  only  one  instance  garments  with  sleeves  are 
mentioned.  Ixtlilxochitl,  in  describing  the  dress  of 
the  Acolhuas,  says  that  they  wore  a  kind  of  long 
coat  reaching  to  the  heels  with  long  sleeves." 

The  dress  of  the  Tarascos  differed  considerably 
from  that  of  the  other  Nahua  nations.    This  difference 

10 II  Tilmatli  era  un  mantello  quadro,  Iiingo  quattro  piedi  in  circa;  due 

esitremit^  d'esso  annodavano  buI  petto,  o  sopra  una  spalla Gli  Uomini 

solevano  portar  due,  o  tre  mantelli.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mesisico, 
toni.  ii.,  p.  223,  and  plate,  p.  224.  'I  vestimenti  loro  aon  certi  manti  di 
bambagia  come  lenzuola,  ma  non  cosi  grande,  lauoratori  di  gentili  lauori  di 
diuerse  maniere,  e  con  le  lor  franze  e  orletti,  e  di  ^uesti  ciascun  n  'ha  duoi  b 
tre  e  se  gli  liga  per  dananti  al  petto.'  Relatione ^atta per  un  gentil  'hvomo 
del  Signor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Ramusio,  Namgationi,  torn,  iii.,  fol.  30.'>; 
Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates des  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii.,  p. 
131.  'Todos  traen  albornoces  encima  de  la  otra  ropa,  aunque  son  diferen- 
ciados  de  los  de  Africa,  porque  tienen  maneras;  pero  en  la  liechura  y  tela  y 
los  rapacejos  son  muy  semejables.'  Cortis,  Cartas,  pp.  75,  23.  'Leur  v6te- 
mcnt  consistait  anciennement  dans  deux  ou  trois  manteaux  d'une  vare  et 
demi  en  carr^,  nou^s  par  en  haut,  le  nceud  se  niettant  pour  les  uus  sur  la 
poitrine,  })our  les  autres  h,  I'^paule  gauche,  et  souvent  par  derri^re.'  Chaves, 
Rapport,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s^rie  ii.,  torn,  v.,  jjp.  315-16.  'Nin- 
gun  plebeyo  vestia  de  algodon,  con  franja,  ni  guamicion,  ni  ropa  roza- 
gante,  sino  senzilla,  liana,  corta,  y  sin  ribete,  y  assi  era  conocido  cada  vno 
en  el  trage.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  xvii;  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iv.,  p.  174.     'Otras  hacian  de  pelo  de 

Conejo,  entretcxido  de  hilo  de  Algodon con  que  se  defendian  del  frio.' 

Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  488;  Diaz,  Itinerario,  in  Icaz- 
balceta.  Col.  de  Doc.,  tom.  i.,  p.  298.  The  Totonacs;  'algunos  con  ropas 
de  algodon,  ricas  a  su  costumbre.  Los  otros  casi  desnudos.'  Gomara,  Cong. 
Mex.,  fol.  39,  95;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  131.  Huas- 
tecs  'andan  bien  vestidos:  y  sus  ropas  y  niantas  son  muy  pulidas  y  curiosas 
con  lindas  labores,  porque  en  su  tierra  haccn  las  mantas  que  llaman  cent- 
zontilmatli,  cemonquaehtli,  que  quiere  dezir,  mantas  de  tnu  colores:  de  alld 
se  traen  las  mantas  que  tienen  unas  cabczas  de  monstruos  pintadas,  y-  las 
de  remolinos  de  agua  engeridas  unas  con  otras,  en  las  cuales  y  en  otras  mn- 
chas,  se  esmerabau  las  tejedoras.'  Id.,  p.  134.  'Una  manta  cuadrada 
anudada  sobre  el  pecho,  hdcia  el  hombro  siniestro,  que  dcscendia  hasta  los 
tobillos;  pero  en  tiempo  de  invierno  cubrian  mas  el  cuerpo  con  un  sayo  cer- 
rodo  sin  mancas,  y  con  una  sola  abertura  en  la  sumida  para  entrar'la  ca- 
beza,  y  dos  d los  lados  para  los  brazos,  y  eon  ^I  se  cubrian  nasta  los  muslos.' 
Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  tom.  i.,  p.  263;  Zuazo,  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
de  Doc.,  tom.,  i.,  p.  360. 

"  'Vestianse  unas  tdnicas  largas  de  pellejos  cnrtidos  hasta  los  carcafia- 
les,  abiertas  por  delante  y  atadas  con  unas  d  manera  de  agugetas,  y  sus 
manos  que  llegaban  hasta  las  mufiecas,  y  las  manos.'  Ixtlilxochitl,  Mela- 
donet,  in  Kingsborough's  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  341. 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


is  said  to  have  originated  in  ancient  times,  when  they 
together  with  other  tribes,  as  the  legend  relates,  immi- 
grated into  Mexico.  While  on  their  wanderings  be- 
ing obliged  to  cross  a  river,  and  having  no  ropes  with 
which  to  construct  rafts,  they  used  for  this  purpose 
their  maxtlis  and  mantles.  Not  being  able  to  procure 
other  clothing  immediately,  they  were  under  the  ne- 
cessity of  putting  on  the  huipiles,  or  chemises,  of  the 
women,  leaving  to  the  latter  only  their  naguas,  or 

{)etticoats.  In  commemoration  of  this  event,  they 
ater  adopted  this  as  their  national  costume,  discard- 
ing the  maxtli  and  wearing  the  huipil  and  a  mantle." 
The  tilmatli,  or  ayatl,  was  by  the  Tarascos  called 
tlanatzi.  It  was  worn  over  one  shoulder  and  was 
knotted  under  the  other  arm.  They  frequently  trimmed 
it  with  hare-skins  and  painted  it  gaudily.  The  young 
wore  it  considerably  shorter  than  old  people.  The 
manufacture  of  feather  garments  seems  to  have  been 
a  specialty  of  the  Tarascos." 

The  Zapotecs  chiefly  dressed  in  skins,  while  others 
in  Oajaca  are  said  to  have  worn  small  jackets,  and 
Cortds  reports  these  people  to  have  been  better  dressed 
than  any  he  had  previously  seen."  In  Tabasco  but 
little  covering  was  used,  the  greater  part  of  the  popu- 
lation going  almost  naked." 

There  was  no  difference  in  the  dress  of  the  women 
throughout  Andhuac.  The  huipil  and  cudtl  were  the 
the  chief  articles,  and  were  universally  u  ;d.  Be- 
sides these,  mantles  of  various  shapes  and  materials 
were  worn.     The  huipil  was  a  kind  of  chemise,  with 

I*  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvellea  Annates  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn, 
xoviii.,  p.  132;  Srasseiir  de  Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  57. 

"  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  des  Voy.,  JMS,  torn, 
xcviii.,  pp.  130-1;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mechoacan,  MS.,  pp.  49-50;  Herrera, 
Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  ix. 

1*  '£1  trage  de  ellos  era  de  diversus  maneras,  tinos  traian  mantas,  otros 
oouio  Unas  xaquctillas.'  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  136. 
'  Era  mas  vestida  qtie  estotra  que  habemos  visto.'  Cortis,  Cartas,  v.  93. 
'La  mayor  parte  nndauan  en  cueros.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii., 
cap.  xiv.  The  Miztecs  'vestian  mantas  blancas  de  ulj^on,  texidas,  pinta- 
daii,  y  matizadas  con  flores,  roHas,  y  aves  de  diferentes  colorea:  no  trahian 
camisas.'  Id.,  cap.  xii. 

i>  'Andan  caaideanudos,*  Gomara,  Conq.  Mcx.,  fol.  36. 


DRESS  OF  WOMEN. 


93. 

iii., 
inta- 
ihian 


either  no  sleeves  at  all  or  very  short  ones ;  it  cov- 
ered the  upper  part  of  the  body  to  a  little  below 
the  thighs.  The  lower  part  of  the  body  was  covered 
by  the  cueitl,  a  petticoat,  reaching  to  about  half-way 
hotween  the  knees  and  ankles,  and  often  nicely  em- 
broidered and  ornamented.  Skins,  ixcotl,  or  palm- 
fibre,  nequen,  and  cotton  were  the  materials  used  for 
these  garments.  Out  of  doors  they  frequently  put 
on  another  over-dress  similar  to  the  huipil,  only 
longer  and  with  more  ornamental  fringes  and  tassels. 
Sometimes  they  wore  two  or  three  of  these  at  the 
same  time,  one  over  the  other,  but  in  that  case  they 
wore  of  different  lengths,  the  longest  one  being  worn 
vmdcrneath.  A  mantle  similar  in  size  and  shape  to 
that  used  by  the  men,  white  and  painted  in  various 
designs  on  the  outside,  >>  ..s  also  used  by  the  females. 
To  the  upper  edo-e  of  this,  on  thai  portion  which  was 
at  the  back  of  lue  neck,  a  capuchin,  like  that  worn 
by  the  Dominican  and  other  monks,  was  fastened, 
with  which  they  covered  their  head." 

To  protect  their  feet  they  used  sandals,  by  the  Az- 
tecs called  cactli,  which  were  made  of  deer  or  other 
skins,  and  frequently  also  of  nequen  and  cotton.  The 
strings  or  straps  used  to  fasten  them  were  of  the  same 
material."  I  do  not  find  any  description  of  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  fastened,  but  in  an  old  Mexican 
manuscript  on  maguey  paper,  in  which  some  of  the 

10  'Traen  camisas  dc  mcdias  mancas.'  Gomara,  Conq.  Mcx.,  fol.  317;  Re- 
latione fntta  per  un  GentiPhuomo  del  Signor  Fernando  Cortcse,  in  Ramnsio, 
Narkjationi,  torn,  iii.,  fol.  305;  IxtlUxochitl,  Relarioiies,  in  Kingsboroiigh'a 
Mcx.  Antitf.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  327;  Cortis,  Cartas,  p.  23.  In  Jalisco  they  had 
'vn  Huipilillo  corto,  que  llaman  Ixqueniitl,  6  tcapxoloton. '  Tor^vemada, 
Monarq.  ItuL,  torn,  i.,  p.  339.  ' Una soprav vesta . .  .con  nianiclie  piu  lunghe.' 
Ctafigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  223;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej., 
torn,  ii.,  p.  6,  torn,  i.,  pp.  253-4;  Ihasxeur  de  Bonrbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  i.,  p.283.  In  Michoacan 'notraian  vimles.'  Sahag tin.  Hist.  Gen.,  torn. 
iii.,  lib.  X.,  pp.  138,  123;  Spiegazione  delle  Tavole  del  Codicc  Mexicano  (Va- 


Ucn.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  xii. 

"  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  112, 123;  IxtlUxochitl,  Rela- 
done-s,  in  KingsborougKs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  336,  341;  Herrera,  Hist. 
Gc«.,dec.  ii.,Iib.  vi.,  cap.  xvii. ;  Id.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  ix.,  xii.;  Beau  ont 
Vrdii  Mcchoacan,  MS.,  p.  60;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  i.,  p.  259;  Go- 
mam,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  317;  Chaves,  Rajtport,  in  Ternavx-Compans,  F< 
Bcrie  ii.,  torn.  v. ,  p.  316;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toni.  ii.,  p. ' 
Vol.  XI.   a* 


870 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


i  i 


natives  are  painted  in  various  colors,  I  find  that  the 
sandals  were  fastened  in  three  places;  first  by  a  strap 
running  across  the  foot  immediately  behind  the  toes, 
then  another  over  the  instep  and  running  toward  the 
heel,  and  lastly  by  a  strap  from  the  heel  round  the 
ankle. 

As  a  general  thing  Mexicans  wore  the  hair  long, 
and  in  many  parts  of  the  empire  it  was  considered 
a  disgrace  to  cut  the  hair  of  a  free  man  or  woman." 
Unlike  most  of  the  American  natives  they  wore  mous- 
taches, but  in  other  parts  of  the  body  they  eradi- 
cated all  hair  very  carefully."  There  were  public 
barber-shops  and  baths  in  all  the  principal  cities. ''° 
The  Aztecs  had  various  ways  of  dressing  the  hair, 
differing  according  to  rank  and  office.  Generally  it 
was  left  hanging  loose  down  the  back.  The  women  also 
frequently  wore  it  in  this  way,  but  oftener  had  it  done 
up  or  trimmed  after  various  fashions;  thus  some 
wore  it  long  on  the  temples  and  had  the  rest  of  the 
head  shaved,  others  twisted  it  with  dark  cotton 
thread,  others  again  had  almost  the  whole  head 
shaved.  Among  them  it  was  also  fashionable  to  dye 
the  hair  with  a  species  of  black  clay,  or  with  an  herb 
called  xiiihquilitl,  the  latter  giving  it  a  violet  shade. 
Unmarried  girls  wore  the  hair  always  loose;  they  con- 
sidered it  as  especially  graceful  to  wear  the  hair  low" 


'8  'Aveanoadisonorc  Tcsser  toaati.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico, 
torn.  ii. ,  p.  224. 

^^  Brasseur  de  Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  p.  350.  'Ni  bicn 
baruiidos,  porque  se  arrancan  y  vntaii  los  pelos  para  que  no  nazcaii.'  Go- 
mara,  Conq.  Mcx.,  fol.  317.  The  Mistec8  'las  barbaa  sc  arrancauan  con 
teiiazillas  do  ore'  Herrera,  Hint.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  xii. 

«o  Cort<</i,  Cartas,  pp.  68,  104;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  toin.  iii.,  p.  300. 

'■  '  Hazcn  lu  iie<^ro  con  ticrra  por  gentileza  y  porque  Ics  mate  lus  pinjos. 
Las  casadas  se  lo  rodean  a  la  cabe9a  con  vn  fludo  a  la  frcnte.  Las  virj^incs 
y  por  casar,  lo  traen  auclto,  y  cchado  atras  y  adelantc.  Pelan  se  y  vntan  so 
todas  para  no  tener  pclo  sine  en  la  cabeca  y  cejas,  y  assi  ticnen  por  liernio- 
Bura  tcner  chica  frcntc,  y  llena  dc  cabcllo,  y  no  tener  coloilriilo.'  Gomara, 
Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  317;  i>ahagun.  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  309-10, 
torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  11.3,  120,  lib.  xl.,  p.  309;  Clamfcro,  Storta  Ant.  del 
Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  224;  Chaves,  Rapport,  in  Tcrnanx-Comnans,  Voy., 
sdrie  ii.,  torn,  v.,  p.  316.  The  Chichiniccswore  it,  'largo  hasta  las cspaldii-s, 
y  por  dclante  se  lo  cortan.'  Ixtlilxochitl,  Relaciones,  in  Kingsborough's 
Alex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  335. 


HAIR-DRESSING  AND  PAINTING. 


«n 


on  the  forehead.  The  virgins  who  served  in  the  tem- 
ples had  their  hair  cut  short.** 

The  Otomi's  shaved  the  fore  part  of  the  heads  of 
children,  leaving  only  a  tuft  behind,  which  they  called 
piochtli,  while  the  men  wore  the  hair  cut  short  as  far 
as  the  middle  of  the  back  of  the  head,  but  left  it  to 
grow  long  behind ;  and  these  long  locks  they  called 
piocheque.  Girls  did  not  have  their  hair  cut  until 
after  marriage,  when  it  was  worn  in  the  same  style  as 
by  the  men.'"  The  Tarascos,  or  as  they  were  also 
called  Quaochpanme,  derived  this  last  name  from  an 
old  fashion  of  having  their  heads  shaved,  both  men 
and  women.'"  Later  they  wore  the  hair  long,  the 
common  people  simply  letting  it  hang  down  the  back, 
while  the  rich  braided  it  with  cotton  threads  of  vari- 
ous colors.'"  The  Miztecs  wore  the  hair  braided,  and 
ornamented  with  many  feathers. ** 

The  Nahua  women  used  paint  freely  to  beautify 
their  person,  and  among  some  nations  they  also 
tattooed.  Among  the  Aztecs  they  painted  their 
faces  with  a  red,  yellow,  or  black  color,  made, 
as  Sahagun  tells  us,  of  burnt  incense  mixed  with 
dye.  They  also  dyed  their  feet  black  with  the  same 
mixture.  Their  teeth  they  cleaned  and  painted  with 
cochineal ;  hands,  neck,  and  breast  were  also  painted." 
Among  the  Tlascaltecs  the  men  painted  their  faces 
with  a  dye  made  of  the  xagua  and  bixa.^  The  Oto- 
mfs  tattooed  their  breasts  and  arms  by  making  in- 
cisions with  a  knife  and  rubbing  a  blue  powder 
therein.     They  also  covered  the  body  with   a  spe- 


niojos. 
vir^jines 


•*  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  224. 

^  Sa/uiffitn,  Hint.  Gen.,  toin.  iii.,  lib.  x. ,  p.  124. 

<*  'Lldinose  taiiibieii  Qiiaochpannio,  que  quiere  decir  hombres  de  cabeza 
rapada  6  ruida,  porque  anti^^iiaiiiente  estos  talcs  no  traian  cabelloa  lar^^os, 
aiit«s  Rc  rapaimn  la  cabeza  asi  loa  hornltres,  conio  las  mugerea.'  Sahagun, 
Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  137;  Brusseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hiit.  Nat. 
Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  57. 

^  Beaumont,  Cnfn.  Mechoacan,  MS.,  p.  60. 

*  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen,,  dec.  iii.,  lib  iii.,  cap.  xlv.    . 

"  'Se  raiaban  las  Caras.'  Torqtiemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  26A; 
Sahagun,  Hi»t.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  p.  310. 

**  Gomara,  Conq.  Hex. ,  fol.  7I^. 


ar72 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


cies  of  pitch  called  teocahuitl,  and  over  this  again 
they  applied  some  other  color.  Their  teeth  they 
dyed  black.'® 

The  Nahuas,  like  all  semi -barbarous  people,  had  a 
passion  for  loading  themselves  with  ornaments.  Those 
worn  by  the  kings,  nobles,  and  rich  persons,  were  of 
gold  or  silver,  set  with  precious  stones;  those  of  the 
poorer  classes  were  of  copper,  stone,  or  bone,  set  with 
imitations  in  crystal  of  the  rarer  jewels.  These  orna- 
ments took  the  shape  of  bracelets,  armlets,  anklets, 
and  rings  for  the  nose,  ears,  and  fingers.  The  lower 
lip  was  also  pierced,  and  precious  stones,  or  crystals, 
inserted.  The  richer  classes  used  principally  for  this 
purpose  the  chalchiuite,  which  is  generally  desig- 
nated as  an  emerald.  There  existed  very  stringent 
laws  reijardinor  the  class  of  ornaments  which  the  dif- 
ferent  classes  of  people  were  allowed  to  wear,  and  it 
was  prohibited,  on  pain  of  death,  for  a  subject  to  use 
the  same  dress  or  ornaments  as  the  king.  Duran  re- 
lates that  to  certain  very  brave  but  low-born  warriors 
permission  was  accorded  to  wear  a  cheap  garland  or 
crown  on  the  head,  but  on  no  account  might  it  be 
made  of  gold.**  Gomara  tells  us  that  the  claws  and 
beaks  of  the  eagle  and  also  fish-bones  were  worn  as 
ornaments  in  the  ears,  nose,  and  lips.^* 

The  Otomfs  used  ear-ornaments  made  of  burned 
clay,  nicely  browned,  and  others  of  cane.**  The  Ta- 
rascos  chiefly  relied  on  feathers  for  their  personal 
adornment.^     Of  the  natives  encountered  by  Cortes 


^ Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen., iom.  iii. ,lib.  x.,  pp.  124-6. 

30  Duran,  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  toiu.  i.,  cap.  xxvi. 

"  Gomara,  Conq.  Max.,  fol.  317;  Hcrrern,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii., 
cap.  xii. ;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  224,  describes  the 
nrnanients,  but  in  his  accompanying  plate  fails  to  show  any  of  tiicin.  Te- 
BozoMoc,  Crdnica  Mex.,  in  KingshorougKs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.,  ix.  pp.  79- 
80;  Purchas  his  Pilfjrimes,  vol.  iv.,  p.  1119. 

3>  'Do  barro  cocido  bien  bruilidaa,  6 de  cafia.'  Sahagun,  Hist  Gen.,  torn. 
iii.,  lib.  X.,  p.  124. 

"  Id.,  p.  137.  The  Totonacs  'traian  vnos  giandes  agujeros en  los  be908 
do  abaxo,  y  en  ellos  vnas  rodajas  do  piedras  pintadillas  do  aznl,  y  otros  con 
vnaa  hojad  do  oro  delgadus,  y  en  laH  orojas  muy  grandcs  agujeros,  y  en  clloa 
pucstas  otniB  rodajas  de  oro,  y  piedras.  BernaV  Diaz,  Hist,  Conq.,  fol.  28; 
Corttt,  Cartas,  p.  23. 


DRESS  OF  TQE  NOBLES. 


378 


when  he  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  Peter  Martyr  tells  us 
that  in  the  "hole  of  the  lippes,  they  weare  a  broad 
plate  within  fastened  to  another  on  the  outside  of  the 
lippe,  and  the  iewell  they  hang  thereat  is  as  great  as 
a  siluer  Caroline  doUer  and  as  thicke  as  a  mans 
finger."^ 

In  Oajaca  more  ornaments  were  worn  than  in  any 
other  part  of  the  country,  owing,  perhaps,  as  the  Al  bj 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  remarks,  to  the  plentiful  sup- 
ply of  precious  metals  in  that  state.** 

The  dress  of  the  nobles  and  members  of  the  royal 
household  differed  from  that  of  the  lower  classes  only 
in  fineness  of  material  and  profusion  of  ornaments. 
The  kings  appear  to  have  worn  garments  of  the  same 
shape  as  those  of  their  subjects,  but,  in  other  respects, 
a  particular  style  of  dress  was  reserved  for  royalty, 
and  he  who  presumed  to  imitate  it  was  put  to  death. 
On  occasions,  however,  when  the  monarch  w^ished  to 
bestow  a  special  mark  of  favor  upon  a  brave  soldier  or 
distinguished  statesman,  he  would  graciously  bestow 
upon  him  one  of  his  garments,  which,  even  though 
the  recipient  were  a,  great  noble,  was  received  with 
joy,  and  the  wearer  respected  as  a  man  whom  the 
king  delighted  to  honor.^  In  Tlascala  differences  of 
rank  among  the  nobles  were  easily  recognized  by  the 
style  of  dress.  The  common  people  were  strictly  for- 
bidden to  wear  cotton  clothes  with  fringes  or  other 
trimmings,  unless  with  special  permission,  granted  in 
consideration  of  services  rendered.^ 

The  court  laws  of  etiquette  prescribed  the  dress  to 
be  worn  by  the  royal  attendants,  who  could  only  appear 
without   sandals,  barefooted,  and  in   coarse   mantles 

'*  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  vii. 

"  The  Miztecs  'tracn  iniilii,  axorcosmiiy  anchasdeoro,  ysnrtales  de  pie- 
(Ira  li  las  niuftecas.  y  joyeles  do  ^stas  y  de  oro  al  cuello.'  Sahaffiiii,  Jlisl. 
Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  136;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist,  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  iii.,  p.  30. 

3B  'Ninguna  Peraona  (aiinque  fnesen  siis  propios  Hijos)  podia  vcstirlo,  bo 
pcna  de  la  vida.'  Torqucmada,  Monarq.  ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  642;  Duran, 
Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  torn,  i.,  cap.  xxvi. 

"  Camarffo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvellet  Annalet  dtt  Voff.,  1843,  t^m. 
xcviii.,  p.  198. 


874 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


i 


before  the  king,  and  even  the  apparel  of  the  sovereign 
was  in  like  manner  fixed  by  custom,  if  not  by  law. 
The  different  kinds  of  tilmatlis,  or  mantles,  had  each 
its  appropriate  name,  and  varied  in  material  as  well 
as  in  ornament  and  color.  The  cotton  mantles  are 
described  as  being  of  exceeding  fineness  of  texture,  so 
much  so  that  it  required  an  expert  to  determine 
whether  they  were  cotton  or  silk.*  The  mantle  worn 
as  every-day  dress  in  the  palace  was  white  and  blue 
and  called  the  xiuhtilmatli.^  There  were  many  other 
kinds  of  mantles,  of  which  the  following  are  the 
principal:  A  yellowish,  heavily  fringed  mantle,  on 
which  monstrous  heads  were  painted,  was  called 
coazayacaiotilmatli;  another,  blue,  ornamented  with 
red  shells,  with  three  borders,  one  light,  another 
dark  blue,  and  a  third  of  white  feather- work,  and 
fringed  with  the  same  kind  of  shells,  was  named 
tecuciciotilmatli;  another,  dark  yellow,  with  alternate 
black  and  white  circles  painted  on  it,  and  a  border 
representing  v/es,  was  the  teinalcacaiotilmatlitenisio: 
a  similar  one,  differing  only  in  the  figures  and  shape 
of  the  ornaments,  was  the  itzcayotilmatli;  a  very 
gaudy  one,  worked  in  many  colors,  was  the  umetech- 
tecomaiotilmatli;  another,  with  a  yellow  ground,  on 
which  were  butterflies  made  of  feathers,  and  with 
scolloped  edges,  was  called  papaloiotilmatlitenisio;  the 
xaoalquauhiotilmatlitenisio,  was  embroidered  with  de- 
signs representing  the  flower  called  ecaeazcatl,  and 
further  ornamented  with  white  feather-work  and  feath- 
er edges;  the  ocelotentlapalliyiticycacocelotl  was  an 
imitation  of  a  tiger-skin,  also  ornamented  with  an 
edge  of  white  feathers;  the  ixnextlacuilolli  was 
worked  in  many  colors,  and  had  a  sun  painted  on  it." 
Other  mantles,  differing  mainly  in  their  style  of  orna- 

^  *  Tan  delgada»  y  bicn  texidas  que  necesitalian  del  tacto  para  diferen- 
ciarsc  dc  la  seda.'  Solis,  Hist.  Conq.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  132;  Acosta,  Hist, 
do  las  Ynd.,  p.  607. 

3'  Glaviqero,  Sloria  Ant.  del  Mesaieo,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  116-16;  Torqutmada, 
Monarq.,  ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  542. 

*<>  Saliagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  286-8. 


DRESS  OF  THE  KINGS. 


875 


mentation,  were  the  coaxacayo  and  tlacolhuaztihnatli, 
the  latter  worn  when  the  king  went  into  his  gardens 
or  to  the  chase.  In  the  same  manner  there  are  also 
various  kinds  of  maxtlis  mentioned,  such  as  the  ynya- 
0' '"  nxaliuhqui,  ytzahuazalmaxtlatl  and  yacahualiuqui.*^ 
Ill  fact  there  appears  to  have  been  a  different  dress 
for  every  occasion.  We  are  told,  for  instance,  that 
when  going  to  the  temple  the  king  wore  a  white 
mantle,  another  when  going  to  preside  at  the  court 
of  justice,  and  here  he  again  changed  his  dress,  ac- 
cording as  the  case  before  the  court  was  a  civil  or 
criminal  suit.*'  The  sandals  of  the  kings  were  always 
richly  ornamented  with  precious  stones,  and  had  golden 
soles.** 

Whenever  the  sovereign  appeared  in  public  he 
wore  the  royal  crown,  called  copilli,  which  was  of 

*•  Tezozomoc,  Crdniea  Mex.,  in  KingsborougKs  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix., 
p.  57. 

**  'Para  salir  de  Palacio  los  Reies  k  visitar  los  Teniplos,  se  vestian  de 
bianco;  pero  para  entrar  en  los  Consejos,  y  asistir  en  otros  ActOB  publicos,  se 
vestian  de  diferentes  colores,  conformc  la  ocasion.'  Torquemada,  Monarq. 
Iiid.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  643.  'Les  rois  s'habillaient  tantdt  de  blanc,  tant6t  d'e- 
toffes  d'un  jaune  obscur  onides  de  f ranges  de  mille  couleurs.'  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  p.  284,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  210-11.  'Mantas 
de  &  dos  liaces,  labradas  de  pluniaa  de  papos  de  aves,  tan  suaves,  que  tray- 
endo  la  mano  por  eneima  d  pelo  y  A  pospelo,  no  era  mas  que  una  marta  cebel- 
lina  inuy  bien  adobada:  hice  pesar  una  dellas,  no  pe86  mas  de  seis  onzas.' 
Zitazo,  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  360.  Vestidos  de 
pelo  de  cone  jo  y  de  algodon  de  mucha  curiosidad,  y  estas  eron  vestiduras  de 
Caciques  y  de  gente  muy  principal'  in  Michoacan.  Beaumont,  Crdn.  MechO' 
oacan,  MS.,  pp.  49-50;  IxtUlxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  in  KiHf/sborough'a  Mex. 
Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  336,  240,2&5;Id.,  IielacioHes,\nId.,\>.  836;  Oviedo,  Hist. 
Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  298.  Description  of  Montezuma's  dress  when  meeting  Cor- 
tes, in  Solis,  Hist.  Conq.  Mcx.,  torn,  i.,  p.  369;  Clavigcro,  Storia  Ant.  del 
Messico,  torn,  iii,  p.  77;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mcj.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  386;  Prescott's 
Mcx.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  317.  Representations  of  tiie  dresses  of  the  Mexican  kings 
and  nobles  are  also  in  the  Codex  Mendoza,  in  KingshorovglCs  Mex.  Antiq., 
vol.  i. 

"  '  Traia  cakr  :08  como  eotnras,  que  assi  se  dize  lo  que  se  calfan,  las 

suclos  de  oro,  y  iv  \y  jLirsciada  pedreria  eneima  en  ellos.'  Birnal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Conq.,  fol.  65.  'Portoit  nne  chanssure  do  pcau  de  chevreuil.'  Nouvelles 
Annates  des  Voy.,  1824,  torn,  xxiv.,  p.  137.  'Capatos  de  oro,  que  filos 
llanian  zagles,  y  son  a  la  munera  antigua  de  los  Komunos,  tcninn  eti\n  pe- 
dreria de  mucho  valor,  las  suelas  cstauan  prendidas  con  corrcas.'  uerrera. 
Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  v.  'Cotaras  de  cuero  de  tigro  j.'  Tezozo- 
moc, Crdniea  Mex.,  in  Kingsbor oughts  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  79;  Solis, 
Hist.  Conq.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  369;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  i.,  p. 
525;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iv.,  pp.  210-11;  Cortfs, 
Cartas,  p.  85;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej. ,iom.  iii.,  p.  386;  IxtUlxochitl,  Beta- 
Clones,  in  KingsborouttKs  Mex,  Antiq.,  voL  ix.,  p.  327;  Prescotd  Mex., 
vol.  u.,  pp.  73-4,  317. 


97« 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


solid  gold,  and  is  described  by  most  writers  as  having 
been  shaped  like  a  bishop's  mitre;  but  in  the  hiero- 
glyphical  paintings,  in  which  the  Mexican  kings  are 
represented,  it  is  simply  a  golden  band,  wider  in  front 
than  at  the  back,  the  front  running  up  to  a  point;  on 
some  occasions  it  was  ornamented  with  long  feathers." 
The  following  description  of  ornaments,  worn  by  the 
Mexican  kings  and  nobles,  I  extract  from  Sahagun: — 
The  quetzalalpitoai  consisted  of  two  tassels  of  fine 
feathers  garnished  with  gold,  which  they  wore  bound 
to  the  hair  on  the  crown  of  the  head,  and  hanging 
down  to  the  temples.  The  tlauhquecholtzontli  was  a 
handsome  garment  of  feathers  worn  on  the  shoulders. 
On  the  arms  they  placed  gold  rings;  on  the  wrists  a 
thick  black  strap  made  soft  with  balsam,  and  upon  it 
a  large  chalchiuite  or  other  precious  stone.  They 
also  had  a  harhote,  or  chin-piece,  of  chalchiuite  or  other 
precious  stone,  set  in  gold,  inserted  in  the  chin. 
These  chin-ornaments  were  made  long,  of  crystal, 
with  some  blue  feathers  in  the  centre,  which  made 
them  look  like  sapphire.  The  lip  had  a  hole  bored  in 
it,  from  which  precious  stones  or  gold  crescents  were 
suspended.  The  great  lords  likewise  had  holes  in 
their  nose,  and  placed  therein  very  fine  turquoises  or 
other  precious  stones,  one  on  each  side  of  the  nose. 
On  their  necks  they  wore  strings  of  precious  stones,  or 
a  medal  suspended  by  a  gold  chain,  with  pearl  pend- 
ants hanging  from  its  edge,  and  a  flat  jewel  in  the 
centre  of  it.     They  used   bracelets  of  mosaic  work 

**  '  La  corona  de  Rey,  que  tiene  semejan^a  a  la  corona  de  la  Scfioria  dc 
Venecia.'  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  471.  'Unas  tiaras  de  oro  y  pedre- 
rio.'  IxtlUxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  in  Ktngsborough's  Mex,  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
295.  'En  la  Cabcpa  vnos  Plumajes  rices,  que  ataban  tantos  cabcllos  dc  la 
Corona,  quanto  tonia  el  cspacio  de  la  Corona  Clerical :  estos  Plumajes  prcndi- 
aii  y  ataban  con  vna  corrca  colorada,  y  de  ella  colgaban  con  sua  pinjantes  do 
Oro,  que  i>endian  ^  manera  de  chias  de  Mitra  de  Obispo.'  Tortfuemada, 
Monarq.  IiuL,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  642-3.  'Era  di  varic  materie  giusta  il  piaccrc 
dei  Ke,  or  di  lame  sottili  d'oro  or  tessuta  di  filo  d'oro,  c  figurata  con  vaghe 
penne.  Clavigero,  Stwia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  115,  torn,  iii.,  p.  77. 
'Before  like  a  Myter,  and  behinde  it  was  cut,  so  as  it  was  not  round,  for  the 
forepart  was  higlier,  and  did  rise  like  a  point.'  Purchas,  his  Pilgrimes,  toni. 
iv.,  p.  1062;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  386;  PreseotVs  Mex.,  vol. 
ii.,  p.  317;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Uiv.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  210. 


ABORIGINAL  DRESS. 


877 


made  with  turquoises.  On  their  legs  they  wore,  from 
the  knee  down,  greaves  of  very  thin  gold.  They  car- 
ried in  the  right  hand  a  little  golden  flag  with  a  tuft 
of  gaudy  feathers  on  the  top.  Upon  their  heads  they 
wore  a  bird  made  of  rich  feathers,  with  its  head  and 
beak  resting  on  the  forehead,  its  tail  toward  the  back 
of  the  head,  its  wings  falling  over  the  temples.* 


45 


*5  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  vii.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  288-90;  Tezozomoc,  Crdnica 
Mex.,  in  Kingsborovgh^s  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  57,  79;  Jxtlilxochitl, 
Hist.  Chich.,  in  Id.,  p.  327;  Torquemada,  Motiarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  525; 
Veytia,  Hist.  A  at.  Mej.,  torn,  i.,  p.  259,  torn,  iii.,  p.  392;  Camargo,  Hist. 
Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcix.,  p.  178.  Fur- 
ther mention  of  ornamenta  in  the  enumeration  of  presents  given  by  Monte- 
zuma to  Cortds  in  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  65,  80; 
Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  v.;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii., 
pp.  279,  283,  285,  292,  298;  Solis,  Hist.  Conq.  Mex.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  125,  132-3; 
Purchas,  his  Pilgriines,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  1118-9,  1124;  Corlds,  Cartas,  pp.  69,  85; 
Brasseur  de  Bourbonrg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iv.,  pp.  76,  84,  214,  2^-4; 


PrcscotVs  Mex.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  83.  Among  the  modern  authors  who  have  writ- 
ten upon  the  subject  of  dress  may  be  mentioned:  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist. 
Mex.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  326,  680-2,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  91,  224-5,  with  numerous  cuts; 
liussierre,  L" Empire  Mex.,  p.  145;  C/ievnlter,  Mex.,  Ancien  et  Mod.,  pp.  57-8; 
Dillon,  Hist.  Mex.,  p.  47;  Klemm,  Cultnr-Geschichte,  tom.  v.,  pp.  13-14,  22, 
28, 189;  Monglave,  R6sumi,  p.  36;  BroxonelPs  Ind.  Races,  pp.  65,  79;  Barili 
Mexiq'ie,  p.  209;  Pimentel,  Mem.  sobre  la  Baza  Indigena,  p.  61. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

COMMERCE   OF   THE   NAHUA   NATIONS. 

The  Main  Features  of  Nahua  Commerce— Commerce  in  Pre-Aztec 
Times— Outrages  Committed  by  Aztec  Merchants— Privileges 
OF  the  Merchants  of  Tlatelulco— Jealousy  between  Mer- 
chants and  Nobles— Articles  used  as  Currency  — the  Mar- 
kets OF  AnAhuac  — Arrangement  and  Regulations  of  the 
Market-Places  —  Number  of  Buyers  and  Sellers— Transpor- 
tation OF  Wares— Traveling  Merchants— Commercial  Routes 
—  Setting  out  on  a  Journey  — Caravans  of  Traders  — The 
Return  —  Customs  and  Feasts  of  the  Merchants— Nahua 
Boats  and  Navigation. 


Traditional  history  tells  us  but  little  respecting 
American  commerce  previous  to  the  formation  of  the 
great  Aztec  alliance,  or  empire,  but  the  faint  light 
thrown  on  the  subject  would  indicate  little  or  no 
change  in  the  system  within  the  limits  of  Nahua  his- 
tory. The  main  features  of  the  commercial  system  in 
the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries,  were:  markets 
in  one  or  more  of  the  public  squares  of  every  town, 
where  eatables  and  other  articles  of  immediate  neces- 
sity were  daily  sold — shops  proper  being  unknown; 
frequently  recurring  fairs  in  each  of  the  large  towns, 
where  the  products  of  agriculture,  manufacture,  and 
art  in  the  surrounding  country  were  displayed  before 
consumers  and  merchants  from  home  and  from  abroad; 
similar  fairs  but  on  a  grander  scale  in  the  great  com- 
mercial centres,  where  home  products  were  exchanged 

(878) 


COMMERCE  IN  PRE-AZTEC  TIMES. 


vn 


for  foreign  merchandise,  or  sold  for  export  to  mer- 
chants from  distant  nations  who  attended  these  fairs 
in  large  numbers;  itinerant  traders  continually  tra- 
versing the  country  in  companies,  or  caravans ;  and  the 
existence  of  a  separate  class  exclusively  devoted  to 
commerce. 

From  the  earliest  times  the  two  southern  Andhuacs 
of  Ayotlan  and  Xicalanco,  corresponding  to  what  are 
now  the  southern  coast  of  Oajaca  and  the  tierra  caliente 
of  Tabasco  and  southern  Vera  Cruz,  were  inhabited 
by  commercial  peoples,  and  were  noted  for  their  fairs 
and  the  rich  wares  therein  exposed  for  sale.  These 
nations,  the  Xicalancas,  Mijes,  Huaves,  and  Zapotecs 
even  engaged  to  some  extent  in  a  maritime  coasting 
trade,  mostly  confined,  however,  as  it  would  appear, 
to  the  coasts  of  their  own  territories  and  those  imme- 
diately adjacent ;  and  in  this  branch  of  commerce  little 
or  no  advance  had  been  made  at  the  time  when  the 
Spaniards  came.* 

The  Toltecs  are  reported  to  have  excelled  in  com- 
merce as  in  all  other  respects,  and  the.  markets  of 
ToUan  and  Cholula  are  pictured  in  glowing  colors;  but 
all  traditions  on  this  subject  are  exceedingly  vague.' 
In  the  new  era  of  prosperity  that  followed  the  Toltec 
disasters  Cholula  seems  to  have  held  the  first  place 
as  a  commercial  centre,  her  fairs  were  the  most  famous, 
and  her  merchants  controlled  the  trade  of  the  south- 
ern coasts  on  either  ocean.  After  the  coming  of  the 
Teo-Chichimec  hordes  to  the  eastern  plateau,  Tlascala 
became  in  her  turn  the  commercial  metropolis  of  the 
north,  a  position  which  she  retained  until  forced  to 
yield  it  to  the  merchants  of  the  Mexican  valley,  who 
were  supported  by  the  warlike  hordes  of  the  Aztec 
confederacy.  Before  the  Aztec  supremacy,  trade 
seems  to  have  been  conducted  with  some  show  of  fair- 
ness, and  commerce  and  politics  Were  kept  to  a  great 

'  Bur^oa,  Geog.  Dcscrip.,  torn,  i.,  pt  ii.,  fol.  181;  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
hourg,  Htst.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  42-3. 

•  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  N^at.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  271-3;  IxtlilxO' 
chill,  Relaciones,  in  Kingsborough'a  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  332. 


.880 


THE  MAHUA  NATIONS. 


extent  separate.  But  the  Aztecs  introduced  a  new 
order  of  things.  Their  merchants,  instead  of  peace- 
ful, industrious,  unassuming  travelers,  became  insolent 
and  overbearing,  meddling  without  scruple  in  the  pub- 
lic affairs  of  the  nations  through  whose  territory  they 
had  i.D  pass,  and  trusting  to  the  dread  of  the  armies 
of  Mexico  for  their  own  safety ;  caravans  became  little 
less  than  armed  bodies  of  robbers.  The  confederate 
kings  were  ever  ready  to  extend  by  war  the  field  of 
their  ccmmerce,  and  to  avenge  by  the  hands  of  their 
warriors  any  insult,  real  or  imaginary,  offered  to  their 
merchants.  The  traveling  bands  of  'laders  were  in- 
structed to  prepare  maps  of  countries  traversed,  to 
observe  carefully  their  condition  for  defence,  and  their 
resources.  If  any  province  was  reported  rich  and  de- 
sirable, its  people  were  easily  aggravated  to  coinmit 
some  act  of  insolence  which  served  as  a  pretext  to  lay 
waste  their  lands,  and  make  them  tributary  to  the 
kings  of  Andhuac.  Within  the  provinces  that  were 
permanently  and  submissively  tributary  to  Mexico, 
Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan,  traffic  may  be  supposed  to  have 
been  as  a  rule  fairly  conducted.  The  merchants  had 
in  turn  to  pay  into  the  royal  treasury  a  large  percent- 
age of  their  gains,  but  this,  under  the  circumstances, 
they  could  well  afford. 

Tlatelulco  while  an  independent  city  was  noted  for 
her  commerce,  as  was  Tenochtitlan  for  the  prowess  of 
her  warriors,  and  when  mercantile  enterprise  was 
forced  to  yield  to  the  power  of  arms,  Tlatelulco,  as  a 
part  of  Mexico,  retained  her  former  preeminence  in 
trade,  and  became  the  commercial  centre  of  Andhuac. 
Her  merchants,  who  were  a  separate  class  of  the 
population,  were  highly  honored,  and,  so  far  as  the 
higher  grades  were  concerned,  the  merchant  princes, 
the  pochtecas,  dwellers  in  the  aristocratic  quarter  of 
Pochtlan,  had  privileges  fully  equal  to  those  of  the 
nobles.  They  had  tribunals  of  their  own,  to  which 
alone  they  were  responsible,  for  the  regulation  of  all 
matters  of  trade.     They  formed  indeed,  to  all  intents 


THE  TLATELULCAN  COMPANY. 


881 


and  purposes,  a  commercial  corporation  controling  the 
whole  trade  of  the  country,  of  which  all  the  leading 
merchants  of  other  cities  were  in  a  sense  subordinate 
members.  Jealousy  betwfeen  this  honored  class  of 
merchants  and  the  nobility  proper,  brought  about  the 
many  complications  during  the  last  years  of  the  Az- 
tec empire,  to  which  I  have  referred  in  a  preceding 
chapter.  Throughout  the  Nahua  dominion  commerce 
was  in  the  hands  of  a  distinct  class,  educated  for  their 
calling,  and  everywhere  honored  both  by  people  and 
by  kings;  in  many  regions  the  highest  nobles  thought 
it  no  disgrace  to  engage  in  commercial  pursuits. 

Besides  the  pochtecas,  two  other  classes  of  merch- 
ants are  mentioned  in  Tlatelulco,  the  nahualoztome- 
cas,  those  who  made  a  specialty  of  visiting  the  lands 
of  enemies  in  disguise,  and  the  teyaohualohuani  or 
traders  in  slaves.'  The  merchants  were  exempt  from 
military  and  other  public  service,  and  had  the  right 
not  only  to  make  laws  for  the  regulation  of  trade,  but 
to  punish  even  those  who  were  not  of  their  class  for 
offenses  against  such  laws.  Sa^agun  gives  an  account 
of  the  gradual  development  and  history  of  the  Tlate- 
lulcan  company,  stating  the  names  of  the  leading 
merchants  under  the  successive  kings,  with  details 
respecting  the  various  articles  dealt  in  at  different 
periods,  all  of  which  is  not  deemed  of  sufficient  in- 
terest to  be  reproduced  in  these  pages. 

Nahua  trade  was  as  a  rule  carried  on  by  means  of 
barter,  one  article  of  merchandise  being  ej^changed 
for  another  of  equivalent  value.  Still,  regular  pur- 
chase and  sale  were  not  uncommon,  particularly  in  the 
business  of  retailing  the  various  commodities  to  con- 
sumers. Although  no  regular  coined  money  was 
used,  yet  several  more  or  less  convenient  substitutes 
furnished  a  medium  of  circulation.  CLIef  among 
these  were  nibs,  or  grains,  of  the  cacao,  of  a  species 
somewhat  different  from  that  employed  in  making  the 
favorite  drink,  chocolate.     This  money,  known  as  pat- 

)  'Teyaoyaualoani.  el  que  cerca  a  los  enemigos.'  Molina,  Vocabulario. 


882 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


lachtS,  passed  current  anywhere,  and  payments  of  it 
were  made  by  count  up  to  eiffht  thousand,  which  con- 
stituted  a  xiquipilli.  In  Targe  transactions  sacks 
containing  three  xiquipilli  were  used  to  save  labor  in 
counting.  Patolquachtli  were  small  pieces  of  cotton 
cloth  used  as  money  in  the  purchase  of  articles  of  im- 
mediate necessity  or  of  little  value.  Another  circu- 
lating medium  was  gold-dust  kept  in  translucent 
quills,  that  the  quantity  might  be  readily  seen.  Cop- 
per was  also  cut  into  small  pieces  shaped  like  a  T> 
which  constituted  perhaps  the  nearest  approach  to 
coined  money.  Cortds,  in  search  of  materials  for  the 
manufacture  of  artillery,  found  that  in  several  prov- 
inces pieces  of  tin  circulated  as  money,  and  that  a 
mine  of  that  metal  was  worked  in  Taxco.  Sahagun 
says  the  Mexican  king  gave  to  the  merchant-soldiers, 
dispatched  on  one  of  their  politico-commercial  expedi- 
tions, sixteen  hundred  quauhtli,  or  eagles,  to  trade 
with.  Bustamante,  Sahagun's  editor,  supposes  these 
to  have  been  the  copper  pieces  already  mentioned,  but 
Brasseur  believes,  from  the  small  value  of  the  copper 
and  the  large  amount  of  rich  fabrics  purchased  with 
the  eagles,  that  they  were  of  gold.  The  same  au- 
thority believes  that  the  golden  quoits  with  which 
Montezuma  paid  his  losses  at  gambling  also  served  as 
money.* 

The  Nahuas  bought  and  sold  their  merchandise  by 
count  and  by  measures  both  of  length  and  capacity, 
but  not  by  weight;  at  least,  such  is  the  general  opin- 


*  The  Toltecs  '  usaban  de  una  cierta  inonec  de  cobre  de  largo  de  dos  dcdos 
y  dc  ancho  uno  d  mancra  de  achitas  pequefiait  y  de  grueso,  conio  iin  real  de 
a  oclio.    Esta  moiieda  no  lia  niucho  tiempo  \   i  la  nan  dejado  los  de  TutU- 


pec  del  mar  del  sun'    Ixtlilxochitl,  Belach 

Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  332.     'No  saben  que  cosa 

ninguno.'  Gomara,  Coiiq.  Mex.,  fol.  87,  342. 

come  vn  mezzo  marchetto  (about  three  cents)  fra 

aentifhuomo  del  Signor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  h 

lii.,  fol.  306.    See  CorUa,  Carta*,  p.  311;  Sahafi 

ix.,  p.  342;  Brasseur  de  Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat 

Id.  Quatre  Lettres,  p.  276;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn.  ii',,p 

666.    Salt  used  as  money.  Chaves,  in  Temaux-Compans,  Voy.,  sdrie  ii., 

tom.  v.,  p.  328.     I  omit  a  long  list  of  references  to  authors  who  merely 

mention  cacao  and  the  other  articles  us  used  for  money. 


in  KivgsborouglCs  Mex. 
8  moneda  batida  de  metal 
n  cacao  nibs  '  val  ciascuno 
>i.'  Belationefalta  pervn 
•nusio,  Navigationt,  toin. 
t,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  ii.,  lib. 
"¥».,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  627-9; 


THE  MARKETS  OF  ANAHUAC. 


818 


ion  of  the  authorities.  Sahagun,  however,  says  of  the 
skillful  merchant  that  he  knows  "the  value  of  gold 
and  silver,  according  to  tlie  weight  and  fineness,  is 
diligent  and  solicitous  in  his  duty,  and  defrauds  not  in 
weighing,  but  rather  gives  overweight,"  and  this  too 
in  the  "time  of  their  infidelity."  Native  words  also 
appear  in  several  vocabularies  for  weights  and  scales. 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  regards  this  as  ample  proof 
that  scales  were  used.  Clavigero  thinks  w«  ights  may 
have  been  employed  and  mention  of  the  fact  omitted 
in  the  narratives.'  The  market,  tianquiztli,  of  Tlate- 
lulco  was  the  grandest  in  the  country  and  may  be 
taken  as  a  representative  of  all.  Its  grandeur  con- 
sisted, however,  in  the  abundance  and  variety  of  the 
merchandise  offered  for  sale  and  in  the  crowd  of  buy- 
ers and  sellers,  not  in  the  magnificence  of  the  buildings 
connected  with  it;  for  the  market-place  was  simply  an 
open  plaza,  surrounded  as  all  the  authorities  say  with 
'porticoes'  where  merchandise  was  exhibited.  What 
these  porticoes  were  we  are  left  to  conjecture.  Prob- 
ably they  were  nothing  more  than  simple  booths 
arranged  in  streets  and  covering  the  whole  plaza, 
where  merchants  and  their  wares  were  sheltered  from 
the  rays  of  a  tropical  sun.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  nature  and  arrangement  of  these  shelters,  we  know 
that  the  space  was  systematically  apportioned  among 
the  different  industries  represented.  Fishermen,  hunt- 
ers, farmers,  and  artists,  each  had  their  allotted  space 
for  the  transaction  of  business.  Hither,  as  Torque- 
mada  tells  us,  came  the  potters  and  jewelers  from 
Cholula,  the  workers  in  gold  from  Azcapuzalco,  the 
painters  from  Tezcuco,  the  shoe-makers  from  Tenayo- 
can,  the  huntsmen  from  Xilotepec,  tlie  fishermen  from 
Cuitlahuac,  the  fruit-growers  of  the  tierra  caliente,  the 

>  'No  tenian  peso  (que  yo  sepa)  log  Mexicanos,  falta  grandissima  para 
la  contratacion.     Quicn  dizc  qne  no  lo  vsaiiaii  fiorescusur  los  cnj^auoH,  quion 

Sor  que  no  lo  auian  mcncster,  quien  por  ignorancia,  que  cs  lo  cicrto.  Por 
onde  parecc  que  no  auian  oido  conic  hizo  Dies  todos  las  cosas  en  cucnto, 
peso,  y  niedida.'  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  342;  Clavitjcro,  Storia  Ant.  del 
Messico,  toni.  ii.,  p.  1C6;  Sahantm,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp,  42,  40; 
Brasaeur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  C29-30. 


884 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


mat-makers  of  Quauhtitlan,  the  flower-dealers  of  Xo- 
chimilco,  and  yet  so  great  was  the  market  that  to  each 
of  these  was  afforded  an  opportunity  to  display  his 
wares. 

All  kinds  of  food,  animal  and  vegetable,  cooked  and 
uncooked,  were  arranged  in  the  most  attractive  man- 
ner; eating-houses  were  also  attached  to  the  tian- 
quiztli  and  much  patronized  by  the  poorer  classes. 
Here  were  to  be  found  all  the  native  cloths  and  fab- 
rics, in  the  piece  and  made  up  into  garments  coarse 
and  fine,  plain  and  elaborately  embroidered,  to  suit  the 
taste  and  means  of  purchasers;  precious  stones,  and 
ornaments  of  metal,  feathers,  or  shells;  implements 
and  weapons  of  metal,  stone,  and  wood ;  building  ma- 
terial, lime,  stone,  wood,  and  brick;  articles  of  house- 
hold furniture;  matting  of  various  degrees  of  fineness; 
medicinal  herbs  and  prepared  medicines;  wood  and 
coal ;  incense  and  censers ;  cotton  and  cochineal ;  tanned 
skins;  numerous  beverages;  and  an  infinite  variety  of 
pottery;  but  to  enumerate  all  the  articles  noticed  in 
the  market-place  by  the  conquerors  would  make  a  very 
long  list,  and  would  involve,  beside,  the  repetition  of 
many  names  which  have  been  or  will  be  mentioned 
elsewhere. 

Cortes  speaks  of  this  market  as  being  twice  as  large 
as  that  of  Salamanca,  and  all  the  conquistadores  are  en- 
thusiastic in  their  expressions  of  wonder  not  only  at 
the  variety  of  products  offered  for  sale,  but  at  the  per- 
fect order  and  system  which  prevailed,  notwithstand- 
ing the  crowd  of  buyers  and  sellers.  The  judges  of 
the  commercial  tribunal,  twelve  in  number  according 
to  Torquemada,  four,  according  to  Zuazo,  held  their 
court  in  connection  with  the  market  buildings,  where 
they  regulated  prices  and  measures,  and  settled  dis- 
putes. Watchmen  acting  under  their  authority,  con- 
stantly patroled  the  tianquiztli  to  prevent  disorder. 
Any  attempt  at  extortionate  charges,  or  at  passing  off 
injured  or  inferior  goods,  or  any  infringement  on  anoth- 
er's rights  was  immediately  reported  and  severely  pun- 


BUYERS  AND  SELLERS. 


885 


jghed.  The  judges  had  even  the  right  to  enforce  the 
death  penalty.  Other  markets  in  the  Nahua  regions 
were  on  a  similar  plan,  those  of  Tlascala  and  Tezcuco 
coming  next  to  that  of  Tlatelulco  in  importance.* 

Trade  was  carried  on  daily  in  the  tianquiztli,  chiefly 
for  the  convenience  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city,  but 
every  fifth  day  was  set  apart  as  a  special  market-day, 
on  which  a  fair  was  held,  crowded  not  only  by  local 
customers,  but  by  buyers  and  sellers  from  all  the 
country  round,  and  from  foreign  lands.  In  Tlatelulco 
these  special  market-davs  were  those  that  fell  under 
the  signs  calli,  tochtli,  acatl,  and  tecpatl.  In  other 
large  cities,  days  with  other  signs  were  chosen,  in 
order  that  the  fairs  might  not  occur  on  the  same  day 
in  neighboring  towns.  Las  Casas  says  that  each  of 
the  two  market-places  in  the  city  of  Mexico  would 
contain  200,000  persons,  100,000  being  present  each 
fifth  day;  and  Cortes  tells  us  that  more  than  60,000 
persons  assembled  daily  in  the  Tlatelulco  market. 
According  to  the  same  authority  30,000  was  the 
number  of  daily  visitors  to  the  market  of  Tlascala. 
Perhaps,  however,  he  refers  to  the  fair-days,  on  which 
occasion  at  Tlatelulco,  the  Anonymous  Conqueror  puts 
the  number  at  50,000,  limiting  the  daily  concourse  to 
about  25,000.''  Considering  the  population  of  the 
cities  and  surrounding  country,  together  with  the 
limited  facilities  for  transportation,  these  accounts  of 
the  daily  attendance  at  the  markets,  as  also  of  the 
abundance  and  variety  of  the  merchandise,  need  not 
be  regarded  as  exaggerations. 

«  On  the  Nahua  markets  and  the  articles  offered  for  sale,  sec:  Cortia, 
Cartas,  pp.  03,  103-5;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  70;  Relatione  /alia 
]>cr  VH  gentil  ^huomo  del  Siqnor  Fernando  Cortcsc,  in  Ramusio,  Nnviga- 
lioiii,  torn,  iii.,  fol.  309;  Sahamn,  Hist.  Gen.,  tmn.  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  .323-8, 
lih.  ix.,  p.  357;  Las  Casas,  Htst.  Apoloifitien,  MS.,  cap.  Ixx;  Torquemada, 
Mininrq.  Ltd.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  554-60;  Ofiedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  272, 
290-301;  Gonmra,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  87-8,  116-18;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec. 
ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xv.,  xvi. ;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  iii.,  iv.;  Zuazo, 
Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doe.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  359-61. 

'  Cortis,  Cartas,  pp.  10.3,  68;  Relatione  falta  per  vn  pentiPhuomo  del 
fHqnor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Ramusio,  Navie/atiom,  torn,  iii.,  fol.  300.     'Es 
tnnta  la  gente  que  concurrc  d  vender  y  comprar,  que  no  pucde  facilmente 
deolararac.'  Las  Camts,  Hist.  ApoUuiltra,  mH.,  cap  Ixx. 
Vol.  II.    m 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


On  the  lakes  about  the  city  of  Mexico  merchandise 
of  all  kinds  was  transported  to  and  from  the  markets 
by  boats,  50,000  of  which,  as  Zuazo  tells  us,  were 
employed  daily  in  bringing  provisions  to  the  city.' 
The  heavier  or  more  bulky  articles  of  trade,  such  as 
building  material,  were  often  offered  for  sale  in  the 
boats  to  save  the  labor  of  repeated  handling.  Boats 
were  also  used  for  transportation  on  the  southern 
coasts,  to  some  extent  on  navigable  rivers,  and  also 
by  traveling  merchants  in  crossing  such  streams  as 
could  not  conveniently  be  bridged.  The  only  other 
means  of  transportation  known  in  the  country  was 
that  afforded  by  the  carriers.  Large  numbers  of  these 
carriers,  or  porters,  were  in  attendance  at  the  markets 
to  move  goods  to  and  from  the  boats,  or  to  carry  par- 
cels to  the  houses  of  consumers.  For  transportation 
from  town  to  town,  or  to  distant  lands,  merchandise 
was  packed  in  bales,  wrapped  in  skins  and  mats,  or  in 
bamboo  cases  covered  with  skin,  known  as  petlacalli. 
Cases,  or  cages,  for  the  transportation  of  the  more 
fragile  wares  were  called  cacaxtli.  The  tlamama,  or 
regular  carriers,  were  trained  to  their  work  of  carrying 
burdens  from  childhood,  seventy  or  eighty  pounds  was 
the  usual  burden  carried,  placed  on  the  back  and  sup- 
ported by  the  mecapalli,  a  strap  passing  round  the  fore- 
head ;  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  was  the  ordinary  day's 
journey.  The  tlamama,  clad  in  a  maxtli,  carried  on 
long  trips,  besides  his  bale  of  merchandise,  a  sort  of 
palm-leaf  umbrella,  a  bag  of  provisions,  and  a  blanket. 

Expeditions  to  distant  provinces  were  undertaken 
by  the  company  of  Tlatelulco  for  purposes  of  com- 
mercial gain ;  or  by  order  of  the  king,  when  political 
gains  were  the  object  in  view,  and  the  traders  in 
reality  armed  soldiers;  or  more  rarely  by  individual 
merchants  on  their  own  private  account.  For  pro- 
tection large  numbers  usually  traveled  in  company, 

■  Carta,  in  Icazbalcela,  Col.  de  Doe.,  torn,  i.,  p.  359.  'Sobrc  cincucnta 
mill  canoos  y  cicnt  mill  segiiii  8c  crcc'  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologdtica,  MS., 
cap.  Ixx.  '  The  lake  day  ami  night  is  plyed  with  boateb  going  and  return- 
ing.' Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  uL 


TRAVELING  MERCHANTS. 


387 


choosing  some  one  of  the  company  to  act  as  leader. 
Previous  to  departure  they  gave  a  banquet  to  the  old 
merchants  of  the  town,  who  by  reason  of  their  age 
had  ceased  to  travel;  at  this  feast  they  made  known 
their  plans,  anci  spoke  of  the  places  they  intended  to 
visit  and  roads  by  which  they  would  travel.  The  old 
merchants  applauded  the  spirit  and  enterprise  of 
those  who  were  going  on  the  expedition,  and,  if  they 
were  young  and  inexperienced,  encouraged  them 
and  spoke  of  the  fame  they  would  gain  for  having 
left  their  homes  to  undertake  a  dangerous  journey  and 
suffer  privations  and  hardships.  They  reminded  them 
of  the  wealth  and  honored  name  acquired  by  their 
fathers  in  similar  expeditions,  and  gave  them  advice 
as  to  the  best  manner  of  conducting  themselves  on 
the  road.' 

On  the  route  the  carriers  marched  in  single  file,  and 
at  every  camping-place  the  strictest  watch  was  kept 
ai^ainst  enemies,  and  especially  against  robbers,  who 
then  as  now  infested  the  dangerous  passes  to  lie  in 
wait  for  the  richly  laden  caravans.  Rulers  of  the 
different  friendly  provinces,  mindful  of  the  benefits 
resulting  from  such  expeditions,  constructed  roads  and 
kept  them  in  repair;  furnished  bridges  or  boats  for 
crossing  unfordable  streams;  and  at  certain  points, 
remote  from  towns,  placed  houses  for  the  travelers' 
accommodation.  Expeditions  in  hostile  provinces 
were  undertaken  by  the  nahualoztomecas,  who  dis- 
guised themselves  in  the  dress  of  the  province  visited, 
and  endeavored  to  imitate  the  manners  and  to  speak 
the  language  of  its  people,  with  which  it  was  a  quali- 
fication of  their  profession  to  make  themselves  ac- 
quainted. Extraordinary  pains  was  taken  to  guard 
against  robbers  on  the  return  to  Mexico,  and  it  is  also 
said  to  have  been  customary  for  the  merchants  on 
Hearing  the  city,  to  dress  in  rags,  affecting  poverty, 

*  For  specimens  of  the  exhortations  of  old  merchants  to  young  men  see 
Sniiagun,  llitt.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  iv.,  pp.  310-314;  Torquemtula,  Monarq. 
IiiU.,  torn.  iL,  pp.  685-& 


388 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


i  I 


and  an  unsuccessful  trip.  The  motive  for  this  latter 
proceeding  is  not  very  apparent,  nor  for  the  invariable 
introduction  of  goods  into  the  city  by  night;  they 
had  not  even  the  hope  of  evading  the  payment  of 
taxes  which  in  later  times  prompts  men  to  similar 
conduct,  since  merchandise  could  only  be  sold  in  the 
public  market,  where  it  could  not  be  oft'ered  without 
paying  the  royal  percentage  of  duties. 

The  usual  route  of  commercial  expeditions  was 
south-eastward  to  Tochtepec  near  the  banks  of  the 
Rio  Alvarado,  whence  the  caravans  took  separate 
roads  according  as  their  destination  was  the  coast  re- 
gion of  Goazacoalco,  the  Miztec  and  Zapotec  towns 
on  the  Pacific,  or  the  still  more  distant  regions  across 
the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  The  southern  limit 
reached  by  the  traders  of  the  Aztec  empire,  it  is  im- 
possible accurately  to  determine.  The  merchants  of 
Xicalanco  furnished  Cortds,  when  about  to  undertake 
the  conquest  of  Honduras,  tolerably  correct  maps  of 
the  whole  region  as  far  south  as  the  isthmus  of  Pa- 
nama;'" the  raiders  from  And,huac  are  known  to  have 
penetrated  to  Chiapa,  Soconusco,  and  Guatemala;  it 
is  by  no  means  improbable  that  her  merchants  reached 
on  more  than  one  occasion  the  Isthnms." 

The  preceding  pages  contain  all  that  has  been  pre- 
served concerning  Nahua  trade  and  traders  except 
what  may  be  termed  the  mythology  of  commerce,  a 
branch  of  the  subject  not  without  importance,  em- 
bracing the  eremonies,  sacrifices,  and  superstitions 
connected  with  the  setting-out,  journey,  and  return  of 
the  Tlatelulcan  caravans.    Commerce,  like  every  other 

^0  Herrera,  Hist,  Geit.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  xii.;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Conn.,  fol.  197. 

''  A  very  full  account  of  the  Nahua  commerce  is  given  in  Claviqero, 
Storia  Ant,  del  Mcssico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  163-70,  and  the  same  is  transluted 
with  slight  changes,  in  Carhnjal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  6i28-.35, 
in  lirasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist^  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  612-32,  and  in  Id., 
in  Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voy.,  1868,  torn,  clix.,  pp.  4o-58.  See  also  llelits' 
Span.  Con^.,  vol.  ii.,  pi>.  329-31;  Gage's  New  Stmmj,  pp.  109-12;  Midler, 
Amerikantsr.he  Urveltgionen,  p.  641;  Klemm,  Cultvr-Uesr.hichte,  torn,  v., 
pp.  25-8;  West-Indische  Spieghel,  pp.  247-8;  ^»/««V»rc,  UEmnire  Mex., 
pp.  166-71;  Touroii,  Hist.  Gtit,,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  43-6.    See  altto  Note  12. 


SETTING-OUT  OF  THE  MERCHANTS. 


889 


feature  of  Nahua  civilization,  was  under  the  care  of  a 
special  deity,  and  no  merchant  dared  to  set  out  on  an 
expedition  in  quest  of  gain,  without  fully  complying 
with  all  the  requirements  of  the  god  as  interpreted 
by  the  priesthood.  The  particular  divinity  of  the 
traders  was  lyacatecutli,  or  lyacacoliuhqui,  'lord  with 
the  aquiline  nose' — that  nasal  type  being,  as  the  Abbd 
Brasseur  thinks,  symbolic  of  mercantile  cunning  and 
skill.  Services  in  his  honor  were  held  regularly  in  the 
month  of  Tlaxochimaco ;  but  the  ceremonies  performed 
by  traveling  merchants,  seem  to  have  been  mostly  de- 
voted to  the  god  of  fire  and  the  god  of  the  roads. 

First  a  day  was  selected  for  the  start  whose  sign 
was  deemed  favorable — Ce  Cohuatl,  'one  serpent,' 
was  a  favorite.  The  day  before  they  departed  the 
hair  was  cropped  close,  and  the  head  soaped ;  during 
all  their  absence,  even  should  it  last  for  years,  these 
operations  must  not  be  repeated,  nor  might  they  wash 
more  than  the  neck,  face,  and  hands,  bathing  the  body 
being  strictly  prohibited.  At  midnight  they  cut  flag- 
shaped  papers  for  Xiuhtecutli,  the  god  of  fire,  fastened 
them  to  sticks  painted  with  vermilion,  and  marked  on 
them  the  face  of  the  god  with  drops  of  melted  ulli, 
or  India-rubber.  Other  papers  also  marked  with  ulli, 
were  cut  in  honor  of  Tlaltecutli,  to  be  worn  on  the 
breast.  Others,  for  the  god  of  the  merchants,  were 
used  to  cover  a  bamboo  stick,  which  they  worshiped 
and  carried  with  them.  The  gods  of  the  roads,  Za- 
catzontli  and  Tlacotzontli,  also  had  their  papers  orna- 
mented with  ulli-drops  and  painted  butterflies;  while 
the  papers  for  Cecoatlutlimelaoatl,  one  of  the  signs 
of  the  divining  art,  were  decorated  with  snake-like 
figures.  When  all  the  papers  were  ready,  those  of  the 
fire-god  were  placed  before  the  fire  in  the  house,  the 
others  being  arranged  in  systematic  order  in  the  court- 
yard. Then  the  merchants,  standing  before  the  fire, 
offered  to  it  some  quails  which  they  first  beheaded, 
and  forthwith,  drawing  blood  from  their  own  ears  and 
tongue,  they  repeated  some  mystic  word  and  sprinkled 


890 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


the  blood  four  times  on  the  fire.  'Jlood  was  then 
sprinkled  in  turn  on  the  papers  in  the  house,  towards 
the  heavens  and  cardinal  points,  and  finally  on  the 
papers  in  the  courtyard.  The  fire-god's  papers,  after 
a  few  appropriate  words  to  the  deity,  were  burned  in 
a  brasier  with  pure  white  copal.  If  they  burned  with 
a  clear  fiame,  it  was  a  good  omen ;  otherwise  ill  for- 
tune and  disaster  were  betokened.  The  papers  left 
outside  were  burned  together — save  those  of  the  mer- 
chants' god — in  a  fire  which  was  kindled  in  the  court, 
and  the  ashes  were  carefully  buried  there. 

All  this  at  midnight.  At  early  dawn  the  principal 
merchants  of  the  city  or  of  the  neighborhood,  or 
simply  friends  and  relatives  of  the  party  about  to  set 
out  on  the  journey,  according  to  the  wealth  of  tlie 
party,  with  youths  and  old  women,  were  invited  to 
assemble  and,  after  a  washing  of  mouths  and  hands, 
to  partake  of  food.  After  the  repast,  concluded  by 
another  washing  and  by  smoking  of  pipes  and  drink- 
ing of  chocolate,  the  host  spoke  a  few  words  of  wel- 
come to  the  guests,  and  explained  his  plans.  To  this 
some  one  of  the  chief  merchants  briefly  responded 
with  wishes  for  the  success  of  the  expedition,  advice 
respecting  the  route  to  be  followed  and  behavior  while 
abroad,  applause  for  the  spirit  and  enterprise  shown, 
and  words  of  encouragement  to  those  about  to  under- 
take their  first  commercial  journey,  picturing  to  them 
in  vivid  colors  both  the  hardships  and  the  honors  that 
were  before  them.  Then  the  merchandise  and  pro- 
visions for  the  trip  were  made  ready  in  bales  and 
placed  in  the  canoes,  if  the  start  was  to  be  made  by 
water,  under  the  direction  of  the  leader  who,  after 
attending  to  this  matter,  made  a  farewell  address  of 
thanks  for  advice  and  good  wishes,  recommending  to 
the  care  of  those  that  remained  behind  their  wives 
and  children.  The  friends  again  replied  briefly  and 
all  was  ready  for  the  departure.  A  fire  was  built  in 
the  courtyard  and  a  vase  of  copal  was  placed  near  it. 
As  a  final  parting  ceremony  each  of  the  departing 


CARAVANS  OF  TRADER& 


891 


by 


merchants  took  a  portion  of  the  copal  and  threw  it 
on  the  fire,  stepping  at  once  toward  his  canoe.  Not 
another  word  of  farewell  must  be  spoken,  nor  a  part- 
ing glance  be  directed  backward  to  friends  behind. 
To  look  back  or  speak  would  be  a  most  unpropitious 
augury. 

Thus  they  set  out,  generally  at  night,  as  Sahagun 
implies.  On  the  journey  each  merchant  carried  con- 
tinually in  his  hand  a  smooth  black  stick  representing 
his  god  lyacatecutli — probably  the  same  sticks  that 
have  been  mentioned  as  being  covered  with  papers  in 
honor  of  this  god  the  night  before  the  departure  from 
home.  When  they  halted  for  the  night  the  sticks  of 
the  company  were  bound  together  in  a  bundle,  form- 
ing a  kind  of  combination  divinity  to  whose  protect- 
ing care  the  encampment  was  piously  entrusted.  To 
this  god  offerings  of  ulli  and  paper  were  made  by  the 
leaders,  and  to  the  gods  of  the  roads  as  well.  Blood 
must  also  be  drawn  and  mingled  with  the  offering, 
else  it  were  of  no  avail ;  and,  a  most  inconvenient  rule 
for  poor  weak  humanity,  the  sacrificial  offering  had  to 
be  repeated  twice  again  each  night,  so  that  one  or 
another  of  the  chiefs  must  be  continually  on  the  watch. 
The  caravans,  when  their  destination  was  a  friendly 
province,  usually  bore  some  presents  from  the  sov- 
ereigns of  Mexico  as  tokens  of  their  good  will,  and 
they  were  received  by  the  authorities  of  such  prov- 
inces with  some  public  ceremonies  not  definitely  de- 
scribed. 

When  the  merchants  returned  home,  after  consulta- 
tion with  a  tonalpouhqui,  they  awaited  a  favorable  sign, 
such  as  Ce  Calli,  or  Chicome  Calli, '  one,  or  seven  house,' 
and  then  entered  the  city  under  shade  of  night. 
They  repaired  immediately  to  the  house  of  the  lead- 
ing merchant  of  the  corporation,  or  to  that  of  the 
merchant  under  whose  direction  their  trip  had  been 
made,  formally  announcing  their  safe  arrival,  and  also 
their  intention  to  invite  all  the  merchants  on  the  fol- 
lowing day  to  partake  of  "a  little  chocolate  in  their 


an 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


poor  house,"  that  is,  to  be  present  at  a  most  sumptu- 
ous banquet.  Papers  were  then  cut  and  at  midnight 
offered  with  ulH,  much  after  the  manner  already  de- 
scribed, to  the  gods  as  a  thank-offering  for  their  pro- 
tection. The  feast  that  took  place  next  day,  when  all 
the  guests  were  assembled,  was  accompanied  by  addi- 
tional offerings  to  the  gods  of  fire  and  trade,  and,  of 
course,  by  speeches  of  the  returned  travelers  and  their 
guests,  but  presented  no  particularly  noticeable  con- 
trasts with  the  many  feasts  that  have  been  described. 

Not  only  was  the  traveler  obliged,  according  to  the 
Nahua  superstition,  to  abstain  from  baths  during  his 
absence,  but  even  his  family  during  tho  same  period, 
while  allowed  to  bathe  the  body,  must  not  wash  the 
head  or  face  oftener  than  once  in  eighty  days;  thus 
were  the  gods  propitiated  to  watch  kindly  over  their 
absent  relative  wandering  in  distant  lands.  If  a  mer- 
chant died  Wtile  on  a  journey,  his  body,  at  least  if 
he  belonged  to  the  highest  rank,  was  neither  buried 
nor  burned,  but,  clad  in  fine  apparel,  and  decorated 
with  certain  mystical  papers  and  painted  devices,  it 
was  put  in  a  wooden  cage,  or  cacaxtli,  and  secured  to 
a  tree  on  the  top  of  a  high  mountain.  Advice  of  the 
death  was  forwarded  to  the  old  merchants,  who  in 
turn  informed  the  family  of  the  deceased,  and  regu- 
lar funeral  ceremonies  were  performed  either  immedi- 
ately or  on  the  return  of  the  caravan.  If  the  deceased 
met  his  death  at  the  hands  of  an  enemy,  a  wooden 
image  was  prepared,  dressed  in  the  clothing  of  the 
dead  merchant,  and  made  the  subject  of  the  usual 
funeral  rites. 

Besides  the  regular  feasts  attending  the  departure 
and  return  of  caravans,  many  others  took  place  under 
the  auspices  of  the  mercantile  class.  We  have  noticed 
the  fondness  of  the  Nahua  people  for  entertainments 
of  this  kind,  and  it  is  natural  that  the  merchants,  as 
the  richest  class  in  the  community,  should  have  been 
foremost  in  contributing  to  this  popular  taste.  Each 
merchant,  when   he   had   acquired  great  wealth  by 


FEASTS  OF  THE  MERCHANTS. 


good  fortune  in  his  trading  ventures,  deemed  it,  as 
Sahagun  tells  us,  a  most  disgraceful  thing  "to  die 
without  having  made  some  splendid  expenditure"  by 
entertaining '  his  friends  and  fellow-merchants  in  a 
banquet,  which  should  be  remembered  as  the  event 
of  his  career.  A  long  time  was  devoted  to  making 
ready  for  the  feast,  to  the  purchase  of  provisions  and 
decorations,  and  to  engaging  dancers  and  singers,  that 
no  item  might  be  neglected,  nor  any  oversight  be 
allowed  to  mar  the  perfect  enjoyment  of  the  invited 
guests.  All  being  ready,  a  propitious  sign  was  se- 
lected, and  invitations  issued.  The  object  of  the  dis- 
play of  hospitality  being  not  only  the  entertainment 
of  friends,  but  a  thanksgiving  to  the  gods  for  favors 
shown  to  the  host,  the  first  ceremonies  were  naturally 
in  honor  of  the  deities.  These  began  in  the  night 
preceding  the  feast-day,  with  offerings  of  flowers  in 
the  shrine  of  Huitzilopochtli,  in  the  chapels  of  other 
gods,  and  finally  in  the  courtyard  of  the  host,  where 
were  placed  drums  and  two  plates,  on  which  perfumed 
canes  were  burning.  Those  officiating  whistled  in  a 
peculiar  manner,  and  all,  stooping,  put  some  earth  in 
their  mouth,  crying  "our  lord  has  sounded."  Then 
all  burned  perfumed  copal,  and  a  priest  beheaded  a 
quail  before  the  drum,  throwing  it  on  the  ground  and 
watching  in  what  direction  it  might  flutter.  If  north- 
ward, it  was  a  bad  omen,  foretelling  sickness,  or  per- 
haps death.  But  the  west  and  south  were  fortunate 
directions,  indicating  a  peaceful  and  friendly  disposi- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  gods.  Incense  was  burned 
toward  the  cardinal  points,  the  burning  coals  were 
thrown  from  the  censer  into  the  fire,  and  then  the 
performers  engaged  for  the  areito,  including,  it  would 
seem,  soldiers  of  several  classes,  led  by  the  tlacatecatl, 
began  to  dance  and  sing.  Neither  the  host  nor  mer- 
chant guests  joined  in  the  dance,  but  remained  in  the 
house  to  receive  the  company  and  present  them  with 
bouquets  of  flowers.  At  midnight  ulli-marked  paper 
was  ofiered  to  the  gods,  and  its  ashes  buried  to  pro- 


894 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


mote  the  prosperity  of  future  generations.  Before 
the  light  of  day  chocolate  was  drunk  and  the  na7iacatl, 
or  intoxicating  mushroom,  was  eaten,  which  caused 
some  to  dance,  others  to  sing,  and  yet  others  to  sit  pen- 
sive in  their  rooms  dreaming  dreams  and  seeing  visions 
of  horrid  import,  whose  'narration  at  a  later  hour,  when 
the  effects  of  the  drug  had  passed  away,  formed  a 
prominent  feature  of  tlie  entertainment.  At  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  morning  star  all  the  ashes  of  the 
sacrifices,  the  flowers,  the  burning  canes,  and  all  the 
implements  used  in  the  foregoing  ceremonies,  were 
buried,  that  they  might  not  be  seen  by  any  visitor 
polluted  by  any  kind  of  vice  or  uncleanness.  The 
rising  sun  was  greeted  with  songs,  dancing,  and  beat- 
ing of  the  teponaztli.  The  day  was  passed  in  feast- 
ing and  music,  and  at  the  close  of  the  day's  banouet 
food  was  distributed  to  the  common  people.  The 
banquet  was  often  continued  more  than  one  day,  and 
if  after  the  first  day's  feast  the  provision  of  food  was 
exhausted,  it  was  regarded  by  the  guests  as  a  bad 
sign — a  very  sensible  superstition  truly. 

There  was  another  merchant's  feast  in  the  month  of 
Panquetzaliztli,  in  which  a  number  of  slaves  were  killed 
and  eaten.  The  victims  were  purchased  sometime  be- 
forehand at  the  slave  mart  in  Azcapuzalco,  kept  clean, 
— being  therefore  called  tlctaltilzin,  'washed' — and  fat- 
tened for  the  occasion.  The  male  slaves  meantime 
had  no  work  but  to  dance  daily  on  the  housetop,  but 
the  women  had  to  spin.  The  articles  collected  for 
this  feast  embraced  large  numbers  of  rich  mantles, 
maxtlis,  and  huipiles,  which  were  to  be  presented  to 
guests.  Not  only  the  residents  of  Mexico  were  in- 
vited but  members  of  the  Tlatelulcan  company  who 
lived  in  other  towns.  The  giver  of  the  feast  went 
personally  to  many  towns,  especially  to  Tochtepec,  to 
issue  invitations  and  distribute  gifts.  On  his  arrival 
he  went  first  to  the  shrine  of  lyacatecutli,  before  whose 
image  he  performed  certain  ceremonies  and  left  some 
offerings.     Then  he  went  to  the  house  of  the  Tlate- 


SACRIFICE  OF  SLAVES. 


806 


lulcan  company,  prepared  a  feast  and  summoned  the 
rich  traders,  who  came  at  midnight.  Washing  of  the 
hands  and  -mouth  preceded  and  followed  the  eating, 
presents  were  made,  chocolate  drunk,  pipes  smoked, 
quails  offered  in  the  courtyard,  and  incense  burned. 
One  of  the  best  speakers  then  announced  the  purpose 
of  their  visitor  to  kill  a  few  slaves  in  honor  of  Huit- 
zilopochtli,  and  in  his  name  invited  the  company  to 
be  present  at  the  pleasing  spectacle,  and  partake  of 
the  human  flesh  and  other  choice  viands.  Another 
speaker  responded  in  a  speech  of  acceptance,  and  the 
'feast-giver  directed  his  steps  homeward  to  Mexico. 
After  resting  awhile  the  merchant  ceremonially  in- 
vited those  of  his  own  city  to  be  present  at  the  feast, 
and  the  latter,  after  many  precautions,  including  an 
inspection  by  the  older  merchants  to  satisfy  them- 
selves that  food  enough  had  been  provided  and  that 
the  aftair  could  not  be  a  failure,  deigned  to  accept, 
although  they  warned  the  would-be  host  of  the  fear- 
ful responsibility  he  would  incur  should  the  feast  be 
in  any  respect  improperly  managed,  through  his  un- 
willingness to  spend  money  enough.  Ce  Calli,  Ome 
Xochitl,  and  Ome  Ozomatli,  were  good  signs  for  this 
feast. 

On  the  first  day  the  male  slaves,  richly  attired  and 
decorated,  were  made  to  dance  and  perform  the  areito, 
carrying  garlands  of  flowers  and  also  pipes  from  which 
they  were  continually  puffing  smoke.  The  females, 
in  equally  rich  attire  were  stationed  with  plenty  of 
food  in  one  of  the  rooms  where  all  could  readily  see 
them.  The  eating,  drinking,  and  distribution  of  gifts 
were  kept  up  all  night.  The  following  day's  feast 
was  a  repetition  of  the  first,  and  was  called  tlaixnexia; 
that  of  the  third  day  was  called  tetevaltia,  and  on  this 
day  they  made  many  changes  in  the  dress  of  the  slaves, 
putting  on  wigs  of  many-colored  feathers,  painted  ear- 
flaps,  stone  nose-ornaments  like  butterflies,  jackets 
with  fringed  borders  and  death's  heads  for  decoration, 
hawks'  wings,  thmaitl,  on  the  shoulders,  rings,  mata- 


806 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


caastli,  on  the  anns,  stained  sandals,  and  girdles  called 
xiuhtlal'pilli.  From  this  time  forward  strict  guard  was 
kept  over  them  day  and  night  until  their  death. 

On  yet  a  fourth  occasion,  apparently  some  days,  or 
perhaps  weeks,  later,  the  merchant  assembled  his 
guests,  and  then  just  before  sunset  the  victims  were 
made  drunk  with  teuvetli,  and  carried  to  Huitzilo- 
pochtli's  temple,  where  they  were  made  to  dance  and 
sing,  and  kept  awake  all  night.  At  midnight  they 
were  placed  on  a  mat  before  the  fire,  and  the  master 
of  the  banquet,  dressed  much  like  the  slaves  them- 
selves, put  out  the  fire,  and  in  the  darkness  gave  to 
each  four  mouthfuls  of  a  dough  moistened  with  honey^ 
called  tzoalli.  Then  a  man  dancing  before  them 
played  upon  an  instrument  called  chichtli,  hairs  were 
pulled  out  of  the  top  of  each  slave's  head  and  put  in 
a  plate,  quacaodtl,  held  by  the  dancer,  and  the  master 
threw  incense  toward  the  east,  west,  north,  and  south. 
The  slaves  were  offered  food,  but  could  not  be  in- 
duced to  eat,  expecting  each  moment  the  messenger 
of  death.  They  were  first  taken  to  the  ward  of  Co- 
atlan,  and  in  the  courtyard  of  the  temple  of  Huitz- 
calco  were  forced  to  fight  against  certain  persons,  the 
most  valiant  of  whom  were  called  tlaamaviques.  If 
by  force  of  arms  these  persons  captured  any  of  the 
slaves,  they  were  entitled  to  receive  their  full  value 
from  the  owner,  or  in  default  of  such  payment  to 
take  the  bodies  after  the  sacrifice  and  eat  the  same. 
After  the  contest  the  victims  were  sacrificed  on  the 
shrine  of  Huitzilopochtli,  the  complicated  <i<«tail8  of 
the  ceremonies  which  followed  differing  only  very 
slightly  from  those  of  similar  sacrifices  a'leady  several 
times  described.  The  bodies  were  thrown  down  the 
steps  as  usual,  carried  home  by  the  owner,  cooked 
with  maize,  seasoned  with  salt  without  chile,  and 
were  finally  eaten  by  the  guests.  With  this  horrible 
repast  the  great  feast  of  the  month  of  Panquetzaliztli 
ended;  but  he  who  had  given  it  carefully  preserved 
the  clothing,  and  other  relics  of  the  slaughtered  slaves, 


BOATS  AND  NAVIGATION. 


897 


e 
i 


guarding  them  in  a  basket  as  most  precious  and  pleas- 
ant souvenirs  all  the  days  of  his  life;  and  after  his 
death  the  basket  and  its  contents  were  bunied  at  his 
obsequies. 

Acosta  tells  us  that  in  Cholula  the  merchants,  es- 
pecially those  that  dealt  in  slaves,  furnished  each  year 
a  slave  of  fine  physique  to  represent  their  god  Quet- 
zalcoatl,  in  whose  honor  he  was  sacrificed,  with  appro- 
priate and  complicated  ceremonies,  his  flesh'  being 
afterwards  eaten  in  a  banquet.*' 

The  little  to  be  said  of  Nahua  watercraft  may  be 
as  appropriately  inserted  here  as  elsewhere.  I  have 
already  referred  to  the  important  use  made  of  canoes 
in  the  transportation  of  merchandise  upon  the  lakes 
of  And,huac.  In  the  art  of  navigation,  however,  no 
progress  was  made  by  the  Nahuas  at  all  in  proportion 
to  their  advancement  in  other  respects.  As  navi- 
gators they  were  altogether  inferior  to  their  savage 
brethren  of  *he  Columbian  and  Hyperborean  groups 
on  the  north-west  coasts,  whose  skill  in  the  manu- 
facture and  management  of  boats  has  been  described 
in  a  preceding  volume  of  this  work.  The  reason  is 
obvious:  their  progress  in  agriculture  enabled  them 
to  obtain  a  food  supply  without  risking  their  lives 
habitually  on  the  sea;  their  sunny  clime  obviated  the 
necessity  of  whale-blubber  and  seal-skins.  In  the 
earlier  stages  of  civilization  men  make  progress  only 
when  impelled  by  some  actual  necessity ;  consequently 
among  the  Nahuas,  when  means  were  supplied  of 
crossing  streams,  and  of  transporting  goods  on  the 
lakes  and  for  short  distances  along  the  coast  at  the 
mouth  of  large  rivers,  progress  in  this  direction  ceased. 

Clavigero's  investigations  led  him  to  believe  that 
the  use  of  sails  was  unknown,  and  although  Brasseur 

li  On  merchants'  feasU;,  ceremonies,  and  superstitions,  see  Sahagun, 
Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  ix.,  pp.  335-86,  torn,  i.,  lib.  iv.,  pp.  310^15; 
Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  pp.  388-92;  Torquemada,  Monarq,  Ina.,  torn,  ii., 
pp.  685-7.  See  also  account  of  a  feast  of  flower-dealers  in  this  volume,  p. 
315,  and  account  of  the  Choluliec  feast  in  honor  of  Quetzalcoatl,  in  vol.  iii., 
pp.  286-7  of  this  work. 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


de  Bourbourg  in  one  place  speaks  of  such  aids  to  nav- 
igation, yet  he  gives  no  authority  for  his  statement." 

Rafts  and  'dug-out'  canoes  were  the  vessels  em- 
ployed ;  the  former  were  used  for  the  most  part  in 
crossing  streams  and  were  of  various  material  and 
construction.  Those  of  the  ruder  kind  were  simply  a 
number  of  poles  tied  together  with  strings."  Those 
called  by  the  Spaniards  balsas  were  of  superior  con- 
struction, made  of  otlatl  reeds,  or  titles,  and  rushes  of 
different  kinds  in  bundles.  The  best  balsas  were 
about  five  feet  square,  made  of  bamboos  and  supported 
by  hollow  gourds  closed  by  a  water  and  air  tight  cov- 
ering. The  rafts  were  propelled  by  swimmers,  one  in 
front  and  another  behind." 

The  canoes — acalli,  'water-houses'  among  the  Az- 
tecs, called  also  tahucup  in  Tabasco — were  hollowed 
out  from  the  trunk  of  a  single  tree,  were  generally 
flat-bottomed  and  without  keel,  somewhat  narrower 
at  the  bow^  than  at  the  stem  as  Las  Casas  says,  and 
would  carry  from  two  to  sixty  persons.  As  to  the  in- 
struments employed  in  hollowing  out  and  finishing 
the  acalli  we  have  no  information,  neither  do  we  know 
whether  fire  was  one  of  the  agents  made  use  of.*° 


"  ClttviRcro's  description  of  Nahna  boats  and  navigation  is  in  his  Sloria 
Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  168-9.  'Leiirs  barques,  dont  les  plus  gran- 
des  mesuraient  jusqu'k  soixantc  picds  dc  longueur,  couvertcs  et  abritecs 
contre  le  niauvais  temps,  marchaicnt  h.  la  voile  et  ii  la  ramc,"  probably  re- 
ferring to  a  boat  met  r;;  Columbus  some  distance  out  at  sea.  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  632. 

■*  Invented,  according  to  tradition,  by  the  Tarascos  of  Michoacan  during 
their  early  migrations.  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  dcs 
Voij.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii.,  pp.  131-2. 

'-^  'Mettcvansi  a  sedere  in  questa  maccliina  quattro,  o  sei  passaggieri 
alia  volta.'  Claviqero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  168.  'Ces 
radeaux  sont  fort  lugers  et  tr^s-solides;  ils  sont  encore  en  usage  dans  I'Amd- 
rique,  ct  nous  avons  passe  ainsi  plus  d'unerivi6re.'  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  295. 

">  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitiea,  MS.,  cap.  Ixx.  'En  coda  vna  cabian 
sesenta  Hombres.'  Torquemada,  Moiiarq.  Ind.,  tom.  i.,  p.  4C0,  and  Her- 
rcra.  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  iv.  'TheCanowes  are  litle  burkes, 
made  of  one  tree.*  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  iii.  Called  Acafes.  Id.,  dec. 
v.,  lib.  ii.  ' Estas  acallis  6  barcas  cada  una  es  de  una  sola  pieza,  dc  uu 
arbol  tan  grandc  y  tan  grueso  conio  lo  dcnmnda  la  longitud,  y  coniorme  al 
audio  quo  Ic  puedcn  dar,  que  es  dc  lo  grueso  del  lirbol  dc  que  se  haccn,  y 
para  esto  hay  bus  maostros  como  en  Vizcaya  los  hay  de  navios.'  Motolinia, 
Jjist.  Jndios,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,,  torn,  i.,  p.  ?00. 


BOATS  USED  IN  WAR. 


3.-9 


The  use  of  boats  was  not  altogether  confined  to 
traffic,  but  extended  to  war  and  the  transportation  of 
troops.  Fierce  conflicts  on  the  waters  of  the  lakes 
are  recorded  in  the  ancient  annals  of  And,huac ;  canoe 
fleets  of  armed  natives  came  out  to  meet  the  Span- 
iards at  various  points  along  the  coast ;  and  we  read 
of  the  vain  efforts  to  defend  the  approaches  to  the 
Aztec  capital,  by  thousands  of  boats  which  could  offer 
little  resistance  to  the  advance  of  Cortes'  brigantines." 

These  fleets,  so  inefficient  against  Spanish  vessels 
and  arms,  must  have  been  of  great  service  to  the  Az- 
tecs in  maintaining  their  domination  over  the  many 
towns  on  the  lake  shores.  To  increase  the  efficiency 
of  boats  and  boatmen,  races  and  sham  fights  were  es- 
tablished, which,  besides  affording  useful  training  to 
paddlers  and  warriors,  furnished  an  additional  means 
of  entertainment  to  the  people  who  gathered  in  crowds 
to  watch  the  struggles  of  the  competitors,  applaud 
the  ducking  of  each  vanquishe'l  boat's  crew,  and  to 
reward  the  victors  with  honors  and  prizes." 


"  'The  sides  of  the  Indian  boats  were  fortified  with  bulwarks.'  Pres- 
eotVs  Mcx.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  100-,  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  140;  Cortis, 
Cartas,  p.  211. 

>'<  'Sriesso  s'csercitavano  in  questogenere  di  combattimenti.'  Clavigero, 
Star ia  Ant.  del  Messico.  torn.  ii. ,  p.  151;  Wcst-Irulische  Spieghel,  p.  251. 
20U,U^0  cunoes  on  the  lako  about  Mexico.  Gomara,  Conq.  Mcx.,  fol.  115. 
Sec  also  note  8  of  this  chapter.  Additional  notes  on  Nahua  boats.  '  Habia 
en  Mexico  niuchaa  acallis  o  barcas  para  servicio  de  las  casos,  y  otras  niu> 
chas  dc  tratantcs  que  vcnian  con  bastinicntos  &  la  ciudad,  y  todos  los  pue- 
blos tie  la  redonda,  que  estdn  lleiios  do  bnrcas  tue  nunca  cesan  de  entrar  y 
salir  &.  la  ciudad,  las  cuales  eran  innuni.'>r;>>>lca.'  'Con  CBius  salen  d  la  mar, 
y  con  lus  {jrundea  de  cstas  ucallis  nuvc^an  de  u\ia  isia  d  otra,  y  se  atrevcn  4 
atruvc8araljrungolfo])equeflo.'  Mololinia.  Jlit*.  Iiulios,  in  Icazhakcta,  Col. 
de  Doc,  toni.  i.,  pp.  187,  200.  'Lo  mas  del  irnto,  y  camino  dc  los  Indios,  en 
afiuclla  Tierra,  e.s  por  Agua,  en  Acules,  o  Cuiioas.'  Toraiiemada,  Mouarq. 
Ltd.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  613;  Herrera,  His',.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  iv.; 
Montantts,  Nieuvoe  Weereld,  p.  247;  Carbajnl  Espinoaa,  Hitt.  Mex.,  torn. 
i.,  p.  G33,  torn,  ii.,  p.  591;  Kit  mm,  C  ultur-Genchichte,  torn,  v.,  pp.  75-6. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 


WAR   CUSTOMS    OF    THE   NAHUAS. 


Importance  of  the  Military  Profession— Indications  of  Rank- 
Education  OF  Warriors— Rewards  for  Valor— Military  Or- 
ders and  their  Dress— Gorgeous  War-Dressks  of  Montezuma 
AND  the  Aztec  Nobility— Dress  of  ti  e  Common  Soldiers— Ar- 
mor AND  Defensive  Weapons— Offensive  Weapons— Standards 
—Ambassadors  and  Couriers— Fortifications— The  Military 
Council— Articles  of  War— Declaration  of  War— Spies— Or- 
der OF  March  and  Battle— War  Customs  of  the  Tlascaltkcs 
and  Tarascos-Keturn  of  the  Conquei^ing  Army— Celebra- 
tion of  Feats  of  Arms. 


As  might  be  expected  from  a  people  so  warlike  and 
ambitious  as  the  Nahuas,  the  profession  of  arms 
ranked  high  above  all  other  callings,  save  that  of  the 
priests.  This  was  especially  tne  case  in  the  later 
days,  under  the  Aztec  kings,  whose  unscrup'dous  am- 
bition and  passion  for  conquest  could  only  be  gratified 
by  their  warriors.  Huitzdopochtli,  god  of  war,  pro- 
tector of  the  empire,  was  glorified  and  honored  above 
all  other  gods;  his  altars  must  be  red  with  blood,  for 
blood  alone  could  extort  his  favor,  and  wars  were 
frequently  waged  solely  for  his  propitiation;  valor 
was  the  loftiest  virtue,  the  highest  honors  were  paid 
to  those  who  distinguished  themselves  in  battle;  no 
dignities,  positions,  or  decorations,  under  the  govern- 
ment, were  given  to  any  but  approved  soldiers.  Chil- 
dren were  taught  by  parent  and  priest  the  chivalrous 

(400) 


THE  MILITARY  PROFESSION. 


401 


deeds  of  their  ancestors,  whom  they  were  urged  to 
emulate  in  daring;  titles,  rewards,  and  posts  of  honor 
were  offered  to  stimulate  the  ambition  of  the  young 
men.  The  king  might  not  receive  his  crown  until 
with  his  own  hand  he  had  taken  captives  to  be  sacri- 
ficed at  the  feast  of  his  coronation.  The  priests  were 
the  foremost  inciters  to  war  and  carnage.  All  wars 
were  i'eligious  crusades.  The  highest  earthly  rewards 
were  in  store  for  the  victor,  while  the  soul  of  him  that 
fell  in  battle  took  immediate  flight  to  heaven.  Only 
defeat  and  cowardice  were  to  be  dreaded. 

Thf^  Nahua  warrior's  services  were  rewarded  only 
•>y  -notion,  since  no  paid  troops  were  employed. 
Bui  ^  vjinotion  was  sure  to  follow  brilliant  exploits 
per''oimed  by  even  the  humblest  soldier,  while  with- 
out such  daring  deeds  the  sons  of  the  highest  nobles 
could  hope  for  no  advancement.  Dress  and  orna- 
ments were  the  indications  of  rank,  and  were  changed 
in  some  detail  for  every  new  achievement.  To  escape 
from  the  coarse  nequen  garments  of  the  common 
soldier,  and  to  put  on  successively  the  decorative 
mantles  of  the  higher  grades,  was  deemed  a  sufficient 
reward  and  incentive.  The  costume  of  each  warrior 
indicated  the  exact  number  of  prisoners  captured  by 
the  wearer. 

Especial  care  \i'a.s  taken,  however,  with  the  sons  of 
lords  intendx;-^  for  'he  profession  of  arms.  At  an  early 
age  their  h  ^a  I ;  >"ere  shaved,  except  a  tuft  on  the  back 
of  tlie  head  ':a\i<  A  mocuexpaltia,  a  designation  changed 
to  ciu'xpLUchivi'<"2"^  'ben  the  boy  was  fifteen  years  old. 
At  this  age  he  was  sent  to  war  in  charge  of  veteran 
warriors,  and  if  with  their  aid  he  took  a  prisoner,  the 
tuft  was  cut  off  and  another  given  to  be  worn  over 
the  ear  with  feather  plumes;  on  his  return  he  was 
addressed  after  the  following  manner  by  his  grand- 
parents or  uncles:  "My  child,  the  Sun  and  the 
Earth  ha  •  washed  and  renewed  thy  face,  because 
thou  dide:.  '..ve  to  attempt  the  capture  of  an  enemy 
in  compan V    ,  4ch  athers.     Lo,  now  it  were  better  to 


Vol.  II.    20 


402 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS, 


abandon  thee  to  the  mercies  of  the  enemy  than  that 
thou  shouldst  again  take  a  prisoner  with  the  aid  of 
others,  because,  should  it  so  happen,  they  will  place 
another  tuft  over  thine  other  ear  and  thou  wilt  appear 
like  a  girl ;  truly,  it  were  better  thou  shouldst  die  than 
that  this  should  happen  to  thee."  If  after  a  fair  trial 
the  youth  failed  to  take  a  captive,  he  was  disgraced, 
and  ceased  to  be  a  warrior  in  the  eyes  of  his  com- 
rades: but  if,  unaided,  he  was  successful,  he  was 
called  a  warlike  youth,  telpuchtlitaquitlamani,  and 
was  presented  to  th»  V'^ '  whose  stewards  dyed  his 
face  red,  his  temples  ca  tdy  yellow,  and  bestowed 
upon  him  mantles  and  ni  .itlis  of  the  colors  and  de- 
signs which  his  achievements  gave  him  the  right  to 
wear.  If  he  took  two  captives,  the  honors  were  of 
course  greater;  three  entitled  him  to  a  command  over 
others;  four  made  him  a  captain  who  might  wear  long 
lip-ornaments,  leathern  ear-rings,  and  gaudy  tassels. 
With  five  prisoners  the  young  man  became  a  quauh- 
tacatl,  'eagle  that  guides,'  with  corresponding  insignia, 
a  head-plume  with  silver  threads,  the  mantle  called 
cuechintli,  another  called  chicoapalnacazminqui  of 
two  colors,  and  still  another  decorated  with  straps. 
The  prisoners  must,  however,  be  from  nations  of  ac- 
knowledged prowess,  such  as  those  of  Atlixco,  the 
Huexotzincas,  or  Tlascaltecs;  double  or  triple  the 
number  of  Cuextecas  or  Tenimes  must  be  captured, 
and  no  number  of  these  could  entitle  a  youth  to  the 
highest  honors.* 

In  the  Mexican  picture-writings  are  delineated  the 
successive  grades  by  which  a  graduate  from  the  tem- 
ple school  advanced,  with  the  costumes  and  defensive 
armor  he  was  permitted  to  wear.  First  we  see  him 
leaving  for  the  war,  carrying  the  impedimenta  of  the 
chief  priest,  who  goes  into  the  field  to  embolden  the 
troops,  enforce  orders,  and  perfonn  other  duties.  The 
pictures  that  follow  portray  the  devices  on  the  shields, 
manner  of  painting,   armor,  head-dresses,  and  orna- 

i  SaKagun,  HuL  Oen,,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  329-32. 


THREE  MILITARY  ORDERS, 


403 


ments  they  were  allowed  to  assume,  according  to  the 
number  of  captives  each  had  taken.  The  warrior- 
priests  were  rewarded,  in  like  manner,  with  accoutre- 
ments and  insignia  of  peculiar  designs,  and  with 
important  commands  in  the  army.' 

Three  military  orders  were  established  by  the  Aztec 
monarchs,  the  members  of  which  were  granted  cer- 
tain privileges,  and  entitled  to  wear  badges  of  distinc- 
tion ;  they  also  had  apartments  allotted  to  them  in  the 
royal  palace  and  formed  the  royal  guard.  Promotion 
to  the  order  was  open  to  all,  but  could  only  be  won  by 
some  notable  feat  of  arms.  The  members  of  the  first 
of  these  three  orders  were  called  Achcauhtin.or  Princes, 
of  the  second,  Quauhtin,  or  Eagles,  of  the  third,  Oce- 
lome,  or  Tigers.  The  distinctive  mark  of  the  Princes 
was  their  manner  of  dressing  the  hair,  which  was  tied 
on  the  crown  of  the  head  with  a  red  thong,  and  worked 
into  as  many  braids,  each  terminating  in  a  cotton  tas- 
sel, as  were  the  deeds  of  valor  performed  by  the 
wearer;  the  Eagles  wore  a  kind  of  casque,  in  the  form 
of  an  eagle's  head ;  the  Tigers  wore  a  particular  armor, 
spotted  like  the  skin  of  the  animal  whose  name  they 
bore.  These  insignia  were  only  used  in  war;  at  court 
all  military  officers  wore  the  tlacJiquauhj/o,  a  dress  of 
many  colors.  The  members  of  these  three  military 
orders  had  the  privilege  of  wearing  garments  of  much 
finer  texture  than  the  common  people,  as  well  as  suph 
feathers  and  jewels  as  they  could  afford  to  buy.  An 
inferior  order  of  knighthood  appears  also  to  have  ex- 
isted, the  members  of  which  had  their  hair  cropped 
close  about  their  ears,  and  wore  skull-caps  and  split 
collars;  these  were  only  armed  for  defence  from  the 
girdle  upwards,  whereas  their  superiors  fought  in  com- 

*  Codex  Mendoza,  in  Kiiufsboronyh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  i.,  pi.  Ixiv- 
Ixvi.  In  explanation  of  plate  Ixv.,  No.  19,  it  is  Btatcil  that  the  warrior  was 
culled  Quachic  by  reason  of  having  taken  five  prisoners  in  war.  '  Halicr 
caiitivado  en  la  guerra  cinco,  demos  de  que  en  otras  gucrrus  a  cautivado 
otros  muchos  de  sus  eneinigos.'  Explanation  of  Id.,  vol.  v.,  p.   104;  while 

Purchus  says  such  a  one  was  'called  Quagchil shewing  that  lice  had 

taken  flue  at  the  Wars  of  Guexo,  besides  that  in  other  Wars  be  tooko  many 
of  hia  enemies.'  Purchat  hit  Pilgrimes,  vol.  iv.,  p.  U 10-11. 


'4M 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


plete  armor.  All  these  privileged  warriors  were  per- 
mitted to  use  pfiinted  and  gilt  vessels,  but  the  common 
soldiers  might  use  none  but  plain  earthen  ones.' 

Montezuma,  who  was  a  member  of  the  order  of 
Princes,  when  he  went  in  person  against  the  enemy, 
wore  upon  his  legs  greaves  of  gold,  and  upon  his  arms 
thin  plates  of  the  same  metal,  as  well  as  bracelets; 
about  his  neck  were  a  cellar  and  chains  of  gold  and 
precious  stones;  from  his  ears  and  lower  lip  hung  or- 
naments of  gold  set  with  precious  chalchiuites ;  and 
from  the  back  of  his  head  to  his  waist  was  suspended 
the  glittering  decoration  of  royalty,  only  worn  by 
kings,  the  quachictli.  This  was  an  ornament  of  ex- 
quisite workmanship,  wrought  with  great  labor  of 
costly  feathers  and  jewels,  and  shaped  somewhat  like 
a  butterfly.  In  addition  to  this  he  was  distinguished 
from  his  retinue  by  a  shield  upon  which  was  displayed 
the  royal  coat  of  arms  in  feather- work ;  and  he  car- 
ried also  a  small  drum,  upon  which  he  beat  the  sig- 
nal for  battle.* 

On  the  occasion  when  the  sovereigns  and  nobility 
of  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan  came  out  to  receive 
Cortds,  there  was  little,  Svi  far  as  dress  was  concerned, 
by  which  king  might  be  distinguished  from  subject; 
the  only  difference  was  that  the  monarchs  wore  crowns 


3  Torqueinada  and  Brasseur  speak  of  a  yet  higher  rank  among  the 
princes.  '  Vna  de  las  niaiores  graude^as,  k  quo  Ilegaba,  era  atarse  el  ca- 
iiello,  que  era  denionstracion  de  Gran  Capitan,  y  estos  se  Ilaniaban  Quachic- 
tin,  que  era  el  mas  honroso  nombre,  que  a  Ids  Capitanes  se  Ids  daba.  y  \tocQ» 
lo  alcan9aban.'  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Iiid.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  543.  'Dont  Ibh 
menibres  se  nominaient  "Quachictin,"  c'est-ii-dire,  Couronn^s.  Leurs  iii- 
nignes  consistaient  dans  la  courroie  ^carlate  dont  nous  avons  parl<i  plus  haiit, 
niais  dunt  le  bout,  avec  sa  houpne  de  plumes,  pendait  alors  jusqu  ii  la  eeiii- 
ture.'  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  590-1.  Herrerii 
and  Acosta  both  mention  a  fourth  order:  'Aula  otros  conio  caualleros  Par- 
dos,  que  no  eran  de  tanta  cuenta,  como  estos,  los  quales  tenian  vnas  coletiiM 
cortanas  por  encima  de  la  oreja  en  redondo.'  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Viid.,  \tp. 
443-4;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xix;  West  vnd  Ost  In- 
discher  Lustgart,  pt  i.,  p.  99;  Monfauus,  Nicuwe  Weereld,  pp.  2C7-8; 
Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  140. 

*The  greaves  were  called  cozehnatl,  tlie  brachials  matemecatl,  tlie 
bracelets  matzopctztli,  the  lip  ornament  tetitetl,  the  ear-rings  nacochtU, 
and  the  collar  or  necklace  cmnnprtlitfl.  Torqueinada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toni. 
ii.,  p.  543;  Brasseur  de  Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  695;  Cla- 
vigero, Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  141. 


MILITAUY  DRESS  AND  ORNAMENTS. 


406 


of  gold  and  precious  stones,  bejeweled  sandals  with 
golden  soles,  and  tassels  at  the  end  of  the  ribbon  with 
which  their  hair  was  bound.'  A  prince  of  the  blood- 
royal,  on  his  debut  upon  the  battle-tield,  was  clad  in 
plain  white;  his  behavior  was  closely  watched,  and 
after  the  action  such  insignia  and  colors  sm  he  had 
merited  by  his  conduct  were  bestowed  upon  him. 

Sahagun  gives  an  extended  description  of  the  gor- 
geous war-costumes  of  the  noble  Aztec  warriors,  with 
the  native  name  for  each  fraction  of  the  equipments. 
Here  are  described  head-dresses  composed  of  rich 
feathers,  prominent  among  which  were  the  quetzal; 
corselets  of  red  and  green  feathers,  worked  with  gold 
thread;  head-dresses  of  green  feathers  set  in  gold 
bands,  or  of  tiger-skin;  helmets  of  silver;  a  garment 
called  tocivitl  reaching  to  the  knees,  made  of  yellow 
macaw-feathers,  embroidered  with  gold,  and  worn  with 
a  golden  casque  plumed  with  quetzal-feathers;  and 
other  equally  gorgeous  attire.  As  a  means  of  direct- 
ing their  men  some  officers  bore  small  drums,  painted 
and  ornamented  with  feathers  so  as  to  correspond  with 
their  dress,  in  a  net  at  their  backs ;  others  carried  lit- 
tle flags  made  of  feathers  held  together  with  bands 
of  gold  or  silver.  Many  noble  warriors  had  their 
armorial  bearings,  devils,  monsters,  and  what  not, 
painted  or  embroidered  upon  their  backs.  Truly  such 
spolia  opima  were  worthy  of  a  hero's  toil.* 

The  rank  and  file  of  the  Aztec  army  wore  no  ( loth- 
ing  but  the  maxtli  in  battle,  but  by  painting  their 
faces  and  bodies  in  grotesque  patterns  with  brilliant 
colors,  and  covering  their  heads  with  raw  cotton,  they 
presented  a  sufficiently  fierce  and  gaudy  appearance.' 

The  Tlascaltec  leaders  wore  a  quilted  cotton  tunic 
two  fingers  in  thickness  that  fitted  closely  to  the  body 


i  Iztlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  Kin gaborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp. 
'295-«. 

*  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen,,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  293-7. 

^  Las  Caaas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  Ixvi.;  Brasaeur  de  Bour- 
bourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  593;  Clavtgero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mesaico, 
torn,  ii.,  p.  143;  Torquemada,  Monarq,  Ind,,  torn,  ii.,  p.  643. 


406 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS, 


and  also  protected  the  shoulders  and  thighs;  the 
wealthier  class  wore  over  the  tunic  a  cuirass  of  thin 
gold  or  silver  plates,  and  over  all  they  threw  a  rich 
mantle  of  feather- work  elegantly  embroidered ;  to  pro- 
tect their  legs  they  put  on  leathern  boots  or  wooden 
greaves  ornamented  with  gold.  On  their  heads  they 
wore  a  morion  made  of  hide  or  wood  representing  the 
head  of  some  animal,  bird,  or  serpent.  From  the 
crown  waved  a  magnificent  tuft  of  richly  variegated 
plumes,  a  conspicuous  mark,  that  served  to  denote  the 
warrior's  rank. 

The  armor  and  defensive  weapons  of  the  Nahua 
knights,  though  of  little  service  against  the  firearms 
and  swordsmanship  of  the  Spaniards,  yet  were  admi- 
rably suited  for  protection  from  the  weapons  in  use 
among  themselves.  The  chimalli,  or  Mexican  shield, 
was  made  of  various  materials  and  in  divers  forms; 
sometimes  it  was  round,  sometimes  oval,  sometimes 
rounded  only  on  the  lower  side;  it  was  commonly 
constructed  of  flexible  bamboo  canes,  bound  firmly 
together,  and  covered  with  hide.  The  face  of  the 
shield  was  ornamented  according  to  the  rank  and  taste 
of  the  bearer;  that  of  a  noble  was  generally  covered 
with  thin  plates  of  gold,  with  a  heavy  boss  in  the 
centre.  In  Tabasco,  and  along  the  coast,  tortoise- 
shells,  inlaid  with  gold,  silver,  or  copper,  were  com- 
monly used  as  shields.  Reed-grass,  hides,  or  ne- 
quen-cloth,  coated  with  India-rubber,  served  to  protect 
an  Aztec  common  soldier.  Some  shields  were  of 
an  ordinary  size,  others  were  intended  to  cover  tlie 
entire  body,  and  were  so  constructed  that  when  not  in 
use  they  could  be  folded  up  and  carried  under  the 
arm.  The  body-armor  of  the  nobles  and  higher  grades 
of  warriors  consisted  of  a  breast-piece  made  of  quilted 
cotton,  one  or  two  fingers  in  thickness,  called  ichca- 
huepilH;  over  this  was  ;i  thick  cotton  coat,  which 
covered  part  of  the  arms  and  thighs,  made  in  one 
piece,  fastened  behind,  and  decorated  with  feathers  of 
whatever  colors  the  uniform  of  the  company  to  which 


ARMOR  AND  DEFENSIVE  WEAPONS. 


m 


the  wearer  belonged  might  be.  This  cotton  armor 
was  completely  arrow-proof,  and  was  of  great  service 
to  the  Spanish  Conquerors,  who  lost  no  time  in  adopt- 
ing it  in  place  of  their  heavy  steel  armor.  Arm  and 
leg  guards  made  of  wood  covered  with  leather  or  gold 
plates  and  trimmed  with  feathers,  and  morions  of  the 
same  material  shaped  and  painted  to  represent  the 
head  of  a  tiger,  serpent,  or  monster,  with  mouth  open 
and  teeth  bared,  complete  the  defensive  equipment. 
Over  a  cuirass  of  gold  and  silver  plates  some  lords 
wore  a  garment  of  feathers  which  is  said  to  have  been 
proof  against  arrows  and  javelins.  Nobles  and  offi- 
cers also  wore  lofty  plumes  so  as  to  present  the  appear- 
ance of  increased  stature.' 

The  shields  used  by  the  Toltecs  were  made  of  skins 
ornamented  with  feathers  of  various  colors;  on  their 
heads  they  wore  helmets  of  gold,  silver,  or  skins. 
The  body-armor  worn  by  the  principal  warriors  was 
made  of  double  cloth  padded  with  cotton;  it  differed 
from  that  of  the  Aztecs  inasmuch  as  it  reached  down 
to  the  ankles  and  was  worn  over  a  .hin  white  tunic. 
The  private  soldiers,  like  those  of  the  Aztec  army,  also 
painted  the  upper  part  of  the  body  to  represent  ar- 
mor, but  from  the  waist  to  the  thighs  they  wore  short 
drawers  and  over  them,  fastened  round  the  waist,  a 
kind  of  kilt  that  reached  to  the  knees  and  availed 
them  somewhat  for  defence.  Across  the  body  was  a 
sash  made  of  feathers  that  passed  from  the  right 
shoulder  to  the  left  side  of  the  waist.  They  wore 
sandals  on  their  feet  and  had  feather-ornaments  upon 
their  heads,  more  or  less  rich  according  to  the  quality 
of  the  warrior.  When  going  to  battle  they  adorned 
their  necks,  breasts,  arms,  and  legs  with  their  most 
valuable  trinkets  of  gold  or  precious  stones.*  Tezozo- 
moc  mentions  that  the  Tarascos  wore  steel  helmets, 
but,  as  I  have  already  stated,  none  of  these  nations 

'  Claviffero,  Sloria  Ant  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  141-3;  Relationefaf.ta 
per  va  gcntiPhuomo  del  Sigtior  Fernando  Cortest,  in  Bamusio,  Navigationi, 
torn,  iii.,  fol.  305. 

9  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mrj.,  to:ii.  i.,  pp.  289-90. 


408 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


were  acquainted  with  the  use  of  iron  in  any  shape.*" 
Some  of  the  armor  in  use  among  the  Tabascans  must 
have  been  exceedingly  rich,  judging  by  that  which 
was  presented  to  Juan  de  Grijalva  by  the  cacique  of 
that  province.  It  consisted  of  greaves  for  the  knees 
and  legs  made  of  wood  and  covered  with  sheets  of 
gold,  head-pieces  covered  with  gold  plates  and  pre- 
cious stones,  among  which  was  a  visor,  of  which  the 
upper  half  was  of  jewels  linked  together,  and  the 
lower  half  of  gold  plates ;  then  there  were  cuirasses  of 
solid  gold,  besides  a  quantity  of  armor-plates  sufficient 
to  cover  the  whole  body." 

The  offensive  weapons  of  the  Aztecs  consisted  of 
bows  and  arrows,  slings,  clubs,  spears,  light  javelins, 
and  swords;  and  in  the  use  of  all  of  these  the  soldiers 
were  well  skilled.  The  bows  were  made  of  tough, 
elastic  wood,  and  were  about  five  feet  in  length;  for 
strings  they  used  the  sinews  of  animals  or  stags' 
hair  twisted.  The  arrows  were  light  canes,  with 
about  six  inches  of  oak  or  other  hard  wood  inserted 
in  the  end ;  at  the  extremity  a  piece  of  iztli  was  fast- 
ened with  twisted  nequen-fibre,  and  further  secured 
by  a  paste  of  resin  or  other  adhesive  substance.  Some- 
times instead  of  iztli  they  used  the  bones  of  animals 
or  fish;  the  bone  of  a  fish  called  libisa  is  said  to  have 
caused  by  its  venomous  properties"  a  wound  very  dif- 
ficult to  heal.  It  is  well  known  that  none  of  the 
Nahua  nations  used  poisoned  arrows;  such  weapons 

"•  Tezozomoc,  CrdnicaMex.,  in  Kingahorougk'a  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
83. 

'1  Carli,  Cartas,  pt  i.,  pp.  17-21;  Torfj^itemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p. 
354;  Herrcra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  ii. ;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mcx., 
fol.  37;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  i.,  p.  519;  VogoUudo,  Hist.  Yuc,  p.  14. 
For  further  reference  to  defensive  weapons  and  armor,  see:  Carbajal  Es])i- 
nosa.  Hist.  Mcx.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  608-19;  West-Indische  Spieghel,  p.  246; 
Montanus,  Nieiiwe  Weereld,  p.  267;  Klemm,  Cultur-Geschichte,  torn,  v., 
pp.  81-3;  Mcxique,  Etudes  Hist.,  p.  8;  Leon  y  Gama,  Dos  Piedras,  pt  ii., 
p.  28;  liussiare,  L" Empire  Mex.,  p.  161;  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nou- 
velles  Annates  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii.,  p.  133;  Miiller,  Amerikanische 
Urreligionen,  p.  642. 

"  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  viL,  cap.  xi.;  Gage's  New  Survey, 
pp.  99-100. 


OFFENSIVE  WEAPONS. 


409 


10 


would  have  defeated  the  object  for  which  they  often 
engaged  in  war,  namely  that  of  taking  their  enemies 
alive  for  the  purpose  of  immolating  them  upon  the 
altars  of  their  gods.  It  is  reasonable  to  believe  that 
many  of  them  attained  to  great  accuracy  in  shooting 
with  the  bow,  but  there  is  room  to  doubt  the  asser- 
tion that  some  of  them  were  able  to  shoot  with  three 
or  four  arrows  at  a  time;  or  to  throw  an  ear  of  com 
into  the  air  and  pierce  every  kernel  before  it  reached 
the  ground ;  or  to  throw  up  a  coin  of  the  size  of  half 
a  d  3llar,  and  keep  it  in  the  air  as  long  as  they  pleased 
witii  their  arrows."  The  sling  was  a  braid  of  pita- 
thread  or  other  fibre,  broader  in  the  middle  than  at 
the  ends,  with  which  stones  were  thrown  with  much 
force  and  accuracy;  the  missiles  were  carried  in  a 
pouch  filled  with  stones  and  suspended  from  the  waist 
in  front.  The  maza  was  a  club  similar  to  the  Roman 
clava,  tapering  from  the  handle  towards  the  end  and 
terminating  in  a  knotty  head,  filled  with  points  of 
iztli  or  tempered  copper."  The  macana,  or  macua- 
hiiitl,  called  by  the  Spaniards,  espada,  a  sword,  was 
made  of  tough  wood,  about  three  and  a  half  feet  long, 
with  a  flat  blade  four  fingers  in  width  armed  upon 
both  sides  with  sharp  pieces  of  iztli  about  three 
fingers  long  by  three  wide,  which  were  inserted  into 
the  grooved  edge  at  intervals,  and  cemented  with 
some  adhesive  compound."     This  weapon,  when  not 

"  '  I  Tehuacanesi  erano  singolarmente  rinomati  per  la  lor  destrezza  nel 

tirur  tre,  o  quatro  frecce  insieme La  destrezza  di  quel  PopoH  nel  tirar  Ic 

frcccc  non  sarcbbc  credibile,  se  noii  fosse  accertata  per  la  deposizionc  di 
ccntinaja  di  testimonj  oculati.  Hadunatisi  parecehj  frecciatori  gettaiio  in 
sii  una  pannoccliia  di  frumentone,  c  si  inettono  a  saettarla  con  una  tal  pron- 
tczza,  c  con  una  tal  desteritii,  che  non  la  lasciano  venite  a  terra,  finattan- 
tochfe  non  le  hanno  levati  tutti  i  grani.  Gettano  similniente  una  moneta 
d'argcnto  non  piii  grande  d'un  giulio,  e  Baettandola  la  trattengono  in  aria, 
quanto  voglioni.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mcssico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  143. 

i<  IxtliTxGchitl  mentions  clubs  studded  with  iron,  but  it  is  well  known 
tliat  the  Aztec  nations  had  no  knowledge  of  that  mineral,  although  it  is  said 
they  possessed  the  art  of  being  able  to  temper  copper  to  the  hardness  of 
steel,  'porras  claveteadas  de  hierro,  cobre  y  oro.'  Ixtlilxochitl,  Eelaeiones, 
in  Kinf/sborougKt  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  332. 

1^  According  to  Gomara  it  was  made  of  'cierta  rayz  que  llaman  facoti, 
y  de  teuxalli,  que  es  vna  arena  rezia,  y  come  de  vena  de  diamantes, 
mezclan  y  amassan  con  sangre  de  morcielagos,  y  no  ge  que  otra«  aues.' 
nmra,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  110. 


que 
Go. 


410 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


in  immediate  use,  was  carried  slung  to  the  arm  with 
a  cord.  Many  of  these  swords  were  two-handed  and 
very  heavy,  and  it  is  asseiied  that  with  them  the 
Aztec  warrior  could  at  one  blow  cut  a  man  in  two  or 
sever  a  horse's  head.  The  one  with  which  the  fa- 
mous Tlascaltec  commander  Tlahuicol  fought  was  so 
weighty  that  a  man  of  ordinary  strength  could  hardly 
raise  it  from  the  ground."  The  Mexican  spears  were 
very  strong,  and  were  pointed  with  iztli  or  copper. 
Spears  were  the  principal  weapon  used  by  the  Zapo- 
tecs  and  other  tribes  of  Oajaca.  The  tlacochtli,  or 
Mexican  javelin,  was  like  a  long  arrow  made  of  otlatl 
or  bamboo;  the  point  was  usually  hardened  in  the  fire 
or  armed  with  iztli,  copper,  or  bone;  many  had  three 
points,  thus  inflicting  a  very  severe  wound;  they  were 
hurled  with  great  force,  and  had  a  cord  attached,  so 
that  when  thrown  they  could  be  recovered  for  another 
cast.  Some  writers  mention  a  ballesta  as  being  used 
with  which  to  launch  the  javelin,  but  I  do  not  find 
any  description  of  its  form  or  of  the  manner  of  using 
it;"  certainly  the  javelin  was  projected  with  great  ve- 

'*  In  reference  to  the  macana,  which  all  assert  to  have  Ixjcn  amost  fomiid- 
able  weapon,  I  quote  only  u  few  authorities.  'Sua  es|)U(laH  Ue  ]ialo  lar<,'as,  do 
un  pale  nuiy  fuerte,  en;;ci'i<!as  de  pedernales  agudisinios,  que  dc  una  eucliil- 
lada  cortttbau  &  ccrceii  cl  pescuczo  de  un  cabaUo.'  Motoliiiin,  Hist.  Iiulios, 
in  Icazbtdceta,  Col.  ilc  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  188.  Bemal  Diaz  describing  a  Imt- 
tic  with  the  TIascaltecs  where  Pedro  de  Moron  was  Mounded  and  had  his 
horse  killed,  says  'dicron  vna  cuchillada  &,  la  yej^ua,  que  le  cortaron  el  pes- 
cue90  rcdondo,  y  alii  qucd6  inuerta.'  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist.  Coiiq.,  fol.  44. 
'Ta<;lia  come  vn  rasoio  di  Tolofia.  lo  viddi  die  conibattendosi  vn  dl,  dicdc 
vn  Indiano  vna  cortellatu  a  vn  cauallo  sopra  il  qual  era  vn  catialliero  con  clii 
conibatteua,  nel  petto,  die  ^lielo  aperse  nn  alle  interiora,  et  cadde  inconliin- 
cnte  niorto,  <&  il  uicdesinio  {;iorno  viddi  die  vn'altro  cortellata  a  vn'altro  caual- 
lo su  il  coUoche  sc  lo  gettb  niorto  a  i  piedi.'  Relatione  fatta  pervngeittiriivo- 
mo  del  Signor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Ramwsio,  Naviqationi,  torn,  iii.,  fol. 
305.  The  Anonymous  Concjueror  docs  not  say  the  head  was  cut  ott",  but 
that  one  horse  was  killed  with  a  cut  on  the  breast  that  opened  it  to  the  en- 
trails, and  the  other  from  a  cut  on  the  neck  was  laid  dead  at  his  feet.  'Lo 
que  poilriin  efectuar  con  aquclla  espada  en  cl  {lescuezo  del  caballo  sera  de  la 
lieriua  cuanto  cntraren  los  filos  en  la  came,  que  no  pasardn  de  un  cantode 
real  de  plata,  porque  todo  lo  otro  es  gnieso,  por  tener  el  lonio  que  arriba 
referinios  las  navajos.'  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologftiea,  MS.,  cap.  Ixvi.;  Her- 
nandez, Nova  Plant.,  p.  340;  Purchas  his  Pilqrimes,  vol.  iv.,  p.  1129. 

17  It  may  be  that  this  Imllesta  was  a  somewhat  similar  implement  to  that 
used  by  the  Aleuts  and  Isthmians.  Sec  vol.  i.,  pp.  90,  7G1.  'Dardi  chc 
essi  tiruno  con  vn  manga  no  fatto  di  vn'altro  bastnine.  Relatione  fatta  per  rn 
tj/entifhtiomo  del  Signor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Ramvsio,  Naviqationt,  toni. 
lii.,  fol.  305;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  594-5. 


THE  BLOWPIPE  AND  STANDARDS. 


411 


locity,  if  it  be  true,  as  asserted,  that  they  would  pass 
throujufh  a  man's  body;  tliey  were  much  dreadoa  by 
the  Spanish  Conquerors. 

When  the  Chichimecs  first  settled  in  the  valley  of 
Andhuac  the  only  weapons  were  the  bow  and  arrow 
and  blow-pipe,  in  the  use  of  which  they  were  very  ex- 
pert. The  blow-pipe  was  a  long  hollow  tube  through 
which  clay  pellets  were  projected,  and  it  is  affirmed 
that  with  them  the  Chichimecs  could  kill  a  man  or 
wild  beast  at  a  moderate  distance;  afterwards  this 
weajKin  came  to  be  generally  used  by  other  nations, 
but  was  only  employed  for  shooting  small  birds. 
Among  other  things,  Cortes  was  presented  by  Mon- 
tezuma with  a  dozen  blow-pipes  beautifully  orna- 
mented and  painted  with  figures  of  birds  and  animals; 
the  mouth-piece  of  each  was  made  of  gold,  five  or  six 
inches  long;  they  were  also  ornamented  in  the  centre 
with  gold,  and  accompanying  them  were  gold  net-work 
ouches  to  cany  the  pellets."  The  Matlaltzincas  and 
labascans  used  weapons  similar  to  those  of  the  na- 
tions of  the  Anahuac  valley ,  the  former  were  especially 
dexterous  in  their  practice  with  the  sling,  which,  when 
not  in  actual  use,  was  carried  wound  about  the  head." 
The  fighting  men  among  the  Jaliscans,  were  similarly 
armed,  but  the  lords  and  captains  carried  only  long 
staves  with  which  to  urge  their  men  to  fight  and  pun- 
ish any  who  were  disorderly  or  showed  symptoms  of 
cowardice.** 

Each  nation  had   its  own  particular  standard   on 
which   were   painted   or    embroidered   the    armorial 
bearings  of  the  state.     That  of  the  Mexican  empire, 
as  we  have  seen,  bore  an  eagle  in  the  act  of  seizing  a 
tiger,  or  jaguar.     That  of  the   republic  of  Tlascala, 
a  bird  with  its  wings  spread  as  in  the   act  of  fly- 
ing, which  some  authors  call  an  eagle,  others  a  white 
bird  or  crane.     Each  of  the  four  lordships  of  the  re- 
's Cortis,  Cartas,  p.  101;   Veytia,  Hist.  An!.  Mej.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  5;  Oviedo, 
Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  299;  Torqiiemada,  Moiiarq.  hid.,  torn,  i.,  p.  4ti0. 
*^  Sahaffun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ili.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  128-9. 
'"  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  .S39. 


412 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


public  had  also  its  appropriate  ensign ;  Tizatlan  had  a 
crane  upon  a  rock,  Tepeticpac  a  wolf  with  a  bunch  of 
arrows  in  his  paws,  Ocotelulco  a  green  bird  upon  a 
rock,  and  Quiahuiztlan  a  parasol  made  of  green  feath- 
ers." Each  company  or  command  had  also  a  distinct 
standard,  the  colors  of  which  corresponded  to  that  of 
the  armor  and  plumes  of  the  chief  The  great  stand- 
ard of  the  Tlascaltec  army  was  carried  by  the  general 
commanding,  and  the  smaller  banners  of  the  compa- 
nies by  their  respective  captains;  they  were  carried  on 
the  back  and  were  so  firmly  tied  there  that  they  could 
not  be  detached  without  great  difficulty.**  When 
upon  a  march  and  not  in  presence  of  the  enemy  the 
standard  of  the  Tlasealtecs  was  carried  in  the  van,  but 
in  action  it  was  always  placed  in  the  rear.  The  Mex- 
ican standard  was  borne  in  the  centre  of  the  army. 
Instruments  of  music,  consisting  of  drums,  horns,  and 
large  sea-shells,  were  sounded  while  fighting  to  en- 
courage and  animate  the  men. 

The  office  of  ambassador  was  one  of  much  conse- 
quence, and  persons  of  the  highest  rank,  selected  for 
their  courteous  manners  and  Oiatorical  powers,  were 
appointed  to  the  position.  Their  persons  were  held 
sacred  and  they  were  usually  received  by  those  to 

*>  In  regard  to  the  armorial  ensign  of  the  Tloscaltecs,  authors  differ.  It 
is  admitted  that  the  general-in-chict  carried  the  standuni  of  the  rejmblic, 
and  important  authorities  say  that  the  one  borne  by  XicotcncatI  in  his 
battle  with  Cortes  liad  emblazoned  n])on  it  a  white  bird  resembling  an 
ostrich  or  heron,  but  Clavigero  and  Frescott  incline  to  the  opinion  that  the 
emblem  was  an  eagle.  In  regard  to  this  we  have  the  following  accounts. 
Ucrnal  Diaz,  an  actor  in  the  battle,  says  the  Tlascaltec  armv  was  ranged 
under  the  banner  of  XicotencatI,  'qua  era  vn  aue  blanca  tendidas  las  alas, 
conio  que  queria  bolar,  que  parece  conio  auestruz.'  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  -VS. 
'  Llcuuua  el  estandarte  de  la  ciudad,  qiie  es  vna  grua  dc  oro  con  las  alas  tendi- 
das.' Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  75.  'Esta  bandera  de  Tascaltecle  es  una  grua 
que  troc  por  divisa,  6  armas  al  natural,  de  oro,  6  teniUdas  las  alas.'  Oria/o, 

Hint.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  409.     'XicotencatI ilcvaba  el  Estandarte  de  la 

Itepublica,  que  era  vn  Aguila  de  Oro,  con  las  Alas  estcndidas.'  Torqurinadu, 
Moitarq.  Ina.,  tom.  i.,  p.  423;  Cfariffcro,  Stot-ia  Ant.  del  Messieo,  tom.  ii., 
p.  14.5;  Prewotl's  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  \t.  439;  Biissierre,  L'Empire  Alex.,  p.  234. 

X  'Ha  ogni  compagnia  il  suo  Alliere  con  la  sua  insegna  inhastatu,  <&  in 
tal  niodo  ligata  soprale  snailc,  chc  non  gli  da  alcun  disturbo  di  ]>otcr  cum- 
battere  ne  ror  ci6  chc  vuolc,  &  la  porta  cosi  ligata  b'.ne  al  corpo,  che  ae  nun 
fanno  del  stio  curuo  |iczzi,  non  segli  puoslignre,  ne  argliela  nmi.'  Relatione 
fatta  per  vn  gentil'hiiomo  del  Siffiior  Fernando  Cot  Use,  in  Bamuno,  Navi- 
gationi,  tom.  iii.,  fol.  303. 


AMBASSADORS  AND  COURIERS. 


418 


whom  they  were  sent  with  honor  and  respect,  per- 
fumed with  incense,  presented  with  flowers,  and  well 
lodged  and  entertained;  in  case  any  insult  or  indig- 
nity was  offered  them,  it  constituted  a  sufficient  ''ause 
of  war.  Such  an  instance  occurred  when  the  Tepa- 
necs,  during  the  reign  of  their  king  Mnxtlaton,  in- 
vited the  Mexican  monarch  Itzcoatl  and  his  chiefs  to 
visit  their  province  and  partake  of  their  hospitality. 
Itzcoatl  declined  at  the  advice  of  his  chiefs,  but  the 
latter  went,  carrying  presents.  They  were  accepted 
by  the  Tepanecs  and  the  chiefs  sent  back  in  women's 
apparel,  which  they  were  compelled  to  wear;  the 
indignity  brought  about  a  war  between  the  two  na- 
tions. The  proper  courtesy  and  protection  due  to 
their  position  was,  however,  only  accorded  them  when 
on  the  high  road  that  led  to  thc'r  destination;  if  they 
deviated  from  it  they  lost  their  rights  and  privileges 
as  ambassadors.  When  on  duty  they  wore  a  special 
garb  that  denoted  their  office ;  it  consisted  of  a  green 
habit  resembling  a  scapulary,  or  small  cloak;  handsome 
feathers  w^ere  twisted  in  the  hair  with  tufts  of  divers 
colors ;  i>  the  right  hand  they  carried  an  arrow  with 
the  point  towards  the  ground,  and  in  the  left  a  shield; 
a  small  net  containing  provisions  hung  from  the  left 
arm. 

A  complete  courier-system  was  established  through- 
out the  empire;  these  couriers  were  employed  to  carry 
messages  in  peace  and  war,  and  fresh  provisions  for  the 
king's  table ;  as  we  have  seen  in  a  former  chapter,  it  is 
asserted  that  Montezuma  had  fresh  fish  brought  to  his 
palace  daily  from  the  gulf  coast.  They  were  exceed- 
ingly swift  runners,  being  exercised  from  childhood  and 
encouraged  by  rewards  to  excel  in  speed.  Stations  were 
fixed  at  distances  of  about  six  miles  apart,  where 
small  towers  were  built,  in  which  dwelt  one  or  more 
couriers  ready  at  all  times  to  set  out  with  dispatches. 
As  soon  as  a  courier  arrived  at  one  of  these  towers, 
one  of  those  waiting  received  from  him  the  message 
he  bore,  usually  expressed  in  paintings,  and  at  once 


414 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


started  for  the  next  stage,  and  thus  the  tidings  were 
conveyed  to  the  capital  in  an  incredibly  short  time. 
When  the  dispatches  were  of  an  important  nature, 
the  courier  wore  some  badge  or  was  dressed  in  a  man- 
ner indicative  of  the  intelligence  entrusted  to  him. 
For  instance,  if  it  related  to  a  defeat  in  battle,  he 
traveled  with  hair  dishevelled,  preserving  a  strict 
silence  until  the  message  was  delivered  to  the  person 
to  whom  it  was  directed;  on  the  other  hand,  if  he 
brought  news  of  a  victory,  his  hair  was  neatly  tied 
with  a  colored  string,  about  his  body  was  wrai)ped  a 
white  cotton  cloth,  on  his  left  arm  he  carried  a  shield 
and  in  his  right  hand  a  sword  which  he  brandished  as 
if  in  combat,  singing  at  the  same  time  the  glorious 
deeds  of  the. victors.'^ 

The  Mexicans  and  other  Nahua  i.ntions,  favored  by 
the  general  features  of  the  country,  adopted  a  system 
of  fortifications  and  entrenchments  admirably  adapted 
to  secure  them  from  the  attacks  of  internal  enemies, 
though  insufficient  as  a  defense  against  the  superior 
tactics  and  indomitable  perseverance  of  Cortes.  The 
position  of  the  city  of  Tenochtitlan,  or  Mexico,  gave  it 
all  the  advantages  of  a  fortified  town.  There  was  no 
avenue  of  approach  to  it  but  the  causeways,  which 
were  defended  by  towers  and  ditches  spanned  by 
draw-bridges ;  it  was  the  untimely  raising  of  one  of 
these  draw-bridges  that  caused  such  destruction  to  the 
Spaniards  ad  their  allies  on  the  'noche  triste.'  Be- 
sides this,  the  inhabitants  prepared  themselves  to 
defend  their  city  by  means  of  boats,  and  were  fre- 
quently exercised  in  sham  naval  engagements.  The 
temples  of  Mexico  served  all  the  purposes  of  citadels, 
especially  the  great  temple  built  by  the  Emperor 
Tizoc.     Jt  occupied  the  centre  of  the  city  and  was 


f  'Respetaban  &  los  Embaxadorcs  de  bub  mortalea  cnemigos,  conio  h 
DioBes,  teiMeiido  por  mejor  violur  qualquicr  rito  dc  su  Religion,  que  pecar 
contra  la  tee  dada  ii  lo8  EnibaxodoreB,  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Jiid,,  torn, 
ii.,  pp.  S36-6.  'Los  Correos,  h  MenttogeroB,  que  se  despacliaban  de  las 
GuerroB,  tambicn  piisalian  scguroB,  nor  todoa  portei.'  lb.:  Clavigitro,  Storia 
Ant,  del  Meaaico,  ti<m  ii.,  pp.  118-20. 


NAHUA  FORTIFICATIONS. 


416 


surrounded  by  a  stone  wall  eight  feet  high  and  very 
thick,  having  turrets  and  stone  figures  upon  it;  the 
wall  was  pierced  by  four  principal  entrances,  over  each 
of  which  were  fortified  apartments,  well  stocked  with 
weapons,  offensive  and  defensive,  ready  for  immediate 
service;  here,  in  case  of  a  revolt  or  sudden  alarm, 
the  garrison  went  and  armed  themselves.**  One  of 
the  royal  palaces  also  contained  a  large  armory  where 
great  quantities  of  arms  were  kept  and  armorers  em- 
ployed in  their  manufacture.  The  peculiar  archi- 
tecture of  the  temple  rendered  the  ascent  to  its  top 
very  slow  and  difficult;  during  the  battles  of  the 
Mexicans  with  Cortes'  troops  after  Montezuma's 
death,  five  hundred  Mexican  nobles  took  possession 
of  this  summit,  whence  they  hurled  darts,  arrows,  and 
stones  against  the  Spaniards,  many  of  whom  lost  their 
lives  during  the  assault  before  the  position  was  taken 
by  Cortds  in  person.  In  his  dispatch  to  the  Emperor 
Charles  the  Fifth  he  says:  "so  arduous  was  the  at- 
tempt to  take  this  tower  that  if  God  had  not  broken 
their  spirits,  twenty  of  them  would  have  been  suffi- 
cient to  resist  the  ascent  of  a  thousand  men,  although 
they  fought  with  the  greatest  valor  even  unto 
death.  "^ 

Besides  the  arsenal  and  general  rendezvous  there 
were  many  turreted  towers  and  strong  buildings 
throughout  the  city,  from  the  top  of  which  men  could 
shoot  their  arrows  and  hurl  darts  and  stones  with 
great  effect.  The  lofty  teocalli  served  as  watch- 
towers,  whence  the  movements  of  the  enemy  could  be 
observed.  Naturally  impregnable  localities,  such  as 
the  vicinity  of  impassable  rivers  or  ravines  were  se- 
lected as  sites  for  cities,  which  they  further  strength- 

*>  '  A  coda  parte  y  piicrta  tic  las  ciiatro  del  patio  del  temjilo  grande  va 
dicho  hubia  una  gran  sala  con  muy  bucuos  apuHcntus  alUm  y  bajo8  en  n;dc- 
dor.  Kn  eutus  tcnian  muchas  arnias,  iNti-quc  conio  log  Teinploa  tcngnn  nor 
fortAlczos  de  los  pueblos  ticnen  en  ellos  toda  su  municion.'  Las  Casas,  Iltst, 
Apologftica,  MS.,  cap.  li. 

'^  'Si  Dios  no  les  quobrara  las  alas.'  Cortis,  Cartas,  p.  132.  Sec  also 
Claviyero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  161-2;  Ortega,  in  Veytia, 
Hut.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  319. 


416 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


ened  with  forts  or  surrounded  with  stone  walls. 
The  city  of  Guacachula,  taken  by  Cortds  shortly 
after  his  retreat  from  Mexico  on  the  'noche  triste,' 
is  thus  described  by  him  in  his  letter  to  Charles 
the  Fifth:  "This  city  of  Guacachula  is  situated 
upon  a  plain  bounded  upon  one  side  by  some  very 
lofty  and  craggy  hills;  encircling  the  plain,  on  the 
other  sides,  about  two  cross-bow  shots  apart,  are 
two  rivers  that  run  through  large  and  deep  ravines. 
There  are  but  few  means  of  entrance  to  the  city, 
and  those  extremely  difficult  both  in  the  ascent  and 
descent  so  that  they  can  hardly  be  passed  on  horse- 
back. The  whole  city  is  surrounded  by  a  very  strong 
wall  of  stone  and  lime  about  twenty-two  feet  high  on 
the  outside  and  almost  level  with  the  ground  upon 
the  inside.  Around  the  whole  wall  runs  a  battle- 
ment, half  the  height  of  a  man,  as  a  protection  when 
fighting;  it  has  four  entrances  of  sufficient  width  to 
admit  a  man  on  horseback,  and  in  each  entrance  are 
three  or  four  curves  in  the  wall  that  lap  one  over  the 
other  and  in  the  course  of  the  curves,  on  the  top  of 
the  wall  are  parapets  for  fighting.  In  the  whole  cir- 
cuit of  the  wall  is  a  large  quantity  of  stones  large 
and  small  and  of  different  shapes  for  use  in  action." 
Four  leagues  distant  from  Guacachula  was  another 
city  called  Izucan,  also  strongly  fortified  with  breast- 
works, towers,  and  a  deep  river  that  encircled  a  great 
part  of  the  city.* 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  structures  built  for  de- 
fence was  the  stone  wall  erected  by  the  Tlascaltecs  to 
secure  themselves  from  the  incursions  of  the  Mexicans. 
This  wall  was  six  miles  long,  extending  across  a  val- 
ley from  one  mountain  to  another;  it  was  nearly  nine 
feet  high  and  twenty  feet  thick,  surmounted  along  its 
whole  length  by  a  breastwork  that  enabled  its  defend- 
ers to  fight  in  comparative  security  from  the  top. 
There  was  only  one  entrance,  about  ten  paces  wide, 
where  one  part  of  the  wall  overlapped  the  other  in 

»  Cortit,  Cartat,  pp.  150,  162. 


NAHUA  FORTIFICATIONS. 


417 


curvilinear  form  in  the  manner  of  a  ravelin  for  a  dis- 
tance of  forty  paces.  Bernal  Diaz  and  Cortds  differ 
as  to  the  materials  of  which  the  wall  was  built.  The 
former  affirms  that  it  was  built  of  stones  cemented 
together  with  lime  and  a  bitumen  so  strongly  that  it 
was  necessary  to  use  pick-axes  to  separate  them,  while 
the  latter  says  it  was  built  of  dry  stone. 

Cortes,  describing  the  residence  of  the  cacique  of 
Iztacmaxtitlan,  a  garrison  of  the  Mexicans,  says  it 
was  situated  on  a  lofty  eminence,  with  a  better  fort- 
ress than  there  was  in  half  Spain,  defended  by  a  wall, 
barbican,  and  moats.*'  In  many  other  parts  of  the 
country  were  stone  fortifications,  wooden  stockades 
and  intrenchments.  A  short  distance  from  the  vil- 
lage of  Molcaxac  stood  a  strong  fortress  built  on  the 
top  of  a  mountain ;  it  was  surrounded  by  four  walls, 
erected  at  certain  intervals  between  the  base  of  the 
mountain  and  the  top.  Twenty-five  miles  from  C6r- 
dova  was  the  fortress  of  Quauhtochco,  now  Guatusco, 
encircled  by  high  stone  walls  in  which  were  no  en- 
trance gates;  the  interior  could  only  be  gained  by 
means  of  steep  narrow  steps,  a  method  commonly 
adopted  in  the  country.*"  The  nations  of  Michoacan 
and  Jalisco  employed  heavy  tree-trunks  in  fortifying 
their  positions  against  the  Spanish  invaders,  or  cut 
deep  intrenchments  in  which  they  fixed  sharpened 
stakes.  Previous  to  an  attack  led  by  Pedro  Alvarado 
against  the  inhabitants  of  Jalisco,  the  latter  took  up 
a  strong  position  on  a  hill  which  they  fortified  by 
placing  large  stones  in  such  a  manner,  that  upon  cut- 
ting the  cords  that  held  them  they  would  be  precipi- 
tated upon  the  assailants ;  in  the  assault  many  Span- 
iards were  killed  and  Alvarado  was  thrown  from  his 

" 'Una gran cercadepiedraseca.'  Cortes,  Carlos,  pft.  59-&).  'Unafuer^a 
jnfucrte  liccha  de  cal  y  canto,  y  de  otro  bctun  tan  rezio,  que  con  picos 
dc  hicrro  era  for9080  dcshazerla.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,ioi.  4S;  Torque- 
mnda,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  418-19;  Bussierre,  L'Et, 


l)ien  fiicrte  liccha  de  cal  y  canto,  y  de  otro  bctun  tan  rezio,  que  con  picos 

'    ■■  ■  -    -         -    -  -      ■        .,fol.  43;  Torque- 

'mjfire  Mex.,  pp. 

2'29,  2.32;  Brdsseur  de  Bourboiirg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  134-S; 

,  Mex.,  fol.  70;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  i.;  Clavigero,  Sto- 

'Jessica,  tonri.  ii.,  p.  160;  Solis,  Hitl.  Conq.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p. 


llomara,  Con 
ria  Ant.  del 
241. 

•»  Claviaero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Memco,  torn,  ii,  p.  150. 


Vol.  II.   2T 


418 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


horse  with  such  violence  that  he  died  two  days  after- 
wards." 


Under  the  tripartite  treaty  made  by  the  kingdoms 
of  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan,  a  military  council 
was  established  consisting  of  a  president  and  twenty- 
one  members.  During  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Ne- 
zahualcoyotl  their  deliberations  were  held  in  a  hall  of 
his  palace  in  Tezcuco.  The  president  belonged  to  the 
highest  rank  of  the  nobility  and  commanders  of  the 
army,  the  other  members  were  composed  of  six  of  the 
principal  men  of  Tezcuco,  three  nobles  and  three  com- 
moners, and  fifteen  selected  from  the  other  chief  prov- 
inces. Ail  were  veteran  officers  of  recognized  courage 
and  good  conduct.  To  this  court  were  referred  all  mat- 
ters relating  to  war.  The  council  assembled  when  re- 
quired, to  discuss  and  decide  all  affairs  of  the  service, 
whether  for  the  punishment  of  offenses  subversive  of 
military  discipline,  or  to  transact  the  business  relative 
to  a  declaration  of  war  against  other  powers.  In  the 
latter  case  the  consultation  always  took  place  in  pres- 
ence of  the  sovereign,  or  of  the  three  heads  of  the 
empire.  All  ambassadors  and  soldiers  were  subject 
to  this  tribunal,  which  meted  out  reward  as  well  as 
punishment.     The  following  were  the  articles  of  war: 

First:  any  general  or  other  military  officer  who, 
accompanying  the  king  on  a  campaign,  should  forsake 
him,  or  leave  him  in  the  power  of  the  enemy,  thereby 
failing  in  his  duty,  which  was  to  bring  back  his  sov- 
ereign dead  or  alive,  suffered  death  by  decapitation. 

Second:  any  officer  who  formed  the  prince's  guard 
and  deserted  his  trust,  suffered  death  by  decapitation. 

Third :  any  soldier  who  disobeyed  his  superior  offi- 
cer, or  abandoned  his  post,  or  turned  his  back  ui)on 
the  enemy,  or  showed  them  favor,  suffered  death  by 
decapitation. 

*•  Benzoni,  Hist.  Mondo  Nuovo,  p.  107;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii., 
p.  567;  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn, 
xcviii.,  p.  133. 


ARTICLES  OF  WAR. 


419 


jruartl 


Fourth:  any  officer  or  soldier  who  usurped  the 
captive  or  spoil  of  another,  or  who  ceded  to  another 
the  prisoner  he  himself  had  taken,  suffered  death  by 
hanging. 

Fifth:  any  soldier  who  in  war  caused  injury  to  the 
enemy  without  permission  of  his  officer,  or  who  at- 
tacked before  the  signal  was  given,  or  who  abandoned 
the  standard  or  headqu  ^rters,  or  broke  or  violated  any 
order  issued  by  his  captain,  suffered  death  by  decapi- 
tation. 

Sixth:  the  traitor  who  revealed  to  the  enemy  the 
secrets  of  the  array  or  orders  communicated  for  the 
success  thereof,  suffered  death  by  being  torn  to  pieces; 
his  property  was  forfeited  to  the  crown  and  all  his 
children  and  relations  were  made  slaves  in  perpetuity. 

Seventh:  any  person  who  protected  or  concealed 
an  enemy  in  time  of  war,  whether  noble  or  plebeian, 
suffered  death  by  being  torn  to  pieces  in  the  middle  of 
the  public  square,  and  his  limbs  were  given  to  the 
populace  to  be  treated  as  objects  of  derision  and  con- 
tempt. 

Eighth :  any  noble  or  person  of  distinction  who,  in 
action,  or  at  any  dance  or  festival,  exhibited  the  in- 
signia or  badges  of  the  kings  of  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  or 
Tlacopan,  suffered  death  and  forfeiture  of  property. 

Ninth:  any  nobleman  who,  being  captured  by  the 
enemy  fled  from  prison  and  returned  to  his  country 
suffered  death  by  decapitation ;  but,  if  he  fought  and 
vanquished  seven  soldiers  in  gladiatorial  combat  pre- 
vious to  return,  he  was  free  and  was  rewarded  as  a 
brave  man.  The  private  soldier  who  fled  from  an 
enemy's  prison  and  returned  to  his  country  was  well 
received. 

Tenth:  any  ambassador  who  failed  to  discharge  his 
trust  in  accordance  with  the  orders  and  instructions 
given  to  him  or  who  returned  without  an  answer,  suf- 
fered death  by  decapitation. 


30 


"  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.   Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.   203-4,  422-3;  Torquemada, 
Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  384-5,  540;  La»  Caaas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS., 


420 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


As  I  have  already  stated,  the  primary  object  of 
most  wars  was  to  procure  victims  for  sacrifices  to 
Huitzilopochtli  and  other  gods,  and  the  Mexicans 
were  never  at  a  loss  for  an  excuse  to  pick  a  quarrel. 
The  refusal  of  a  neij^hboring  power  to  receive  in  its 
temple  one  of  the  Mexican  gods,  neglect  to  pay  trib- 
ute demanded,  insults  offered  to  ambassadors  or  trav- 
eling merchants,  or  symptoms  of  rebellion  in  a  city 
or  a  province,  furnished  sufficient  pretext  to  take  up 
arms.  The  rulers  of  Mexico,  however,  always  en- 
deavored to  justify  their  conduct  before  they  made 
war,  and  never  commenced  hostilities  without  send- 
ing due  notice  of  their  intention  to  the  adversary. 
Before  an  actual  challenge  was  sent  or  war  declared 
against  any  nation,  the  council  met  in  presence  of  the 
three  heads  of  the  empire,  and  gravely  discussed  the 
equity  of  the  case.  If  the  difficulty  lay  with  a  prov- 
ince subject  to  the  empire,  secret  emissaries  were  sent 
to  inquire  whether  the  fault  originated  solely  with 
the  governor  or  if  he  was  sustained  by  his  subjects. 
If  it  appeared  that  the  whole  blame  rested  with  the 
governor,  a  force  was  sent  to  arrest  him,  and  he  was 
publicly  punished,  together  with  all  others  implicated ; 
but  if  the  rising  was  with  the  consent  of  the  people, 
they  were  summoned  to  submit  and  place  themselves 
in  obedience  to  the  king  whose  vassals  they  were,  and 
a  fine,  proportionate  to  the  magnitude  of  the  case, 
was  imposed.  It  was  customary  for  the  rulers  of 
Mexico  or  Tezcuco  to  send  messengers  to  distant 
provinces  with  a  demand  that  they  should  receive  one 
or  more  of  their  gods  and  worship  them  in  their  tem- 
ples. If  the  messenger  was  killed  or  the  proposed 
god  rejected,  a  war  ensued. 

As  I  have  said,  it  was  a  breach  of  international 
etiquette  to  proceed  to  war  without  giving  due  notice 
to  the  enemy,  and  military  law  prescribed  that  three 
embassies  should  be  despatched  before   commencins^ 

cap.  ccxv;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  Kinffsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol. 
ix.,  pp.  243,  24C;  Mendieta,  Hint.  Ecles.,  p.  132. 


DECLARATION  OF  WAR. 


421 


hostilities.  The  number  of  ambassadors  varied  ac- 
cording to  the  circumstances  and  rank  of  the  princes 
against  whom  war  was  to  be  made,  for  the  higher  his 
rank  the  fewer  in  number  were  the  envoys.  If  he 
was  a  great  king  only  one  was  sent,  and  he  was 
generally  of  the  blood-royal  or  a  famous  general. 
Sometimes  the  ambassadors  were  instructed  to  de- 
liver their  message  directly  to  the  hostile  prince,  at 
other  times  to  the  people  of  the  province.  In  the 
first  case  upon  entering  into  the  prince's  presence 
they  paid  their  respects  with  reverence,  and  having 
seated  themselves  in  the  centre  of  the  audience- 
hall,  waited  till  permission  was  given  them  to  speak. 
The  signal  made,  the  principal  among  them  deliv- 
ered his  messaijfe  in  a  low  tone  of  voice  and  with  a 
studied  address,  the  audience  preserving  a  decorous 
silence,  and  listening  attentively.  As  a  general  thing, 
in  all  embassies  an  interchange  of  presents  was  made, 
and  if  the  message  was  from  one  friendly  power  to 
another,  a  refusal  of  such  gifts  was  a  serious  affront. 
I  f,  however,  it  was  to  an  enemy,  the  ambassador  could 
not  receive  a  present  without  express  orders  from  his 
master.  When  the  three  powers  of  Mexico,  Tezcuco, 
and  Tlacopan  acted  in  unison,  in  the  event  of  a  diffi- 
culty with  another  nation,  the  first  ambassadors  sent 
were  of  the  Mexican  nation  and  were  called  quaquauh- 
nochtzin.  Upon  arriving  at  the  capital  of  the  king- 
dom or  province  they  proceeded  at  once  to  the  public 
square  and  summoned  before  them  the  ministers  and 
aged  men,  to  whom  they  made  known  the  several  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case,  warning  them  that,  in  case 
their  lord  refused  to  accede  to  their  propositions,  upon 
them  and  their  families  would  fall  the  evils  and  hard- 
ships produced  by  war,  and  exhorting  them  to  counsel 
and  persuade  their  lord  to  maintain  the  good  will  and 
l)rotection  of  the  empire;  for  this  purpose  they  granted 
twenty  days,  within  which  time  they  would  expect 
an  answer,  and  in  order  that  there  might  be  no  com- 
[)laint  of  being  surprised  and  taken  unprepared  they 


•*. 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


left  a  supply  of  weapons  and  then  retired  outside 
the  town  to  await  the  answer.  If  within  the  twenty 
days  it  was  decided  to  accept  the  terms  of  the  ambas- 
sadors, the  ministers  went  to  the  place  where  they 
were  in  waiting  and  conducted  them  into  the  city, 
where  they  were  received  with  every  mark  of  respect, 
and  in  a  short  time  were  sent  back  to  their  own  coun- 
try, accompanied  by  other  ambassadors,  bearing  costly 
presents  in  token  of  friendship  and  esteem.  If,  how- 
ever, twenty  days  passed  without  a  satisfactory  ad- 
justment of  the  difficulty,  a  second  set  of  ambassa- 
dors, held  in  readiness  for  the  occasion,  who  had  to  be 
of  the  kingdom  of  Tezcuco  and  were  called  achca- 
cauhtzin,  were  sent  into  the  city.  These  carried  with 
them  a  quantity  of  arms,  some  feathers  of  a  bird 
called  tecpilotl,  and  a  small  earthen-ware  jar  con- 
taining a  certain  balsamic  and  aromatic  ointment, 
compounded  of  various  herbs  and  gums.  They  went 
directly  to  tlie  palace  of  the  prince  and  in  presence  of 
the  gentlemen  of  his  court  delivered  their  message. 
They  then  represented  to  him  the  miseries  of  war, 
and  warned  him,  that  if  within  the  space  of  twenty 
days  he  did  not  agree  to  their  terms,  in  the  event  of 
his  being  taken  captive  during  the  war  which  would 
ensue  he  would  be  put  to  death  under  the  penalty  of 
the  law,  which  sentenced  him  to  have  his  head 
smashed  with  a  club,  and  that  his  vassals  would  be 
chastised  in  proportion  to  the  oftence  each  had  com- 
mitted. If  the  refractory  prince  or  noble  refused 
immediate  compliance,  the  ambassadors  anointed  his 
right  arm  and  his  head  with  the  ointment  brought 
with  them,  telling  him  to  be  strong  and  of  good 
courage  and  to  fight  bravely  against  the  troops  of 
the  empire,  whose  valor  in  war  they  greatly  extolled. 
They  then  tied  the  tecpilotl-plumes  at  the  back  of 
his  head  with  red  strings,  handed  him  the  weapons 
they  had  brought  with  them,  and  retired  to  the 
place  where  the  first  ambassadors  were,  to  await  tlio 
expiration  of  the  twenty  days.     If  he   surrendered 


DECLARATION  OF  WAR. 


423 


within  the  time,  he  was  required  to  pay  a  stipulated 
annual  tribute  of  small  amount,  but  if  he  refused  to 
surrender,  there  came  a  third  sot  of  ambassadors,  who 
were  of  the  kingdom  of  Tlaeopan;  they  appeared  be- 
fore the  lord  in  the  presence  of  his  ministers  and 
court,  and  delivered  their  message  with  8tron<>er 
threats  and  warnings,  to  the  effect  that  if  he  did  not 
surrender  at  the  expiration  of  a  further  twenty  days, 
the  aiTiiy  of  the  empire  would  march  against  his 
territory  and  punish  the  inhabitants  regardless  of 
age  or  sex,  and  that  altiiough  they  might  implore  its 
clemency  they  would  not  be  heard;  they  then  gave 
theui  a  larger  supply  of  arms  than  on  the  preced- 
ing occasions,  telling  them  to  avail  themselves  of 
them  and  not  to  say  at  a  future  time  that  they  had 
been  assailed  unprepared.  If  the  lord  of  the  prov- 
ince surrendered  within  the  last  twenty  days,  he  was 
punished  according  to  the  pleasure  of  the  three  pow- 
ers, but  not  with  death  nor  with  the  confiscation  of 
his  rank  or  property;  he  was  usually  condemned  to 
pay  an  extraordinary  tribute  out  of  his  own  revenues; 
should  he  continue  rebellious,  war  broke  out,  and  the 
anny  of  the  empire,  already  prepared  on  the  frontiers, ' 
commenced  its  operations. ^^ 

It  was  usual  to  send  a  formal  challenge  or  declara- 
tion of  war,  accompanied  by  some  presents,  either  of 
arms,  clothing,  or  food,  as  it  was  held  to  be  a  discredit- 
able act  to  attack  any  unarmed  or  defenseless  people. 
A  notable  instance  of  this  spirit  was  thown  by  the 
Tlascaltecs  when  they  confronted  the  army  of  Cortes ; 

31  Las  Cosas  says  that  very  old  women  were  admitted  to  war  councils. 
*\unca  movian  guerra  sin  dar  parte  al  pueblo,  y  sin  mucho  consejo  de  los 
uias  ancianos  y  caballeros  ejereitados  en  la  guerra,  al  cual  consejo  se  ad- 
niitiau  las  mujercs  nniy  vicjas  conio  personus  que  liabian  visto  y  uido 
muclias  cosas  y  asi  esperimcntadas  de  lo  pasado,'  Las  Casus,  hist.  Apolo- 
gHica,  MS.,  cap.  Ixvi.  According  to  the  Chevalier  lioturini  tiic  iirst  ambas- 
sadors were  accredited  to  the  king  or  lord  of  the  province,  the  second  were 
dispatched  to  the  nobilitv  requiring  them  to  persuade  their  lord,  and  the 
third  convoked  the  people  and  advised  them  of  the  motives  their  monarch 
had  for  waging  war  against  them.  Boturini,  Idea,  pp.  162-3.  See  also  Fcy- 
tin.  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  424-7;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in 
Kingsborough^s  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  246-7;  Tezozomoc,  Crdnica  Mex., 
n  id.,  pp.  40,  73;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  382-3,  534-5. 


! 


I 


424 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


their  general  is  reported  to  have  exclaimed :  "  Who 
are  these  presumptuous  men,  so  few  in  number  that 
they  attempt  to  enter  our  country  in  spite  of  us  ?  Lest 
they  think  we  want  to  take  them  by  hunger  rather 
than  by  force  of  arms,  let  us  send  them  food,  that  we 
may  find  tliem  savory  after  the  sacrifice,  for  they  come 
starved  and  worn  out."  Before  the  battle  they  sent 
three  hundred  turkeys  and  two  hundred  baskets  of 
centli  or  tamales,  each  basket  weighing'  about  twenty- 
five  pounds,  a  gift  most  acceptable  to  the  Castilians.^ 
When  war  against  another  nation  was  decided  upon, 
the  first  care  of  the  Mexicans  was  to  investigate  the 
character  and  resources  of  the  region  they  were  about 
to  invade.  Certain  spies  called  quimichtm,  who  were 
selected  for  their  knowledge  of  the  language  and 
customs  of  the  enemy's  country,  were  sent  thither, 
dressed  after  the  manner  of  the  inhabitants.  These 
spies  were  directed  to  prepare  maps  of  the  districts 
they  passed  through,  showing  the  plains,  rivers,  mount- 
ains, and  dangerous  passes  as  well  as  the  most  p:  icti- 
cable  routes,  and  were  to  take  notice  of  all  means  of 
defense  possessed  by  the  enemy.  The  sketches  and 
■information  thus  obtained  were  given  to  the  chiefs  of 
the  army  to  guide  them  in  their  march  and  enable 
them  to  make  the  best  disposition  of  their  forces. 
Such  spies  as  brought  valuable  news  were  reward- 
ed with  the  grant  of  a  piece  of  land,  and  if  one 
came  over  from  the  enemy  s  side  and  gave  advice  of 
their  preparations  and  force,  he  was  well  paid  and 
given  presents  of  mantles.**  When  a  war  was  to  be 
conducted  jointly  by  the  three  allied  powers,  procla- 
mation was  made  by  heralds  in  the  public  thorough- 
fares of  the  capital  cities.  Commissariat  officers 
called  calpixques  collected  the  necessary  stores  and 
provisions  for  the  campaign,  and  distributed  weapons 

M  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  423;  (lomara,  Conq.  Mcx.,  fol. 
75;  Ilerrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  vi. 

33  'A  cstas  Eapios,  que  embiaban  delante,  Uamiiban  Ra^toncb,  aiie  andaii 
dc  noche,  6  escoiididos,  yil  liurtadillas.'  Torquemada,  Mcnarq.  Iitd.,  torn, 
ii.,  p.  5.38. 


ORDER  OF  MARCH  AND  BATTLE. 


425 


and  coarse  mantles  of  nequen  to  the  rrmy.  The 
troops  then  went  to  the  temple  and  performed  the 
ceremony  of  scarifying  their  bodies,  while  the  custom- 
ary sacrifices  were  offered  by  the  priests  to  ITuitzilo- 
pochtli. 

If  the  expedition  was  an  important  one  and  the 
army  large,  it  was  composed  of  several  divisions, 
called  xiquipilH,  each  consisting  of  eight  thousand 
men  under  their  respective  commanders.  When  all 
was  in  readiness  the  order  of  march  was  thus  formed: 
the  prifists  with  their  idols  started  one  day's  march  in 
advance;  next  came  the  captains  and  flower  of  the 
army,  followed  by  the  soldic.s  of  Mexico;  after  them 
the  Tezcucans,  and  then  tiiose  of  Tlacopan,  the  rear 
l)eing  closed  by  the  troops  of  other  provinces;  one 
day's  march  separated  each  division.  Perfect  order 
was  maintained  on  the  route,  and  when  near  the  ene- 
my's country  the  chiefs  traced  out  the  camping-ground 
each  divis'an  should  occupy,  and  directed  all  to  en- 
trench anJ  fortify  their  positions.^ 

The  Ijattle  was  sometimes  fought  on  a  piece  of 
neutral  ground  lying  between  the  confines  of  two  ter- 
ritories. Such  a  place  was  known  by  the  name  yauh- 
tlalli,  and  was  especially  reserved  for  the  purpose, 
and  always  left  uncultivated."  Before  the  action 
commenced  each  soldier  received  from  the  royal  mag- 
azine a  handful  of  pinole  and  a  kii:d  of  cake  called 
tlnxcaltotopochtli;  afterwards  the  high-priest  or  chief 
addressed  the  troops,  reminding  them  of  the  glory  to 
be  gained  by  victory,  and  the  eternal  bliss  in  store  for 
tliose  who  fell,  and  concluded  by  counseling  them  to 
J  ...  •'  their  trust  in  Huitzilopochtli  and  fight  valiantly. 
If  the  king  was  present  on  the  field  the  signal  foi 

^  .imargo  says:  '  L'arm^e  ^tait  divis^e  par  bataillons  de  cr  nt  honinies.' 
Hist.  Tlax.,  ill  Nouvelles  Anuales  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xfviii.,  p.  134. 
'  ijiiando  I'escrcito  era  nume^so,  si  contava  per  XiquipilH:  <,d  ogiii  Xiqui- 
pilH si  coin]M>nova  d'otto  mila  uomini.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico, 
torn,  ii.,  p.  147. 

M  Also  spelt  qui  '  Hale,  jaoflalli,  meaning  a  place  for  war.  Clavigero, 
Storia  Ant.  del  Mcj-uco,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  147-8;  Gomura,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  322; 
Torqueinada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  538. 


4aa 


THF.  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


attax;k  was  given  by  him.  The  Mexican  monarch 
issued  his  orders  to  commence  the  action  by  sounding 
on  a  large  shell  maJcing  a  noise  like  a  trumpet;  the 
lords  of  Tezcuco  beat  UT>on  a  small  drum,  and  lords  of 
other  provinces  struck  two  bones  together.  The  sig- 
nals for  retreat  were  given  upon  similar  insti-uments. 
When  the  battle  commenced,  the  shrieking  of  musical 
instruments,  the  clashing  of  swords  against  bucklers, 
and  shouting  of  the  combatants  made  a  noise  so  great 
as  to  strike  terror  into  those  unused  to  it.  While 
fighting  the  warriors  shouted  the  names  of  their  re- 
spective towns  or  districts  to  enable  them  to  recognize 
each  other  and  prevent  confusion.** 

In  fighting  there  appears  to  have  been  no  special 
tactics;  the  commanders  of  divisions  and  the  captains 
used  every  effort  to  keep  their  men  together,  and  were 
very  careful  to  protect  the  standard,  as,  if  that  was 
taken,  the  battle  was  considered  lost  and  all  fled. 
They  observed  the  wise  policy  of  keeping  a  number 
of  men  in  reserve  to  replace  any  who  were  wearied  or 
had  exhausted  their  weapons.  The  archers,  slingerss, 
and  javelin  men  commenced  the  action  at  a  distance 
and  gradually  drew  nearer,  until  they  came  to  close 
quarters,  when  they  took  to  their  swords  and  spears. 
AH  movements,  both  in  advance  and  retreat,  were 
rapidly  executed;  sometimes  a  retreat  was  feigned  in 
order  to  draw  the  enemy  into  an  ambuscade  which 
had  been  prepared  beforehand.  The  chief  object  was 
to  take  prisoners  and  not  to  slay;  when  an  enemy  re- 
fused to  surrender,  they  endeavored  to  wound  thcni 
in  the  foot  or  leg  so  as  to  prevent  escape,  but  they 
never  accepted  a  ransom  for  a  prisoner.  Certain  men 
were  attached  to  the  army  whose  duty  it  was  to  re- 
move the  killed  and  wounded  during  the  action,  so 
that  the  enemy  might  not  ':now  the  losses  ond  take 
fresh  heart." 

M  Tczozomoc,  Crdnica  Mex.,  in  Kingsborougk's  Mex.  Antin..  vol.  ix.,  pp. 
31,  41.  50,  147. 

"  For  further  acconnt  of  their  manner  of  conducting  a  war,  see:  Cl<tn- 
gero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toin.  ii.,  pp.  147-9;  Sahagun,  Hist,  Gen.,  um\. 


TLASCALTECS  AND  TARASCOS. 


437 


The  Tlascaltecs  formed  their  army  into  battalions, 
each  having  its  appointed  chief,  the  whole  being  under 
the  command  of  a  general-in-chief,  who  was  elected 
from  among  those  of  tlie  four  seigniories  into  which 
the  republic  was  divided.  Their  mode  of  fighting 
differed  little  from  that  of  the  Mexicans,  with  tlie  ex- 
ception of  a  certain  practice  which  they  observed 
upon  first  coming  in  contact  with  the  enemy ,  This 
consisted  in  carrying  with  them  two  darts  which  they 
believed  would  presage  victory  or  defeat  according  to 
the  result  of  their  delivery  into  the  hostile  ranks. 
Accordinsr  to  Motolinia  the  tradition  among  them  in 
regard  to  this  belief  was,  that  their  ancestors  came 
from  the  north-west,  and  that  in  order  to  reach  the 
land  they  navigated  eight  or  ten  days;  from  the 
oldest  among  them  they  then  received  two  darts 
which  they  guarded  as  precious  relics,  and  regarded 
as  an  infallible  augury  by  wliich  to  know  whether 
they  would  gain  a  victory  or  ought  to  retreat  in  time.^ 
When  a  victory  was  won  the  great  standard  was 
brought  to  the  front  and  placed  upon  a  rising  ground 
or  in  some  conspicuous  position,  and  all  were  obliged 
to  assemble  around  it ;  he  who  neglected  to  do  so  was 
punished. 

The  Tarascos  fought  with  great  courage  to  the 
sound  <^f  numerous  horns  and  sea-shells,  and  carried 
to  battle  banners  made  of  feathers  of  iiiany  colors. 
Their  skill  and  valor  is  best  proven  by  the  fact  that 
the  Mexicans  were  never  able  to  subdue  them.  They 
showed  especial  strategy  in  luring  the  foe  into  ambush. 
Like  the  Mexicans  their  chief  object  in  battle  was  to 
take  prisoners  to  sacrifice  to  their  godf.** 

ii.,  lib.  viii.,  pp.  311-12;  Lns  Cnmn,  IlUt.  Apologitica,  ISIS.,  cap.  Ixvii. ; 
Mmdictn,  Hist.  Eclci.,  pn.  129  31;  Gom-ira,  Vonq.  Mi-x.,  fol.  32.J-3;  Jims- 
sctir  (In  liourhouvg,  llisl.  Nat.  Cii\,  Idiu.  iii.,  pp.  .WS-COl ;  Torque inuila.  Mo- 
nnrq.  fnd.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  537-40;  Charc.i,  llniiport,  in  Tcriniux-Coiii/iaiis,  Vvij., 
sdrle  ii.,  torn,  v.,  np.  313-14;  Klcinm,  Viutw-diaihirhte,  toin.  v.,  pp.  8«J-8. 

^^  MotoUnia,  Ilist.  I'lUios,  in  Icazlxilccla,  Col.  <lc  Doc,  t.oiii.  >.,  p.  II; 
Ilerrrra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cup.  xvii.;  Gomara,  Coiiq.  Mix.,  fol. 
87;  Torqucmada,  Mounrq.  liid.,  torn,  i.,  p.  34;  Gage's  New  Survey,  p.  77; 
Bwniierrc,  L'Empire  Mrx.,  i>.  230. 

^"^  Beaumont,  Crtin.  Mevhoacan,  MS.,  pp.  51,  CO-1. 


428 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Among  the  Mexicans,  when  the  battle  was  over, 
the  first  prisoners  taken  were  given  to  the  priests  to 
be  sacrificed  before  the  idols  they  carried  with  them. 
An  account  was  taken  of  the  losses  sustained  and  of 
the  number  of  prisoners  and  other  booty  gained.  Re- 
wards were  distributed  to  all  who  had  distinguished 
themselves  and  punishment  inflicted  on  any  who  had 
misbehaved.  All  disputes  relative  to  the  capture  of 
prisoners  were  inquired  into  and  adjusted.  If  a  case 
arose  where  "either  of  the  disputants  could  prove 
their  title,  the  prisoner  was  taken  from  them  and 
given  to  the  priests  to  be  sacrificed.  Those  inhabi- 
tants of  the  conquered  province  who  could  prove  that 
they  had  taken  no  active  part  in  the  war  were  pun- 
ished at  the  discretion  of  their  conqueror;  usually 
they  were  condemned  to  pay  a  certain  annual  tribute, 
or  to  construct  public  works;  meantime,  the  van- 
quished province  v.'as  supplied  with  a  governor  and 
officers,  appointed  from  among  the  conquerors.*" 

When  the  king  or  a  feudatory  lord  captured  a  pris- 
oner for  the  first  time,  his  success  was  made  the  occa- 
sion of  much  rejoicing.  The  captive,  dressed  in  showy 
apparel  and  mounted  on  a  litter,  was  borne  to  the 
town  in  great  triumph,  accompanied  by  a  host  of  war- 
riors shouting  and  singing;  at  the  outskirts  of  the 
city  the  procession  v/as  met  by  the  inhabitants,  some 
playing  on  jnusical  instruments,  others  dancing  and 
singing  songi  composed  for  the  occasion.  The  pris- 
oner was  saluted  with  mimic  honors,  and  his  captor 
greatly  extolled  and  congratulated.  Numbers  of  peo- 
ple arrived  from  the  adjoining  towns  and  villages  to 
assist  in  the  general  hilarity,  bringing  with  them 
presents  of  gold,  jewels,  and  rich  dresses.  Upon  the 
day  appointed  for  the  sacrifice  a  grand  festival  was 
held,  previous  to  and  after  whicli  the  lord  fasted  and 
performed  certain  prescribed  ceremonies.  Tlie  victhu 
was  usually  dressed  for  the  occasion  in  the  robes  of 

*"  Sahaffun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  viii.,  p.  313j  Las  Caaas,  Hist. 
Apologttica,  MS.,  cap.  Ixvii. 


GLADIATORIAL  COMBAT. 


429 


the  god  of  the  sun,  and  sacrificed  in  the  usual  man- 
ner. With  some  of  the  blood  that  flowed,  the  priest 
sprinkled  the  four  sides  of  the  temple ;  the  remainder 
was  collected  in  a  vessel  and  sent  to  the  noble 
captor,  who  with  it  sprinkled  all  the  gods  in  the 
court  yard  of  the  temple  as  a  thank-offering  for  the 
victory  ^e  had  gained.  After  the  heart  was  taken 
out  the  uody  was  rolled  down  the  steps  and  received 
below;  the  head  was  then  cut  off"  and  placed  upon  a 
high  pole,  afterwards  the  body  was  flayed,  and  the 
skin  stuffed  with  cotton  and  hung  up  in  the  captor's 
house  as  a  memento  of  his  prowess." 

When  a  renowned  captain  or  noble  was  made  pris- 
oner, the  right  of  fighting  for  his  liberty  was  granted 
him — an  honor  not  permitted  to  warriors  of  an  inferior 
rank.  Near  the  temple  was  an  open  space  capable  of 
containing  a  large  multitude;  in  the  niiddle  was  a  cir- 
cular mound  built  of  stone  and  mortar,  about  eight 
feet  high,  with  steps  leading  to  the  top,  where  was 
fixed  a  large  round  stone,  three  feet  high,  smooth,  and 
adorned  with  figures.  This  stone  was  called  the  te- 
malacatl;  upon  it  the  prisoner  was  placed,  tied  at  the 
ankle  with  a  cord,  which  passed  through  a  hole  in  the 
centre  of  the  stone.  His  weapons  consisted  of  a 
shield  and  macana."  He  who  had  taken  him  pris- 
oner then  mounted  the  stone,  better  armed,  to  combat 
with  him.  Both  the  combatants  were  animated  with 
the  strongest  motives  to  fight  desperately.  The  pris- 
oner fought  for  his  life  and  liberty,  and  his  adversary 
to  sustain   his   reputation.     If  the  former  was  con- 

*'  Mendicta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  pp.  131-4;  Torijnrnuula,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toni. 
ii.,  pp.  541-2;  Claviffcro,  Stona  Ant.  del  Mcsxiro,  («)m.  ii.,  n.  149. 

"  Ciinmruo  says  the  prisoner  was  given  IiIh  rlioice  of  every  kind  of 
ofTcnsive  ana  defensive  weapons.  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  yourcllcs  A  unities  den 
Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii.,  pp.  188-9,  bnt  all  other  authors  tttate  that  he  watt 
onlv  given  a  short  sword  and  shield.  Itoturini  suys  a  servant  wlio  waH 
under  the  stone  drew  the  cord  and  so  controlled  tlic  prisoner  that  he  could 
not  move.  Idea,  p.  164.  Uuran  says:  'el  modo  que  en  celelirarlo  tenian; 
que  era  atar  li  los  I'rcsos  con  una  soga  al  pi^  por  un  ahugcro  uuc  aquclia 
piedra  tenia  por  medio,  y  desnudo  en  cuoio'i  le  daban  una  nMiela  y  una 
espada  dc  solo  palo  cmpluniado  en  las  manos,  y  unas  pelotas  de  palo  con  que 
se  dcfcndian  de  los  quo  salian  d  combatir  con  i\,  que  eran  cuatro  r.:r.y 
liicn  arniadoB.'  Hist.  Iiidias,  M8.,  torn,  i.,  cap.  30. 


430 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS, 


quered,  a  priest,  called  chalchiuhtepehua,  immedi- 
ately seized  him,  hurried  him  dead  or  alive  to  the 
sacrificial  stone  and  tore  out  his  heart.  The  victor 
was  then  publicly  congratulated  and  rewarded  with 
military  honors.  If,  however,  the  prisoner  van- 
quished his  first  opponent  and  six  others,  by  whom,  in 
succession,  he  was  attacked,  he  was  granted  his  free- 
dom, all  spoil  taken  from  him  in  battle  was  restored 
to  him,  and  he  returned  to  his  country  covered  with 
glory.  A  notable  violation  of  this  law  is  recorded  of 
the  Huexotzincas.  In  a  battle  between  them  and 
the  (Jholultecs,  the  leader  of  the  latter  nation  became 
separated  from  his  own  persple  during  the  heat  of 
battle,  and  was,  after  a  gallant  resistance,  made  pris- 
oner and  conducted  to  the  capital.  Being  placed  on 
the  gladiatorial  stone  he  conquered  the  seven  adver- 
saries that  were  brought  against  him,  but  the  Huex- 
otzincas, dreading  to  liberate  so  famous  a  warrior, 
contrary  to  their  universal  law,  put  him  to  death,  and 
thereby  covered  themselves  with  ignominy.** 

If  the  prisoner  was  a  person  of  very  high  rank,  he 
was  taken  before  the  king,  who  ordered  that  he  should 
be  sumj)tuously  fed  and  lodged  for  forty  days.  At 
the  end  of  that  time  he  was  accorded  the  right  of 
combat,  and  if  conquered,  after  the  usual  sacrificial 
ceremonies'  the  body  was  cut  into  small  pieces ;  these 
were  sent  to  the  relations  and  friends  of  the  deceased, 
who  received  them  as  relics  of  great  value  and  ac- 
knowledged the  favor  by  returning  gold,  jewels,  and 
rich  plumes."  If  we  are  to  believe  Gonuira  and 
others,  the  number  of  victims,  chiefly  prisoners  of 
war,  sacrificed  at  some  of  the  festivals,  was  enor- 
mous. The  historians  relate  that  in  front  of  the 
principal  gate  of  the  temple  there  was  a  mound 
built  of  stone  and  lime  with  innumerable  skulls 
of  prisoners   inserted    between  the  stones.     At   the 

*'  Relatione  fatla  per  vn  gcntiVhuomo  del  Siijnor  Fernando  Cortcse,  in 
liammio,  Nuriifationt,  torn,  iii.,  fol.  305;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico, 
turn,  ii.,  pp.  47-8. 

**  Toi-qucmada,  Monarq,  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  63C. 


PRISONERS  OF  WAR. 


481 


head  and  foot  of  the  mound  were  two  towers  built 
entirely  of  skulls  and  lime;  on  the  top  of  the  mound 
were  seventy  or  more  upright  poles,  each  with  many 
other  sticks  fastened  crossways  to  it,  at  intervals, 
from  top  to  bottom ;  on  the  points  of  each  cross  stick 
were  five  skulls.  They  go  on  to  say  that  two  soldiers 
of  Cortes  counted  these  skulls  and  found  them  to 
amount  to  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  thousand. 
Those  that  composed  the  towers  they  could  not  count." 

The  nations  contiguous  to  tiie  Mexicans  imitated  to 
a  great  extent  their  manner  of  disposing  of  pris- 
oners of  war,  and  kept  them  to  be  sacrificed  at  their 
festivals.  The  first  prisoner  taken  in  battle  by  the 
Tlascaltecs  was  flayed  alive  and  he  who  captured 
him  dressed  himself  in  the  horrid  trophy,  and  so  cov- 
ered served  the  god  of  battles  during  a  certain  num- 
ber of  days.  He  paraded  from  one  temple  to  another 
followed  by  a  crowd  that  shrieked  for  joy ;  but  had, 
however,  to  run  from  his  pursuers,  for  if  they  caught 
him  they  beat  him  till  he  was  nearly  dead.  This  cere- 
mony was  called  exquinan,  and  was  sometimes  observed 
by  two  or  three  at  the  same  time."  At  one  of  their 
festivals  they  bound  their  prisoners  to  high  crosses  and 
shot  them  to  death  with  arrows;  at  other  timies  they 
killed  them  with  the  bastinado.  Thev  had  also  solemn 
banquets,  at  which  they  ate  the  flesh  of  their  prisoners. 
At  the  taking  of  Mexico,  the  Tlascaltec  soldiery 
feasted  upon  the  bodies  of  the  slain  Mexicans,  and 
Cortes,  although  shocked  at  the  revolting  practice, 
was  unable  to  prevent  it." 

The  Mexicans,  Tlascaltecs,  and  neighboring  nations 


<^  Gomara,  Conq.  Mcx.,  fiil.  121-2;  Acostn,  Hist,  dc  las  Ynd:,  pp.  333-5; 
Ilr.rrrra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xviii. ;  Montanus,  Nicmce 
Wecrdil,  p.  242. 

*•>  Vamanjo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvcllcs  Annates  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn, 
xcix.,  j>.  1.34. 

*'  Ctangcro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  51;  Torquemada,  Mo- 
ttarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  423.  For  further  reference  to  treatment  of  priHon- 
en*,  see:  Ixflilxorhitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  in  Kinasborovgh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix., 
pp.  250-1;  Tezozomoc,  Crdnicn  Mex.,  in  id.,  p.  164;  Klemm,  Cultur-Ge- 
scliirhte,  torn,  v.,  pp.  102-3;  Miiller,  Amcrikanisch.e  Urreligionen,  p.  634; 
Fosscy,  Mexique,  pp.  215-16;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  iih.  viii. 


432 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


always  made  the  return  of  a  successful  army  the  occa- 
sion of  great  festivity  and  rejoicing;  the  loud  sound 
of  drums  and  musical  instruments  greeted  the  entry 
of  the  victorious  troops  into  the  capital;  triumphal 
arches  were  erected  in  the  streets  and  the  houses 
decorated  with  flowers;  an  abundance  of  copal  was 
burned  and  sumptuous  banquets  were  prepared;  all 
were  dressed  in  their  gayest  attire,  and  the  warriors  put 
on  all  the  insignia  of  their  rank ;  gifts  were  distributed 
to  those  who  had  performed  any  deed  of  gallantry, 
and  minstrels  sung  or  recited  poems  in  their  praise. 
Many  went  to  the  temples  to  observe  especial  acts  of 
devotion  to  the  gods,  and  numbers  of  the  prisoners 
were  then  sacrificed.  All  these  ceremonies  tended  to 
inspire  the  youths  with  courage  and  make  them  am- 
bitious to  gain  distinction  in  war.* 


,48 


**  Instances  of  how  the  Mexicans  received  their  victorious  armies  are 
given  in  Tczozomoc,  Crdnica  Mex.,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix., 
pp.  39,  61,  177-8;  Brasseur  de  Botirbourg,  Hist.  Nat  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp. 
321-2.  See  further,  Cnmargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelks  Annalesdes  Voy., 
1843,  torn,  xcix.,  p.  136;  Herrrra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  xvii.; 
Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tuni.  ii.,  p.  574;  Acosta,  Hist.delas  itid.,  pp. 
489-90. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


NAHUA    LAWS   AND    LAW    COURTS. 
General  Remarks— the  Cihuacoatl,  or  Supreme  Judge— the  Court 

OF  THE  TLACATECATL — JURISDICTION  OF  THE  TECUTLIS— THE  CEN- 

tectlapixques  and  Topillis— Law  Courts  and  Judges  of  Tez- 
cuco  — Eighty -Day  Council  — Tribunal  of  the  King  — Court 
Proceedings— Lawyers— Witnesses— Remuneration  of  Judges 
—Justice  of  King  Nezahualpilli— He  orders  his  Son's  Execu- 
tion—Montezuma  and  the  Farmer  — Jails  — Laws  against 
Theft,  Murder,  Treason,  Kidnapping,  Drunkenness,  Witch- 
craft, Adultery,  Incest,  Sodomy,  Fornication,  and  other 
Crimes— Story  of  Nezahualcoyotl  and  the  Boy. 


It  has  already  been  stated  that  among  the  Nahuas 
the  supreme  legislative  power  belonged  to  the  king; 
the  lawful  share  tliat  he  took  in  the  administration  of 
justice  we  shall  see  as  we  examine  the  system  of  juris- 
prudence adopted  by  them. 

When  treating  of  the  Nahua  judiciary  the  majority 
of  historians  have  preferred  to  discuss  almost  exclu- 
sively the  system  in  vogue  at  Tezcuco,  partly,  per- 
haps, because  it  presents  a  nicer  gradation  of  legal 
tribunals,  and  consequently  a  closer  resemblance  to 
European  institutions  than  did  the  more  simple  rou- 
tine of  the  Mexicans,  but  mainly  because  the  mate- 
rials of  information  were  more  accessible  and  abundant. 
Many  writers,  however,  have  not  followed  this  rule, 
but  throwing  all  the  information  they  could  obtain 
into  a  general  fund,  they  have  applied  the  whole  in- 

VoL.  II.-28  (433) 


434 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


discriininately  to  the  'Mexicans,'  by  which  tenn  they 
mean  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  regions  conquered  by 
Cortes.  Las  Casas,  speaking  of  the  allied  Kingdoms 
of  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  TIacopan,  says  that  "their 
government  and  laws  scarcely  differed,  so  that  what- 
ever may  be  said  of  those  parts  concerning  which  the 
most  information  can  be  obtained,  may  be  understood, 
and  perhaps  it  is  best  to  say  it,  as  applying  to  all."* 
Although  the  number  and  jurisdiction  of  the  law- 
courts  of  Mexico  and  Tezcuco  differed,  there  is  reason 
to  believe  that  the  laws  themselves  and  the  penalties 
inflicted  were  the  same,  or  nearly  so. 

In  Mexico,  and  in  each  of  the  principal  cities  of  the 
empire,  there  was  a  supreme  judge,  called  cihuacoatl^ 
who  was  considered  second  only  to  the  king  in  rank 
and  authority.  He  heard  appeals  in  criminal  cases 
from  the  court  immediately  below  him,  and  from  his 
decision  no  appeal  was  allowed,  not  even  to  the  king.^ 

1  'El  govierno  y  las  Icyes  quasi  no  difcrian,  por  mancra  que  por  lo  que 
de  Unas  partes  dijcrcmos,  y  adoiide  tuvinios  mayor  notifia,  se  pmlru  cntcii- 
der,  y  quiza  sera  nicjur,  decirlo  en  coiiiun  y  general nicnte.'  Lan  Casan, 
Hist.  Apologilica,  MS.,  cap.  ecxii.  It  is  also  stated  that  many  Mexican 
cases,  presenting  more  than  ordinary  difficulty,  were  tried  in  the  Tczciicaii 
law-courts;  see  Ztirita,  Rapport,  in  Teniaux-Compans,  Voy.,  sdric  ii.,  toiii. 
i.,  J).  95;  Las  Casas,  Jiist.  Ajmloyetica,  MS.,  cop.  ccxii. ;  torquemada,  Mo- 
■narq.  Iiid.,  torn,  ii.,  )>.  354.  Si)eaking  of  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopun, 
Zurita  says:  'Les  lois  et  la  procedure  etaicnt  Ics  mCnies  dansccstroisutntM, 
dc  sorte  qii'en  exirasant  les  usages  (itablis  dans  I'un  d'eux,  on  fera  coniiaitru 
ce  qui  se  passait  dans  les  autres.'  Support,  in  Tcrnaiix-Compans,  Voy., 
sdrie  ii.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  93-4. 

'  The  title  ciliuucoati,  meaning  'serpent-woman,'  appears  incompre- 
hensible as  applied  to  a  judge,  but  M.  I'AbW  Brasseurde  Boiirl)ourg,  Jiisf. 
Nat.  Cir.,  Utni.  iii.,  pp.  579-80,  sees  reason  to  believe  that  the  MexicuiiH, 
when  tlicy  succeeded  to  tlie  rights  of  the  Toltec  kings  of  Culhuacan,  adopted 
also  the  titles  of  the  court,  and  that  the  name  cihuacoati  had  l)cen  given 
to  the  prime  minister  in  memory  of  Cihuucoatl,  the  sister  of  t'aniaxtli, 
who  cared  for  the  infancy  of  i^uetzalcoatl.  The  learned  Abl>6  translates 
cihuncoatl,  serpent  femclle,  which  is  literally  a  seqient  of  the  female  sex. 
Molina,  however,  in  his  Vorabnlario,  gives  'ciua*  as  a  substantive,  mean- 
ing 'women'  (inugeres),  and  'coatl'  as  another  substantive,  meaning  '^rr- 
]ieiit'  (culebra),  the  two  as  a  comirauiid  he  docs  not  give.  I  translate  the 
word  'serpent-woman,'  because  the  sister  of  Camaxtli  would  more  proba- 
bly lie  thus  distinguished  among  women,  than  among  serpents  as  the  '  wu- 
man-serpent.' 

3  Although  all  other  historians  agree  that  the  judgment  of  the  cihnn- 
coatl  was  final,  the  interpreter  of  Meiidoza's  collection  states  that  an  apiieal 
lay  from  the  judges  (he  does  not  state  wlii«h)  to  the  king.  tJjplieacioii  dc 
la  Coleceion  de  Mendoza,  in  KinqshorotifilCs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  v.,  p.  109. 
Prescott,  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  p.  29,  attributes  this  to  the  changes  made  during 


pun 
Boii 


THE  CIHUACOATL,  SUPREME  JUDGE. 


MS 


Whether  or  not  the  cihuacoatl  pronounced  judgment 
in  civil  cases  is  uncertain.  According  to  Clavigero 
he  did  ;*  Prescott,"  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,"  and  Car- 
bajal  Espinosa'  agree  with  Clavigero,  and  Leon  Car- 
bajal*  cites  Torquemada  as  an  authority  for  this  state- 
ment, but  the  fact  is  Torquemada  distinctly  aflirms 
the  contrary,'  as  does  Las  Casas,^"  from  whom  Tor- 
quemada takes  his  information.  It  appears,  however, 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  in  some  exceptional  cases, 
as,  for  instance,  where  the  title  to  large  possessions 
was  involved,  or  when  the  litigants  were  powerful  no- 
bles, the  supreme  judge  may  have  taken  cognizance 
of  civil  aifairs.  Whether  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ci- 
huacoatl was  ever  original,  as  well  as  final,  as  Pres- 
cott"  asserts  it  to  have  been,  I  do  not  find  stated  by 
the  earlier  authorities,  although  this  may  have  hap- 
pened exceptionally,  but  in  that  case  there  could  have 
been  but  one  hearing,  for  the  king,  who  was  the  only 
superior  of  the  supreme  judge,  had  no  authority  to 
reverse  the ,  decisions  of  the  latter.  The  cihuacoatl 
was  appointed  by  the  king,  and  he  in  turn  appointed 


Montezuma's  reiun,  the  period  which  the  Mendoza  paintin!|^  repreacnt,  and 
Leon  Carbajal,  Discurso,  p.  98,  totally  denies  the  truth  of  the  8tutenicnt. 

*  'Dalle  Bcntenzc  da  lui  pronunziatc  o  nel  civile,  o  nel  criniinale,  non 
si  potcva  appellare  ad  un  altro  tribuuale,'  &c.  Storia  Ant.  del  Mesnico, 
toni.  ii.,  p.  1*27. 

*  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  p.  29. 

«  //*■*/.  Nat.  Oil'.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  580. 
T  Ifist.  Mcx.,  toni.  i.,  p.  693. 

*  Disrumo,  p.  97. 

'  'Uhi  de  cttusas,  <^ue  se  dcbolvian,  y  remitian  &  hX,  por  apelacion;  y 
csfas  eran  solns  las  criminales,  pornm  dc  las  civilrs  no  se  apclabn  de  «im 
Jitslidas  ordinarias.'  Monara.  I  ml.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  .352.  It  is  possible  that 
Scnor  Carhojul  may  have  reaa  only  a  suhsecjucnt  possa^^c  in  the  same  cliap- 
tcr,  where  T'ormicmada,  speaking  of  the  tribunal  of  the  tlacatecatl,  says: 
'De  este  se  apelabu,  para  el  Tribunal,  y  Audienria  del  Cihuacohuutl,  que 
era  Juez  Suprenu),  despues  del  Kci.'  From  what  has^rone  Ituforc,  it  is,  how- 
ever, evident  that  the  author  here  refers  onlv  to  the  criminal  cases  that 
were  amicttled  from  the  court  of  the  tlacatecatl, 

'*  llist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxii. 

"  Mfx.,  vol.  i.,  p.  29.  Clavijjero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp. 
127-8,  also  affirms,  indirectly,  that  cases  were  sometimes  laid  in  the  first  in- 
stance liefore  the  supreme  judge,  inasmuch  t.s  he  first  says  that  the  cihua- 
coatl took  cognizance  of  both  civil  and  criminal  cases,  and  afterwards, 
when  spcakinff  of  the  court  of  the  tlacatecatl,  he  writes:  'Se  la  causa  era 

Suramente  civile,  non  v'era  appellazione.'    The  same  applies  to  llrasseur  de 
lourbourg.  Hiit.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  680. 


486 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


the  inferior  judges.  He  held  his  office  for  life,  and 
in  addition  to  his  regular  judicial  duties  had  charge  of 
the  most  important  affairs  of  government,  and  of  the 
roval  revenues.  He  was  without  a  colleague,  and 
nmst  administer  justice  in  person.  Such  was  the 
rospeot  paid  to  this  exalted  personage,  that  whoever 
had  the  audacity  to  usurp  his  power  or  insignia  suf- 
fered death,  lus  property  was  confiscated  and  his 
family  enslaved." 

The  next  court  was  supreme  in  civil  matters  and 
could  only  be  appealed  from  to  the  cihuacoatl  in  cases 
of  a  criminal  nature.  It  was  presided  over  by  three 
judges,  the  chief  of  whom  was  styled  tlacatecatl,  and 
from  him  the  court  took  its  name ;  liis  colleagues  were 
called  qitauhnochtli  and  tlanotlac?^  Each  of  thetie 
had  his  deputies  and  assistants.  Affairs  of  import- 
ance were  laid  in  the  first  instance  before  this  tri- 
bunal, but  appeals  from  the  inferior  courts  were  also 
heard.  Sentence  was  pronounced  by  a  crier  entitled 
tecpoijotl  in  the  name  of  the  tlacatecatl,  and  was 
carried  into  execution  by  the  quauhnochtli  with  his 
own  hands.     The  office  of  tecpoyotl  was  considered 

'*  Herein  lies  the  only  difference  Ijctwcen  Lns  Cnsas  and  Torqucnmda  on 
the  Hubject  of  the  Cihuacoutl.  Tiic  former  writes:  'Qiialqnieru  que  cste 
olicio  puru  si  usurpara,  6  lu  conecdiera  d  otro,  avia  de  niorir  por  ello,  y  siis 
padres  y  detidoa  eran  dcsnatwados  del  pueblo  doude  acacciexc  haka  lo 
quarta  gciieracioii.  Allcnde  (\xie  todos  los  biencs  avian  de  scr  coniiscados,  y 
aplicadus  para  la  republica.'  Hist.  Apolugitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxii.  Toniucinuda 
says:  'era  tiin  aiitori^-udo  este  oficio,  que  el  que  lo  vsurpara  pura  si,  h  lo 
i;oniunicilra  h,  otro  en  al{(una  i>arte  del  Ueino,  niuriera  )K>r  ello,  y  siis  Ilijos, 
y  Muger/ueran  vendidos,  por  pcrnctuos  csclavos,  y  contiscados  sus  biencs, 
por  Lei,  que  para  esto  havia.  Aloiiarq.  Ltd.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  352.  Notwith- 
standiag  all  other  historians  distinctly  atfinu  that  the  cihuacoatl  wu4,  in 
the  exercise  of  his  functions  perfectly  independent  of  the  king,  Brasseur 
de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  580,  nuikes  the  following  extra- 
ordinary sttitcnient:  *H  jugeait  en  dernier  ressort  ct  donnait  dcs  ordrcs  en 
lieu  ct  place  du  aouverain,  chaquefoin  que  eclui-ci  ne  le/ai.suit  pas  direetc- 
meiit  etpar  lui-miine.'  This  must  be  from  one  of  the  original  manuscripts 
iu  the  possession  of  M.  I'Abbd. 

"  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apolnqitiea,  MS.,  cap.  ccxii.,  spells  these  names  Taea- 
tecatl,  acoahunotl,  and  tlaylotlat;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toni.  ii.,  p. 
352,  tlacateccatl,  quauhnuchtli,  and  tiaylotlac;  and  Clavigero,  Sloria  Ant. 
<iel  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  127,  tlacatecatl,  ouauhnochtli,  and  tlaniitlac,  or 
tlaiiotlac,  a  defect  in  the  im|>ression  makes  it  difficult  to  tell  which. 
Scarcely  two  of  the  old  writers  follow  the  same  system  of  orthography, 
and  in  future  I  shall  follow  the  style  which  appears  simplest,  endeavoring 
only  to  be  consistent  with  myself. 


THE  TECUHTLI  AND  CENTECTLAPIXtJUE. 


437 


one  of  hi^fh  honor  because  he  declared  the  will  of  the 
kin<^  as  represented  by  his  judges. 

In  each  ward  of  the  city  there  was  a  magistrate 
called  tecuhtli  who  was  anniuilly  elected  by  the  in- 
habitants of  his  district;  he  judged  minor  cases  in 
the  first  instance  only,  and  probably  the  office  some- 
what resembled  that  of  our  police  judge.  Appeal 
lay  from  him  to  the  tlacatecatl."  It  was  the  dutj' 
of  the  tecuhtlis  to  give  a  daily  report  of  affairs  that 
had  been  submitted  to  them,  and  of  the  judgments 
they  had  rendered  thereon,  to  the  tlacatecatl,  who 
reviewed  their  proceedings.  Whether  the  tlacatecatl 
could  reverse  the  decision  of  a  teuchtli  when  no 
appeal  had  been  made,  is  uncertain,  but  it  appears 
improbable,  inasmuch  as  a  failure  to  exercise  the 
right  of  appeal  would  imply  recognition  of  justice  in 
the  judgment  passed  by  the  lower  tribunal.  In  each 
ward,  and  elected  in  the  same  manner  as  the  tecuh- 
tlis, were  officers  whose  title  was  centectlapixque, 
whose  province  it  was  to  watch  over  the  behavior  and 
welfare  of  a  certain  number  of  families  committed  to 
their  charge,  and  to  acquaint  the  magistrates  with 
everything  that  passed.  Although  the  centectla- 
pixques  could  not  exercise  judicial  authority,  yet  it 
is  probable  that  petty  disputes  were  often  submitted 
to  them  for  arbitration,  and  that  their  arbitrament 
was  abided  by.  In  case  the  parties  could  not  be 
brought  to  any  friendly  settlement,  however,  the 
centectlapixque  immediately  reported  the  matter  to 
the  tecuhtli  of  his  district,  and  a  regular  trial  ensued. 

The  tecuhtlis  had  their  bailiffs,  who  carried  their 
messages  and  served  summonses.  In  addition  to 
these  there  were  constables  styled  topilli,  who  ar- 
rested prisoners  and  enforced  order." 


•*  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del.  Mesaieo,  torn,  ii.,  p.  128,  writes  'egiomal- 
mentc  si  portava  al  CihuacoatI,  od  al  Tlacatecatl  per  avvcrtirlo  di  tutto  cio, 
clic  occorreva,  c  riccver  gli  ordiiii  da  !ui;'  but  it  would  nrobably  be  only  in 
cuflci  of  great  imirartancc  that  the  reports  uf  the  teuchtli  would  be  carried 
to  the  cihuacoatl. 

1^  Las  Canas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxii. ;  Torquemada,  Monarq. 


488 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


In  Tezcuco,  although  the  kingdom  was  divided  into 
many  provinces,"  the  higher  courts  of  justice  were 
placed  in  six  of  the  principal  cities  only."  Each  of 
these  tribunals  was  presided  over  bv  two  judges,  who 
were  very  high  nmgnates  and  usually  relatives  of  the 
king,  and  from  these  an  appeal  lay  to  two  supreme 
judges  who  resided  at  the  capital."  These  twelve 
judges  were  assisted  by  twelve  sherift's,"  whose  duty 
it  was  to  arrest  prisoners  of  exalted  rank  in  their 
own  district,  or  to  go  in  search  of  offenders  in  other 
provinces.  The  peculiar  badge  of  these  officers 
was  a  certain  ornamented  mantle;  wherever  they 
went  they  were  held  in  great  awe  and  respect, 
as  representatives  of  the  king,  and  seldom  encoun- 
tered resistance  in  the  exercise  of  their  functions. 
There  were  also  constables  in  attendance  on  the 
courts,  who  acted  with  great  diligence  in  carrying 
messages  or  making  arrests.  Every  ten  or  twelve 
days  all  the  judges  met  in  council  with  the  king,*" 

Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  355;  Clavigero,  Sloriu  Ant.  del  Meanco,  torn,  ii.,  pp. 
127-8. 

i«  Tor«jnemada,  Monara.  Ind.,  torn,  it,  p.  364,  says  that  there  were  lif- 
tecii  pniviiiceM  Hiibjcct  to  tiie  king  of  Tczciico. 

>^  The  Kii<;lii«h  edition  of  Clavigero  reads:  'the  judicial  p«)wer  was  di- 
vided amongst  iienen  principal  cities,  p.  354;  but  the  ori^^inat  agrees  with  the 
other  authorities:  'nel  Kegno  d'Acoliiuacan  era  lagiurisdizionc  conipartita 
tra  «ct  ('itth  principali.'  Storia  Ant.  del  Mesgico,  toni.  ii.,  p.  128. 

w  Las  Vfnum,  Jliat.  AjtologHica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxii.  Torqucniada,  however, 
asserts  that  there  were  'en  la  Ciudad  de  Tetzcuco  (que  era  la  Cortc)  dcntro 

de  la  Casti  Keal  dos  Salas  de  Consejo y  en  ca<la  Sala  dos  Juccch.     Ila- 

via  difercncia  entre  los  diclios  Jueces;  porque  losde  la  vna  Sulu  emu  <le  mas 
autoridad,  que  los  de  la  otra;  estos  se  liamaban  Jueces  niaiores,  y  csotros 
menores;  los  maiores  olan  de  causas  graves,  y  que  pertenecian  h'lu  dcter- 
minacion  del  Kei;  los  segundos,  de  otras,  no  tan  graves,  sinu  mas  Icvcs,  y 
livianas.'  Monarq.  hid.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  354.  The  lowerof  these  two  pruhaMy 
either  formed  one  of  the  si.\  superior  courts  above  mentioned,  or  corre- 
sponded with  them  in  jurisdiction.  According  to  Zurita,  'chacune  des 
nombreuses  provinces  soumises  h  ces  souverains  cntretenait  h  Mexico,  h 
Tezcuco  et  h,  Tlacopan,  qui  6taient  les  trois  cupitales,  deux  jugcs,  (lerson- 
nes  de  sens  choisies  a  cet  effet,  et  qui  quclquefois  etaient  parents  des  sou- 
verains,' and  adds:  'les  appels  «$taient  portes  devant  dovze  autrca  jugcH 
SHpfrieitrs  qui  prononpaicnt  d'aprfes  I'avis  du  souverain.'  Bajt^jort,  in  'Jcr- 
naux-Compans,  Voy.,  s^rie  ii.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  95,  100. 

•9  Torqucnutda,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  li.,  p.  355,  writes:  'Tenia  cada  Sala 
de  estas  dichas  otro  Ministro,  que  hacia  oficiode  Alguacil  Maior,'&c.,  while 
other  writers  assign  one  to  each  judge,  of  whom  there  were  two  in  each 
court. 

«>  Clavigero  differs  on  this  point  from  other  writers,  in  making  this 
meeting  occur  every  Mexican  month  of  twenty  days.    Zurita,  Bapport,  in 


THE  EIGHTYDAY  COUNCIL. 


when  cases  of  importance  were  discussed,  and  eitlier 
finally  settled,  or  laid  over  for  decision  at  a  j^rand 
council  which  convened  every  four  Mexican  months, 
makiujL,'  in  all  eighty  days.  On  these  occasions  all 
the  judges,  without  exception,  met  together,  the  king 
presiding  in  person.  All  being  seated  according  to 
their  order -of  precedence,  an  orator  opened  the  pro- 
ceedings with  a  speech,  in  which  he  ])raised  virtue 
and  severely  reprimanded  vice;  he  reviewed  all  the 
events  of  the  past  eighty  days,  and  commented  very 
severely  even  upon  the  acts  of  the  king  himself.  In 
this  council  all  suits  were  terminated,  the  sentences 
being  carried  out  on  the  spot,"  and  affairs  of  state  and 
policy  were  discussed  and  transacted;  it  generally  sat 
during  eight  or  ten  days.**  In  addition  to  these 
judges  there  were  magistrates  of  a  lower  order  in  all 
the  provinces,  who  took  cognizance  of  cases  of  minor 
imjmrtance,  and  who  also  heard  and  considered  those 
of  greater  consequence  preparatory  to  laying  them 
before  the  Eighty-Day  Council."     The  historian  Ix- 

Tcrnatix-Compana,  Voy.,  sdrie  ii.,  torn,  i.,  p.  101,  writes:  'Toua  Ics  <lnuze 
joiini  il  y  iivuit  iinc  asscnibluc  f^iidrnlc  <lc8  ju);cH  pr<$Hi(lcc  ])ar  Ic  pr'ncc;'  to 
this  the  editor  attaches  the  folUiwiii;;  note:  'il  est  Evident,  coiiiiiic  on  le 
verra  iia^^e  lOG,  qii'il  y  u  ici  unc  errcur,  ct  qne  ccs  nsscniblees,  dont  Ics  sea- 
sions  duraicnt  douzu  jours,  ne  se  tennient  que  tnus  Ics  quatrc-vin<^s  jours.' 
It  is,  however,  the  learned  editor  who  is  mistaken,  liecausc,  as  we  hava 
seen  a)H>ve,  there  were  two  distinct  nieetin^^s  of  the  jud{;es;  u  lesser  one 
everj'  ten  or  twelve  d».y8,  <ind  a  fjreater  every  eighty  days,  and  it  is  of  the 
latter  that  Zurita  sjMS'iks  on  n.  100. 

"  '  Al  one  «Sl  sei'tenciavalt  arrojava  una  flechn  de  aquellas.'  Trzozomoe, 
Crdnicn  Mrx.,  in  Kinnsboroitffh's  Mci.  Anliq.,  toni.  ix.,  p.  SI.  'A  cui>ital 
sentence  was  indicated  by  a  line  traced  with  an  arrow  across  the  jMjrtrait  of 
the  licensed.'  Prrsrotl's  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  n.  3.1. 

''  It  is  ]iroba1de  that  as  matters  of  government,  as  well  as  legal  aflairs, 
were  discussed  at  their  Kightv-Day  Council,  it  was  not  exclusively  com- 
piised  of  judges,  but  that  nobles  and  statesmen  were  admitted  to  member- 
ship. Torqucnuida  is,  however,  the  only  writer  who  distinctly  states  this: 
'tcnian  Andicncia  General,  (\ue  lu  llnmaban  Napualtlutolli,  como  decir, 
Pulabra  ochentena,  que  era  Dui,  en  cl  qual  se  juntaban  todos  los  dc  la  C'iu- 
dad,  y  los  Asistentcs  de  tmlas  las  Provincias,  con  todo  el  Pueblo,  asi  nobles, 
como  Comunes,  y  Pielteios,'  &c.  Monarq.  Iiul.,  tom.  i.,  p.  1(>8;  Ixtlilxo- 
cliitl,  Hist.  Chicn.,  in  KingsboroiiqlCs  Atitiq.  Mcx.,  vol.  ix.,  \t\).  244-.'>,  says 
that  the  king  was  accompanied  by  all  his  sons  and  relatives,  with  their 
tutors  and  suites. 

^  Concerning  this  judicial  system  of  Tezcuco,  see:  Las  Casas,  IIi.it.  Apo- 
Ingiticn,  MS.,  cap.  ccxii. ;  Torquemnda,  Monarq.  Intl.,  tom.  i.,  p.  108,  tom. 
ii.,  pp.  354-5;  Zurita,  Rapport,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voij.,  seric  ii.,  tom. 
i.,  pp.  90,  ctseq.;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mesaico,  turn,  ii.,  ])p.  128-9; 


440 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS, 


tlilxochitl  gives  a  fciomevvhat  different  account  of  the 
Te».cucan  triHunals,  which,  as  it  contains  the  only  de- 
scription given  by  the  ancient  writers  of  the  halls  in 
which  the  judges  sat,  I  translate  in  full. 

In  the  palace  were  two  principal  courtyards,  the 
larger  of  which  served  as  the  market-place.  The 
second  courtyard  was. smaller  than  the  firet,  and  was 
situated  more  in  the  interior  of  the  palace;  in  the  cen- 
tre of  it  a  fire  was  kept  continually  burning.  Here 
were  the  tw(/  most  important  tribunals  in  the  king- 
dom. To  the  right  of  this  courtyard,  writes  Ixtlilxo- 
chitl,  was  the  supreme  tribunal,  which  was  called 
teohicpalpan,  meaning,  Tribunal  of  God.  Here  was. 
a  throne  of  gold,  set  with  turquoises  and  other  pre- 
cious stones;  before  the  throne  stood  a  stool,  upon 
which  were  a  shield,  a  macana,  and  a  bow  with  its 
quiver  of  arrows ;  upon  these  was  placed  a  skull,  sur- 
mounted by  an  emerald  of  a  pyramidal  shape,  in  the 
apex  of  which  was  fixed  a  plume  of  feathers  and  pre- 
cious stones;  at  the  sides,  serving  as  carpets,  were  the 
skins  of  tigers  and  lions  (tigres  y  leones),  and  mats 
(mantas)  made  of  the  feathers  of  the  royal  eagle, 
where  a  (juantity  of  bracelets  and  anklets  (grevas)  of 
gold  were  likewise  placed  in  regular  order.**  Tlie 
walls  were  tapestried  with  cloth  of  all  colors,  made  (>f 
rabbits'  hair,  adorned  with  figures  of  divers  birds, 
animals,  and  flowers.'^'     Attached   to  the  throne  Avas 

Mrndlrtn,  Ilisl.  Erhx.,  j)p.  134-fi;  Snfiafjini,  TTixf.  Grn.,  torn,  ii.,  liU  viii., 
pp.  3<)2-.'>;  riiiKitli-l,  Mem.  sohir  lu  Itaza  Inilnjiiia,  pp. 'JS-St;  Ciirhajal  E.s- 
piiio.iii,  Hint.  Mfx.,  toiii.  i.,  p.  '•)',)'). 

-'■  i'hi.s  soiiti'Hi'e  rends  us  folldWM  ill  tlu!  i>ri;;iiml:  'il  )oh  lailos  scHiiiin  tlo 
alfoinlira.s  uiiii.s  pielen  <lo  ti},'res  y  Icoiu-h,  y  iiiiiiitii.s  IiccIiuh  ilo  i)liiiims  do 
ligiiilu  roiil,  I'll  doiidi!  asiiiiiHiud  eHtuiian  por  sii  orilt'ii  cuiitidad  de  iniicek'tes, 
y  greviis  do  oro.'  I.c/lilxorhitl,  HUI.  Vhic/i.,  m  Kiiii/.shoroiiii/i'.'i  .Mf.i\  Aiitii/., 
vol  ix.,  p.  24M.  It  is  dlHicult  t<i  iiuttgiiie  why  MniMX'Ieti's,  y  jjil'vu.s  do  oro* 
bIiouM  Ih'  placer!  ii[)i>ii  tiic  floor,  but  certainly  the  historian  ^'ives  uts  to  iiii- 
derstan<l  as  iiii:.('ii.  I'rescott,  wiio  affects  to  pve  Ixtlilxocliitl's  description 
'in  his  own  winds,'  and  who,  fnrthcrniorc,  encloses  the  extract  in  ijiiotation 
marks,  trets  over  this  dilllenlty  )»y  oniittin*^  the  above-inioleii  sentence  en- 
tirely. ]\/i:f.,  vol.  i.,  p,  .'?4;  and  Veytia,  ffinf.  Aiit.  Mij.,  toni.  iii  ,  p. 
20.">,  adopts  the  sanie  convenient  Itut  soniewliat  unsatisfactory  coiirHe.  'J'liis 
latter  author's  version  of  the  whole  matter  is,  however,  like  much  other  of 
his  work,  inextricably  <'onfused,  when  ecniiparcd  with  the  ori;;inal. 

i^  '  Las  jiarcdes  estalian  entapizadas  v  adorna<las  de  uiios  ])arios  liechos 
de  pclo  dc  couejo,  do  todoa  coluius,  con  iigurus  do  divuriiu»  uves,  uniniule.s  y 


THE  TRIBUNAL  OF  THE  KING. 


441 


a  canopy  of  rich  plumage,  in  the  centre  of  which  was 
a  glittering  ornament  of  gold  and  precious  stones. 

The  otlier  tribunal  was  called  that  of  the  king;  it 
also  had  a  throne,  which  was  lower  than  that  of  the 
Tribunal  of  God,  and  a  canopy  adorned  with  the  royal 
coat  of  arms.  Here  the  kings  transacted  ordinary 
business  and  gave  public  audience;  but  when  they 
rendered  decisions  upon  grave  and  important  oa;ses,  or 
pronounced  sentence  of  death,  they  removed  io  the 
Tribunal  of  God,  placing  the  right  hand  upon  the 
skull,  and  holding  in  the  left  the  golden  arrow  which 
served  as  a  sceptre,  and  on  these  occasions  they  put 
on  the  tiara  (tiara)  which  they  used,  wliich  resembled 
a  half  mitre.  There  were  on  the  same  stool  three  of 
these  tiaras;  one  was  of  precious  stones  set  in  gold, 
another  of  feathers,  and  the  third  woven  of  cotton 
and  ral)bit-hair,  of  a  blue  color.  This  tribunal  was 
composed  of  fourteen  grandees  of  the  kingdom,  who 
sat  in  three  divisions  of  tlie  hall,  according  to  their 
rank  and  seniority.  In  the  first  division  was  the 
king;  in  the  second  division  were  seated  six  grandees; 
the  first  of  these  six,  on  the  right  hand,  was  the  lord 
of  Teotihuacan,  the  second  the  lord  of  Acolman,  tlie 
third  tlio  lord  of  Tepetlaoztoc ;  on  the  loft  side  sat, 
first,  the  lord  of  Huexotla,  secjond,  the  lord  of  Coat- 
licluin,  tliird,  he  of  Cliimalhuacan.  In  the  third  di- 
visitHi  of  the  hall,  which  w  is  the  exterior  one,  sat 
eight  otlier  lords,  according  to  their  rank  and  senior- 
ty;  on  tlie  right  side  tlie  first  was  the  lord  of  Otom- 
jtan,  the  second  was  the  lord  of  Tollantzinco,  the  third 
the  lord  of  Quauhchinanco,  the  fourth  the  lord  of  Xi- 
c()tepe(*,  and  on  liie  left  side  were,  first,  the  lord  of  Te- 
pechpan,  siKH^id,  the  lord  of  Cliiauhtla,  third,  the 
lord  of  (Jhiuhiiauhtla,  and  fourth,  he  of  Teiotocan. 

rtiHcs.'  Tliis  is  roiulnrcwi  hy  Prcsrott:  'The  walls  wpro  hung  with  tapestry, 
iiiiidc  cif  the  htiir  nf  iliiltTcnt  wild  aiiiiimlH,  tif  rifh  uiiil  various  colors,  frs- 
till, iiri/  III/  ifolil  riiif/s,tiiu[  fuihroideri'd  with  ti;;nrL's  of  hinls  and  (lowers.' 
A  few  lines  aliove,  'la  silhi  y  espaldar  era  de  oro,'  is  construed  into  'a 
throne  or°  imie  ;,'(dd.'  It  seems  scarcely  fair  to  style  the  ancient  (,'hiclii- 
luce's  description  on(>  'of  rather ii  iioeticul  cast,'  at  the  same  time  making 
tiiicli  additions  as  these. 


Sr  if 


I- 


442 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


There  followed,  also,  another  hall,  which  adjoined 
this  on  the  ojistern  side,  and  was  dividf-d  into  two 
parts;  in  the  inner  and  principal  division,  were  eijj^ht 
judi^es,  who  were  nobles  and  gentlemen,  and  four  oth- 
ers who  were  of  the  citizen  class;'"  these  were  followed 
by  fifteen  provincial  judg^es,  natives  of  all  the  cities 
and  chief  towns  of  Tezcuco;  the  latter  took  coj^iii- 
zance  of  all  suits,  civil  or  criminal,  which  were  em- 
braced in  the  ei«^hty  laws  that  Nt'Z<ihualct)yotl 
established;  the  duration  of  the  moist  important  of 
these  cases  was  never  more  than  eijj^hty  days.  In 
the  other,  or  exterior,  division  of  the  hall,  was  a  tri- 
bunal composed  of  four  supreme  judjifes,  who  were 
presidents  of  the  councils;  and  tiiere  was  a  wicket, 
throui^h  which  they  entered  and  went  out  to  commu- 
nicate with  the  kintr.^T 

Besides  these  various  tribunals  for  the  jreneral  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  there  were  others  that  had 
jurisdiction  in  cases  of  a  ])eculiar  nature  only.  There 
was  a  court  of  divorce,  and  another  wlii'<'li  <l(alt  only 
with  military  matters;  by  it  military  m«;fi  W'  r.  tried 
and  punished,  and  it  had  also  the  powtrr  to  confer 
rewards  and  honors  upon  the  deservinj<;  th<;  especial 
jurisdiction  of  another  tribunal  extended  ov»!r  mat- 
ters pertaininjLf  to  art  and  science,  while  a  fourth  court 
luul  charj^e  of  the  royal  exclufjuer,  of  taxes  and  trib- 
utes, and  </  those  emi)loyed  m  coUectinj^  tlwjm.  Of 
some  of  these  institutions  i  have  already  had  <><• 
casion  to  speak.  The  mod*^  of  [irocedure,  or  daily 
routine,  in  the  law  courts  of  Mexico  and  Tezcu<<) 
was  strict  aiid  formal.     At  sunrise,  or  as  some  sav, 

*•  Ixtlilxochitl,  tilii  mipra,  writes:  'En  los  primeroR  pucatoR  oclio  jtircox 
qui!  eraii  ni>hl('«  y  caltaluMOH,  y  Um  oiTos  oiiatru  (■run  <lf  Ids  ciinlacfuiKiH.' 
Veytia  nayH:  "I^oh  cuatro  priiiicrim  craii  rabullcruH  dc  la  iioblvza  il«'  primer 
orilun,  loH  cuatro  Hit^iiicnteM  ciududanoH  dc  Tczuocu.'  Hi-it.  Ant.  Mfj.,  toiii. 
iii.,  p.  MH). 

'''  Jj-t/i/.rurhil/,  IliHt.  Vhich.,  ill  Aiiiifxhorouffh'M  MfJ".  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
24'J  X  TIh!  whole  of  tlic  above  deHeriptioii  jh  very  difiieiilt  to  iraiiwlate 
literally,  owinj^f  to  (lie  eonfiiHed  xtyle  in  wliieli  it  is  written;  and  if  in 
ida(H>H  it  Ih  Huiiiewliat  niiintelli>;ilile,  the  reader  will  recollect  that  I  trans- 
late merely  wliat  Ixtlilxtx-hitl  Huys,  and  not  what  he  inuy,  or  may  nut,  have 
infant  to  any. 


COURT  PROCEEDINGS. 


443 


at  daybreak,  the  judges  took  their  places  in  court, 
8quattin<;  upon  nuitn  spread  for  the  pui"})ose,  usually 
upon  an  elevated  platform.  Here  they  administered 
justice  until  noon,  when  they  j)artook  of  a  meal 
suj  (plied  from  the  royal  kitchen.  When  this  was  over 
and  they  had  rested  for  a  short  s))ace,  business  was 
resumed,  and  carried  on  durinj^  the  ji-reater  part 
of  the  afternoon.  Punctuality  on  the  part  of  the 
judges  was  strictly  enforced,  and  he  who  absented 
himself  from  court  without  good  cause,  such  as  ill- 
ness, or  royal  permission,  was  severely  punished. 
This  order  was  observed  every  day',  except  when  the 
presenc*^  of  the  judges  was  required  at  the  public 
sacrifices  or  solemn  festivities,  at  which  time  the 
coi;.-ts  of  justice  remained  closed.'" 

Minor  cases  were  conducted  verbally,  the  parties 
jii  'ucing  their  witnesses,  who  testified  under  oath 
i'oi  ae  complaint  or  the  defence.  The  testimony, 
under  oarth  t)f'  the  ])rincipals  was  also  admitted  as 
evi<l<-r*«;e;  and  one  writer  even  asserts  that  the  de- 
fendant could  clear  himself  by  his  oath;^  but  it  is 
plain  that  if  su<h  were  the  case  conviction  would  be 
very  rare.  In  cases  of  greater  importance,  esj)ecially 
in  civil  units  v;here  the  possession  of  real  estate  was 
involved,  paintings,  in  which  the  j)n)perty  in  dispute 
was  rej)rehented,  were  pnxluced  as  authentic  docu- 
jnents,  and  the  whole  of  the  proceedings,  such  as  the 
the  object  of  the  claim,  the  evidence,  the  names  of 
the  ■>  •♦^ies  and  their  resj)e*-tive  witnesses,  as  well  as 
tlx  <)•  -iion  or  sentence,  were  recorded  in  court  by 
n<jtarie»,  or  clerks,  a])pointed  for  that  purpose.*     A 


**  Torqufmaffii,  Monarq.  Iiirf.,  toni.  ii..  |>.  .V>4;  /Lrt.v  Casns,  Hist  Apolo- 
(fftira,  MS.,  cap.  cfxii.;  \f\jtin,  llixt.  Aiii  Mj  .  loin,  iii.,  jt.  I'.lit,  ( lavi- 
ijetui.  Xtofiii  Ant.  ikl  Mcsnico,  toni.  ii.,  j)  I'ih;  /.uiti-  Jinjijiurl,  in  Tiriiaxix- 
('uiii/iiiiiK,  Voif.,  si-rip  ii..  toiii.  i.,  ]\.  lOti;   Mfitdirto.  Hixl.  Kili.i.,  p.  1,34. 

''■'  C/tirif/rro,  Storia  Ant.  del  MfK.s-icn,  toin.  ii.,  p    I'i'.t. 

3'i  I'rcNfott,  Mrx.,  vol.  i.,  p  Xi,  suyn:  'Tlio  paiiiliiij{s  were  cxorutcil 
with  HO  much  accunic.v.  that,  in  ull  suitx  r<'«|>«'riinj{  iciil  jirtijiorty,  tlu'y  v,v\v, 
iiiidWPil  to  he  priMliicetl  um  kihh\  iiiitlinrity  in  llio  Spanish  trihniuilN,  very 
liuii.'  lifter  th<'  ('iint|(ieKt:  and  a  rhair  fur  th«>ir  Nln<ly  aixi  interpretation  >vaH 
CHtiiliMKheil  at  Mexico  in  i'lTi'A,  which  hatt  hmt;  nince  Hinircil  the  fate  of  most 
uthcr  pruvisiuUH  fur  k'iiruiujj  in  thitt  Jiif«/rtunute  country.'     iioturini  thuH 


-'it 


iU 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


witness  in  an  Aztec  court  of  law  occupied  a  serious 
position.  In  the  first  place  the  judges  are  by  all 
writers  said  to  have  been  particularly  skillful  in  cross- 
examination.  They  seem  to  have  made  it  an  especial 
study  to  harass  witnesses  with  pertinent  questions 
and  minute  details;  in  the  next  place  the  punishment 
for  perjury  was  death,  and  perjiuy  among  these  peo- 
ple consisted  in  making  a  false  statement  when  under 
oath,  without  the  possibility  of  being  saved  by  a  legal 
({uibble;  in  addition  to  this,  superstition  attached 
great  weight  to  the  oath  which  every  witness  was 
obliged  to  take,  and  which  consisted  in  touching  the 
forefinger  to  the  earth  and  then  to  the  tongue,  as  if  to 
say,  as  Las  Casas  expresses  it :  By  tlie  goddess  Earth, 
who  supports  and  affords  me  sustenance,  I  swear  to 
speak  truth.  This  oath  was  considered  to  be  very 
sacred  and  binding,  and  is  said  to  have  been  rarely 
violated.  Whetlier  counsel  or  advocates  were  em- 
ployed is  a  disputed  point,  some  writers  asserting  dis- 
tinctly that  they  were,  and  others  that  they  were 
not.^'     Veytia   states  that   the  complainant  and  de- 


describes  the  paper  used  l>y  the  Aztecs:  'El  Pnpcl  Iiidiuno  kc  ci>inponla  de 
Itts  peiicas  del  MarfitH/,  que  en  lcii<;ua  Niicionul  sc  llama  Miil,  y  cii  CuHtel- 
huio  Pita.  l/os  cchahaii  ii  jwdrir,  y  lavnhan  el  liilo  de  ellas,  el  que  liavi- 
cndose  ablandado  estendian,  para  coniponer  sii  papcl  }{rue!<iso,  h  deJL'adn, 

3 lie  dcspiies  brufiian  para  |>iiitar  en  bl.    Taiiibicii  luiciaii  ]iupcl  de  las  ii<>ja» 
e  Paliiia,  y  Yo  tengo  al^iinos  de  estos  delgados,  y  blandos  taiitu  cunio  la 
seda.'  ViiMloffo,  in  Id.,  Idea,  pp.  95-C. 

31  Veytia  writes  very  jjositivcly  on  this  point:  'Habia  tanibien  abojtndos 
y  procuradores;  il  los  ])riinero8  llaniaban  tenantlatoani,  que  quicre  decir  cl 
que  habhi  por  otro,  y  d  los  se^nndos  tlniiciniliaiii,  que  en  lo  stistaiu-iiil  t-jcr- 
ciaii  Hus  ininiHterios  casi  del  niisino  inod(»  que  en  niieHtnm  tribuiia!cs. . . . 
Dalian  ti'miinos  A  las  partes  para  que  sns  abogados  liablasen  jior  ollus,  y 
estos  lo  liacian  del  inisino  inodo  que  eii  iiucstros  tribiiiialcs.'  Hint.  Ant. 
Mej.,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  207-8.  Sahagun  relates  the  qualities  which  wore  suji- 
posed  by  the  Aztecs  to  constitute  a  good  or  bad  pmrnradur  or  .lulirita- 
dor,  and  descril)es  their  duties:  'Kl  prociirador  favorecc  h  una  banda  de 
los  pleyteaiitcs,  por  quieii  en  sii  negocio  vuelvc  nuicho  y  apela,  toiiieiido 
poder,  y  llovando  salario  por  ello.  lil  buen  prociinidor  es  vivo  y  solicito, 
osado,  diligeiite,  coiistaiite,  y  perscverante  en  los  iiegocios,  en  los  cualcs  no 
sc  doja  veneer;  siii^  que  alega  de  su  dcrecho,  apela,  lacha  los  tcsti};<)s,  ni 
sc  cansa  liasta  vcnci-r  li  la  jiarte  contraria  y  triuiifar  de  cl!a.  El  iiial  j:n)- 
curador  es  interesable,  gran  jtedigiicfio,  y  de  nuilicia  sncle  dilalar  los  iicp)- 
cios:  liace  alharacas,  es  inuy  iiegligciite  y  tU-si'uidado  en  cl  picito,  y  fraiidii- 
lento  de  tal  niodo,  que  de  entranibas  partem  llcva  nalario.  I'.l  t«tlicitii<l<)r 
nnnca  para,  aiida  sienipre  solicito  y  listo.  El  buen  solicitador  cs  niny  ciii- 
daduBo,  deterniinado,  y  soHcitu  en  todo,  y  por  liacer  bicn  sii  olicio,  inuchos 


EXAMINATION  OF  WITNESSES. 


440 


fendant  were  sometimes  confronted  with  each  other, 
and  compelled  to  argue  the  case  before  the  court,  no 
other  person  being  allowed  to  speak  the  while.  The 
judges  heard  and  passed  sentence  l>y  a  majority  of 
votes,**  each  giving  his  decision  aloud.  If  the  trial 
took  place  in  an  inferior  court,  a  disagreement  sent 
the  matter  on  appeal  to  a  higher  gourt;  if  it  took 
place  in  the  first  instance  before  a  superior  tribunal, 
it  was  appealed  to  the  great  council  of  the  emperor. 
The  same  writer  also  says  that  where  a  serious  public 
offense  had  been  committed,  the  witnesses  were  ex- 
amined, and  sentence  was  immediately  passed  without 
giving  the  accused  time  to  defend  himself.**  We 
have  already  seen  that  the  duration  of  suits  was  lim- 
ited to  eighty  days,  and  generally  thuy  terminated 
much  sooner  than  this,  all  po.ssible  expedition  being 
always  used.  The  better  to  avoid  bribery  and  cor- 
ruption, it  was  expressly  forbidden  for  a  judge  to 
receive  presents,  no  matter  how  triHing,  and  he  who 
violated  this  rule  was  deposed  from  office,  and  other- 
wise punished  with  exceeding  rigor. 

The  way  in  which  the  judges  were  paid  for  their  serv- 
ices was  peculiar.  A  certain  ]K)rtion  of  land  was  set 
apart  for  their  exclusive  benefit,  which  was  c\iltivated 
and  harvested  by  tenants,  who  doubtless  were  allowed 
to  retain  a  part  of  the  produce  in  return  for  their  hihor. 
These  lands  were  not  inherited  b\  the  son  on  the 
death  of  the  fathe'v  but  ]»assed  to  the  judge  H|)p()inted 

veccs  (loja  <lc  roiiior  y  <lc  (loriiiir,  y  ftiulii  de  ciisa  rii  casu  solicituiido  l<m 
iic;;ocio!*,  Icih  cikiIch  trntii  (U-  Imoiiii  tiiitii,  v  cnii  tt'iimr  I'l  rocf'  >,  dc  i|ii«>  por 
su  (Icscuiilo  no  tonpiii  iiiiil  hiu'osd  los  iii'^iui«ie«.  l'!|  imil  HoliiitiKlor  os  Hojo 
y  descuiilailo,  lenlo,  v  ciicaiiililador  paru  satur  liiiii'iiis,  y  fa<'iliiioiito  sr  ilcjn 
colii'diar,  |ii>r(]uc  no  iialtlf  iiiul  rl  ncpH-in  <•  nuo  iiiicnta,  y  iisi  rsnclc  i-fliur  li 
ptTilcr  loH  pK'iloH.'  ]li.st.  (Icti.,  toni.  iii.,  Iit>.  x..  pp.  'l',\-i.  ('Iavif.;oio  taki's  the 
opposite  Mi<lc>  of  tlieciiichtion:  'Neijriii<lizj  dci  .^I^'^^i<•alli  racfvaiio  la  ]iiii'ti  ilu 
jK'r  ise  Hte.sHC  le  Inro  allegazioni:  alinoiio  noii  siipi^iunto,  die  vi  fosseio  Av\o- 
rati.'  Sfiiri)!  Aiif.  (frl  Mrsstm,  toni.  ii.,  p.  I2'.>.  'No  coiinxel  was  (-inployt>il; 
tlie  parties  stated  their  <»vn  ease,  and  supported  it  hy  their  witnesses.'  /Vc.v- 
rott'n  Mcx.,  vol.  i.,  |).  :12.  l/olHee  d'aviMiit  etail  itu'onnii:  les  parties  etul»- 
hssaient  ellesiiieines  lour  raiise,  en  se  fai^<alll  at'eoni|ia^MU'r  de  leure 
tenioiiiH.'   /';v/.v,v(i/c  (/<■  IttiiirhttHi^f.  Hist.  Siil.  ''"'.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  .'iKi. 

^^  'I'l'iO  reader  wilt  Iiave  ivnu>rke<I  in  a  previous  note  that  Veytia  ussiyns 
more  jiid^res  to  eii<-^  eourt  than  aii\  other  writer. 

"  I'v^fiti,  His     Anl.  My.,  toin.  iii.,  )i.  "JOS. 


tl 


446 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


in  the  place  of  the  latter."*  Veytia  does  not  mention 
these  lands;  he  says  that  the  judges  had  no  fixed 
salary,  but  were  paid  according  to  the  king's  pleasure, 
more  or  less,  in  proportion  to  the  size  of  their  families, 
besides  which  the  king  made  valuable  presents  when 
the  Eighty-Day  Council  met,  to  those  who  had  per- 
formed their  duty  to  his  satisfaction.**  The  allowance 
was  in  all  cases  made  amply  sufficient,  that  there 
might  be  no  excuse  on  the  ground  of  poverty  for  a 
judge  receiving  presents  or  bribes.  They  held  their 
office  for  life,  and  were  selected  from  the  higher 
classes,  especially  the  superior  judges,  who  were  gen- 
erally relatives  of  the  king,  or  even  members  of  the 
royal  family.  None  were  eligible  for  the  office  who 
were  not  sober,  upright  men,  brought  up  in  the  tem- 
ples, and  who  were  well  acquainted  with  court  life  and 
manners.  A  judge  who  became  drunk,  or  received  a 
bribe,  was  three  times  severely  reprimanded  by  his 
fellow-judges;  if  the  offense  was  repeated,  his  head 
was  shaved  publicly,  a  great  disgrace  among  the  Az- 
tecs, and  he  was  deprived  of  his  office  with  ignominy. 
A  judge  making  a  false  report  to  the  king,  or  con- 
victed of  receiving  a  large  bribe,  or  of  rendering  a 
manifestly  unjust  decision,  was  punished  with  death."" 
All  this  machinery  of  the  law  was  dispensed  with  in 
Tlascala,  where  all  disputes  and  difficulties  were 
promptly  settled  by  certain  old  men  appointed  for 
that  purpose." 

A  love  of  impartial  justice  seems  to  have  charac- 
terized all  the  Aztec  nionarchs,  and,  as  we  have  seen, 
the  laws  they  enacted  to  ensure  this  to  their  subjects 


'<  Torgtirmada,  Muiinrq.  hid.,  torn,  ii.,  pp  .SiM-fu  Mrndieta,  Hist.  Ecles., 
p.  l.V);  Chtn'fffro,  Sforin  Ant.  drl  Mcusicn,  tuiii.  ii.,  pp.  HS8-9. 

3i  Veytiii,'lli.sl.  A  lit.  .yfij.,  torn,  iii.,  i>.  '2m. 

'6  f,n.s  CasnD,  Ui.st.  A/io.  v"'''""-  MS.,  rap.  ccxv.,  ccxii.;  Sahnrfuii,  Hint. 
Gen.,  toiii.  ii.,  lilt,  viii.,  jip.  3()4,  SI.S;  M<»(li<t(i,  llixt.  Erlr.s.,  p.  IS.'i;  Vri/tiir, 
Hist.  Ant.  Mrj.,  toiii.  iii.,  )>.  423;  Znritii,  liftii/iorf.  in  Tenia iij--<'tinij)nii.i, 
i'oif.,  NL-ric  ii.,  torn,  i.,  i>ii.  l(tl-'2.  T<iri|iu>iniulu  mivs  the  unjust  juilfrt-  wild 
warned  twice,  and  Mlinved  at  the  third  ott'eiise.  Moiiarq.  hid.,  toni.  iL.  p 
3.'>fi.     Sec  also /(A,  p.  .■18.\ 

'*^  Catiuirgo,  Hint.  Ttux.,  in  NouvelUtt  Amntleades  Voy.,  1843,  toni.xcix-, 
p.  136. 


ANECDOTES  OF  NE7AHUALPILLI. 


447 


were  severe  in  the  extreme.  No  favoritism  wa«  al- 
lowed; all,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest  were  held 
amenable  to  the  law.  A  story,  illustrating  this,  is 
repeated  by  nearly  all  the  old  writers.  In  the  reign 
of  Nezahualpilli,  the  son  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  who  were 
accounted  the  two  wisest  kings  of  Tezcuco,  a  suit 
sprang  up  between  a  rich  and  powerful  noble  and  a 
poor  man  of  the  people.  The  judge  decided  against 
the  poor  man,  who  thereby  lost  what  little  he  had, 
and  was  in  danger  of  having  to  sell  himself  as  a  slave 
to  procure  subsistence  for  his  family.  But  suspicion 
of  foul  play  having  been  aroused,  the  king  ordered 
the  matter  to  be  thoroughly  investigated,  wlien  it 
transpired  that  the  judge  had  been  guilty  of  collusion 
with  the  rich  man ;  so  the  king  commanded  that  the 
unjust  judge  should  be  hanged  at  once,  and  that  the 
poor  man's  j)roperty  should  be  restored  to  him. 

Neither  were  the  rulers  themselves,  nor  their  fami- 
lies, exempt  from  observance  of  the  law,  and  instances 
are  not  wanting  where  fathers  have,  Brutus-like,  con- 
demned their  cliildren  to  death,  rather  than  allow  the 
law  to  be  violated,  and  the  offender  to  go  unpunished. 
NezahuaUfWotl  caused  four  of  his  own  sons  to  be  pub- 
licly execDfflied  because  they  had  sinned  with  their 
step-mothers,  the  wives  of  their  father.^  A  very 
touching  incident  is  narrated  by  Torquemada,  show- 
ing to  what  an  extent  this  love  of  impartial  justice 
was  carried  by  a  Tezcucan  sovereign. 

Nezahualpilli,  king  of  Tezeucu,  had  married  two 
sisters,  whom  he  dearly  loved,  and  especially  did  he 
dote  upon  the  younger,  whose  njune  was  Xocotzincat- 
zin.  By  her  he  had  several  ••hildren,  the  eldest  being 
a  son,  named  Huexotzincatzin,  who  was  beloved  by 
all  who  knew  him,  on  account  of  his  amiable  disposi- 
tion and  noble  ((ualities,  and  who  was  besides  a  very 
valiant  young  man  and  a  great  warrior.  No  wonder 
that  he  wais  the  king s  pride,  iWid  beloved  even  more 


^\\ 


'"  Turquemada,  Moiiarq.  Ind.,  torn.  i..  p.  IfiS. 


448 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


than  his  brotheiH  and  Kisters,  for  his  own  and  his 
mother's  sake.  So  much  had  Hucxotzincatziii  dis- 
tinguished himself,  that,  although  he  was  but  a  young 
man,  his  father  determined  to  bestow  upon  him  the 
office  and  title  of  tlacatecatl,  which  was  a  post  of  the 
highest  honor  and  importance.'"  For  this  purpose  the 
king  one  day  ordered  that  the  j)rince  be  sent  for  and 
brought  into  his  i)resence.  With  a  light  heart,  and 
much  elated,  Huexotzincatzin,  acconjj)anied  by  his 
suite,  and  the  ntibles  who  were  his  tutors,  set  out  for 
the  rt>yal  }>alacc.  As  he  was  about  to  enter,  the  prince 
met  one  t>f  his  father's  concubines,  attended  by  her 
ladies.  This  concubine  was  a  very  beautiful  and 
proud  woman,  yet  withal  of  a  free  and  easy  carriage, 
tliat  encouraged  Huexotzincatzin,  who  perha|)s  did 
not  know  who  .'^he  was,  to  address  her  ni  a  familiar 
and  disrespectful  maiuier.  The  woman,  who,  the  his- 
torian remarks,  could  not  have  Ixu-n  possessed  of  much 
sense,  either  because  she  felt  offended  at  his  conduct 
towards  her,  or  because  she  dreaded  the  conse(juence 
if  the  king  should  discover  what  had  happi-ncd,  turned 
from  the  prince  without  a  word,  and  entered  the  pal- 
ace. The  king's  concubines,  as  we  have  seen  in  a  for- 
mi!r  chapter,  were  always  accom|)anied  by  ccrtfiin 
elderly  women,  whose  duty  it  was  to  instruct  them  in 
discreet  behavior  and  to  watch  continually  over  their 
actions.  One  of  these  women,  who  had  been  with  the 
concubine  at  the  time  of  her  meeting  with  }{uexot- 
zincatzin,  and  had  overheard  the  j)rince's  remarks, 
went  straightway  to  the  king,  and  informed  him  of  all 
that  had  hai>pencd.  The  king  immediately  sent  for 
his  concubine,  and  inquired  of  her  if  the  prince  had 
spoken  lewdly  to  her  publicly  and  in  the  presence  of 
the  ladies  and  courtiers,  or  if  he  had  intended  his 

w  Torqiicmada  trniiMlatcR  tincntocati,  rnptniii  (Ipnornl,  (rn|)itnn  Ocn- 
crul).  Wc  have  already  hccii  that  it  was  tlic  title  of  tin-  pruHiilin^  }^*'^liO 
of  tiie  second  Mexican  court  of  justice,  hut  it  was  prohahly  in  this  case  a 
military  title,  both  hccauHe  military  promotion  would  lie  more  likely  to  he 
conferred  u|Mm  a  renowned  warrior  than  a  judj^csliii),  and  hccauHC  the 
prince  is  s|M)kcn  of  as  a  younjj  man,  while  only  nuMi  of  mature  years  and 
;;ri<at  experience  were  entrusted  with  the  higher  judiuial  olliccs. 


PUNISHMENT  OF  THE  KING'S  SON. 


44ii 


words  to  reach  her  ear  alone;  for  Nezahualpilli  would 
fain  have  discovered  some  excuse  for  his  son,  the  pun- 
ishincnt  for  s]ieaking  lewdly  in  public  to  the  kini^'s 
concubines  bein«]f,  accordinjr  to  law,  death;  but  the 
frightened  woman  replied  that  Huexotzincatzin  had 
spoken  openly  to  her,  before  all  that  were  present. 
Then  the  king  di.smi8sed  tlie  concubine,  and  retired, 
mourning,  into  certain  apartments  which  were  called 
the  'rooms  of  sorrow.' 

When  these  things  came  to  the  ears  of  the  friends 
and  tutors  of  the  prince,  they  were  much  troubled  on 
his  account,  because  the  severity  of  the  king,  ind  his 
strict  adherence  to  the  law  were  as  a  proverb  among 
the  peoj)le,  and  their  apprelKMisions  increased  when, 
upon  arriving  at  the  royal  apartments,  the  prince  was 
denied  admission,  although  his  attendants  were  or- 
dered to  appear  at  once  before  the  king.  There  they 
were  closely  questioned  by  him,  and  although  they 
would  willingly  have  saved  the  prince  from  the  conse- 
quences of  his  folly,  yet  they  dared  not  speak  anything 
but  truth,  for  he  who  was  convicted  of  wilfully  deceiving 
the  king,  suffered  death.  All  they  could  do  was  to 
make  excuses  for  the  jirince,  and  ask  pardon  for  his 
crime,  and  this  they  did  with  many  prayers  and  en- 
treaties, advancing,  as  extenuating  circumstances,  his 
youth,  his  previous  good  conduct,  and  his  possible  ig- 
norance of  the  fact  that  the  lady  was  his  father's 
concubine.  The  king  listened  patiently  to  the  end, 
answering  nothing,  and  then  he  connnanded  that  Hu- 
exotzincatzin be  forthwith  arrested  and  placed  in  con- 
finement. Later  in  that  same  day  he  pronounced 
sentence  of  death  against  his  S(m.  When  it  became 
known  that  Huexotzincatzin  was  to  die,  all  the  pow- 
erful nobles  who  were  at  court  went  in  a  body  to  the 
king  and  earnestly  conjured  him  not  to  insist  upon 
carrying  out  his  sentence,  telling  him  that  it  was  bar- 
barous and  unnatural,  and  that  future  generations 
would  hold  in  horror  and  hatred  the  memory  of  the 
man  who  had  condemned  his  own  son  to  death.    Their 

VuL.  II.    2» 


450 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


prayers  and  arguments  seemed,  however,  to  render  the 
old  kint;^  only  the  more  implacable,  and  he  dismissed 
them,  saying  that  it'  the  law  forbade  such  things,  and 
if  that  law  was  inviolably  observed  throughout  the 
kingdom,  how  could  he  justify  his  conduct  to  his  sub- 
jects, were  he  to  allow  the  same  to  be  infringed  upon 
in  his  own  palace,  and  the  offender  to  remain  unpun- 
ished merely  because  he  was  his  son;  that  it  should 
never  be  said  of  him  that  he  made  laws  for  his  sub- 
jects which  did  not  apply  to  his  own  family. 

When  Xocotzincatzin,  the  prince's  mother,  heard 
that  he  was  condenmed  to  death,  she  gathered  the 
rest  of  her  sons  about  her,  and  coming  suddenly  be- 
fore her  husband,  she  fell  on  her  knees  and  besought 
him  with  many  tears,  to  spare  the  life  of  her  darling 
son,  the  first  pledge  of  love  that  she,  his  favorite  wife 
had  given  him.  Finding  all  her  entreaties  fruitless, 
she  then  implored  him  for  the  sake  of  the  love  he  had 
once  borne  her,  to  slay  her  and  her  other  sons  with 
Huexotzincatzin,  since  life  without  her  first-born  was 
unbearable.  But  the  stern  old  king  still  sat  to  all  aji- 
pearance  unmoved  and  immovable,  and  coldly  directed 
the  attendant  ladies  to  convey  the  wretched  mother  to 
her  apartments. 

The  execution  of  the  prince  was  delayed  in  every 
possible  manner  by  those  who  had  charge  of  it,  in  the 
hope  that  the  king  might  even  yet  relent;  but  Neza- 
hualpilli  having  been  informed  of  this,  immediately 
ordered  that  the  sentence  should  be  carried  out  with- 
out further  delay.  So  Huexotzincatzin  died.  As  soon 
as  the  news  of  his  son's  death  was  carried  to  the  king, 
he  shut  himself  up  in  certain  apartments  called  the 
'rooms  of  sorrow,'  and  there  remained  forty  days, 
mourning  for  his  first-born  and  seeing  no  one.  Tho 
house  of  the  late  prince  was  then  walled  up,  and 
none  were  allowed  to  enter  it,  and  so  all  tokens  of 
the  unhappy  young  man  were  destroyed.*" 


"  Torqucmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  189-90. 


MONTEZUMA  AND  THE  FARMER. 


Another  anecdote,  which  is  written  in  execrable 
Spanish  by  the  native  historian,  Tezozoinoc,  may  nut 
be  out  of  place  here.  It  is  told  of  the  emperor  Mon- 
tezuma of  Mexico,  and  the  reader  will  at  once  recog- 
nize a  resemblance  between  this  and  many  other  anec- 
dotes with  which  he  is  familiar,  where  a  bold  and 
merited  rebuke  from  a  subject  to  his  sovereign  is 
received  with  respect  and  even  favor. 

it  happened  one  summer,  that  the  king,  being 
wearied  with  the  cares  of  government,  went  for  rest 
and  recreation  to  his  country  palace  at  Tacubaya. 
One  day,  when  out  shooting  birds,  he  came  to  an  or- 
chard, and  having  told  his  attendants  to  remain  out- 
sidii,  he  entered  alone.  He  succeeded  in  killing  a 
bird,  and  as  he  was  returning,  bearing  his  game  in  his 
hand,  he  turned  aside  into  a  field  where  a  remarkably 
fine  crop  of  corn  was  growing.  Having  plucked  a 
few  ears,  he  went  towards  the  house  of  the  owner  of 
the  field,  which  stood  hard  by,  for  the  purpose  of  show- 
ing him  the  ears  that  he  had  plucked,  and  of  praising 
his  crop,  but  as  by  law  it  was  death  to  look  upon  the 
king's  face,  the  occupants  of  the  house  had  fied,  and 
there  was  no  one  therein.  Now  the  owner  of  the 
field  had  seen  the  king  pluck  the  corn  from  afar  off, 
and,  notwithstanding  it  was  against  the  law,  he  ven- 
tured to  approach  the  monarch  in  such  a  way  as  to 
make  the  meeting  appear  accidental.  Making  a  deep 
obeisance,  he  thus  addressed  the  king:  "How  is  it, 
most  high  and  mighty  prince,  that  thou  hast  thus 
stolen  my  corn?  Didst  thou  not  thyself  establish 
a  law  that  he  who  should  steal  one  ear  of  corn,  or 
its  value,  should  suffer  death?"  And  Montezuma  an- 
swered; "Truly  I  did  make  such  a  law."  Then  said 
the  farmer:  "How  is  it  then,  that  thou  breakest  thine 
own  law?"  And  the  king  replied:  "Here  is  thy  corn, 
take  back  that  which  I  have  stolen  from  thee."  But 
the  owner  of  the  field  began  to  be  alarmed  at  his  own 
boldness,  and  tried  to  excuse  himself,  saying  that  he 
had  spoken  merely  in  jest,  for,  said  he:  "Are  not  my 


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i52 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


fields,  and  myself,  and  my  wife,  and  my  children,  all 
thine,  to  do  with  as  thou  wilt;"  and  he  refused  to  take 
back  the  ears  of  com.  Then  the  king  took  off  his 
mantle  of  net- work  and  precious  stones,  which  was 
called  xiuhayatl  and  was  worth  a  whole  city,  and 
offered  it  to  the  farmer,  who  at  first  was  afraid  to  ac- 
cept so  precious  a  gift,  but  Montezuma  insisted,  so  he 
took  the  mantle,  promising  to  preserve  it  with  great 
care  as  a  remembrance  of  the  king.  When  Monte- 
zuma returned  to  his  attendants,  the  precious  mantle 
was  at  once  missed,  and  they  began  to  intjuire  what 
had  become  of  it ;  which  the  king  perceiving,  he  told 
them  that  he  had  been  set  upon  by  robbers,  when 
alone,  who  had  robbed  him  of  his  mantle,  at  the  same 
time  he  ordered  them,  upon  pain  of  death,  to  say 
nothing  more  about  the  matter.  The  next  day,  hav- 
ing arrived  at  his  royal  palace  in  Mexico,  when  all  his 
great  nobles  were  about  him,  he  ordered  one  of  his 
captains  to  repair  to  Tacubaya,  and  inquire  for  a  cer- 
tain Xocliitlacotzin,  whom  they  should  at  once  bring 
to  his  presence,  but  nnder  penalty  of  death  they  should 
not  injure  or  abuse  him  in  any  way.  When  the  king's 
messengers  told  Xochitlacotzin  their  errand,  he  was 
greatly  alarmed,  and  tried  to  escape,  but  they  caught 
him,  and  telling  him  to  fear  nothing,  for  that  the  king 
was  kindly  disposed  towards  him,  they  brought  him 
before  Montezuma.  The  king,  having  bidden  him  wel- 
come, asked  him  what  had  become  of  his  mantle.  At 
this  the  nobles  who  were  present  became  much  ex- 
cited, but  Montezuma  quieted  them,  saying:  "This 
poor  man  has  more  courage  and  boldness  than  any  of 
you  who  are  here,  for  he  dared  to  speak  the  truth  and 
tell  me  that  I  had  broken  my  laws.  Of  such  men 
have  I  greater  need,  than  of  those  who  speak  only 
with  honeyed  words  to  me."  Then  having  inquired 
what  principal  offices  were  vacant,  he  ordered  his  at- 
tendant lords  to  shelter  and  take  care  of  Xochitlacot- 
zin, whq  was  henceforth  his  relative  and  one  of  the 
chief  men  of  the  realm.     Afterwards  he  who  had  so 


PUNISHMENT  OF  CRIMES. 


468 


lately  been  a  poor  farmer  was  given  a  principal  horse 
of  Olae  for  his  own,  and  it  was  long  the  boast  of  his 
descendants  that  they  were  relatives  of  Montezuma." 
The  Aztecs  adopted  numerous  ways  of  punishing, 
offenders  against  the  law,  as  we  shall  see  presently, 
but  I  do  not  think  that  imprisonment  was  largely  re- 
sorted to.  They  had  prisons,  it  is  true,  and  very  cruel 
ones,  according  to  all  accounts,  but  it  appears  that 
they  were  more  for  the  purpose  of  confining  prisoners 
previous  to  their  trial,  or  between  their  condemnation 
and  execution,  than  permanently ,  for  punishment. 
These  jails  were  of  two  classes,  one  called  teilpiloyan 
for  those  imprisoned  on  a  civil  charge,  another  called 
quaiiJicalco*^  for  prisoners  condemned  to  death.  The 
cells  were  made  like  cages,  and  the  prison  was  so  con- 
structed as  to  admit  very  little  light  or  air  ;*^  the  food 
was  scanty  and  of  a  bad  quality,  so  that,  as  Las  Casas 
expresses  it,  the  prisoners  soon  became  thin  and  yel- 
low, and  commenced  at  the  prison  to  suffer  the  death 
that  was  afterwards  adjudged  them.  Clavigero,  how- 
ever, asserts  that  those  condemned  to  the  s&crificial 
stone  were  well  fed  in  order  that  they  might  appear 
in  good  flesh  at  the  sacrifice."  A  very  close  watch 
was  kept  upon  the  captives,  so  much  so,  indeed,  that 
if  through  the  negligence  of  the  guard  a  prisoner  of 
war  escaped  from  the  cage,  the  community  of  the 
district,  whose  duty  it  was  to  supply  the  prisoners 
witli  guards,  was  obliged  to  pay  to  the  owner  of  the 
fugitive,  a  female  slave,  a  load  of  cotton  garments, 
and  a  shield.*"  Mendieta  says  that  these  prisons  were 
only  used  for  persons  awaiting  trial  on  very  grave 

*i  Tezozomoc,  Crdnica  Mex.,  in  Kingsborotigh's  Max.  Antiq.,  torn,  ix.,  p. 
146. 

*'  These  names  are  spelled  ilelpiloia  and  qnahucalco  by  Las  Casas,  and 
Teilpilo;/an  and  QuaHhcalli,  by  Brasscur  de  Bourbourg. 

*}  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxii,,  says  that  the  jails 
called  quahucalco  resembled  tne  stocks;  the  other  writers  do  not  notice  this 
difference. 

<*  Clavipero,  Sloria  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  138. 

■•*  Claviqero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  138-9;  Torqnemada, 
Monarq.  Ind.,  toni.  ii-,  p.  353;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap. 
ccxii.;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Eclea.,  p.  138. 


iM 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


charges;  for,  he  writes,  in  the  case  of  one  held  to 
answer  on  an  ordinary  charge,  "it  was  sufficient  for 
the  minister  of  justice  to  place  the  prisoner  in  a  cor- 
ner with  a  few  light  sticks  before  him;  indeed,  I  be- 
lieve that  to  have  merely  drawn  a  line  and  told  him 
not  to  pass  it  would  have  sufficed,  even  though  he 
might  have  reason  to  believe  that  there  was  a  heavy 
punishment  in  store  for  him>  because  to  flee  from 
justice,  and  escape,  was  an  impossibility.  At  all 
events,  I  with  my  own  eyes  have  seen  a  prisoner 
standing  entirely  unguarded  save  for  the  before-men- 
tioned sticks."*® 

Like  most  semi -barbarous  nations,  the  Aztecs 
were  more  prone  to  punish  crime  than  to  recom- 
pense virtue,  and  even  when  merit  was  rewarded, 
it  was  of  the  coarser  arid  more  material  kind,  such 
as  valor  in  war  or  successful  statesmanship.  The 
greater  part  of  their  code  might,  like  Dracon's,  have 
been  written  in  blood — so  severe  were  the  penalties 
inflicted  for  crimes  that  were  comparatively  slight, 
and  so  brutal  and  bloody  were  the  ways  of  carrying 
those  punishments  into  execution.  In  the  strongest 
sense  of  the  phrase  the  Aztecs  were  ruled  with  a  rod 
of  iron;  but  that  such  severity  was  necessary  I  have 
no  doubt,  inasmuch  as  whatever  form  of  government 
exists,  be  it  good  or  bad,  that  form  of  government  is 
the  necessary  one,  or  it  could  have  no  existence.  All 
young  states  must  adopt  harsh  laws  to  secure  the 
peace  and  well-being  of  the  community,  while  as  yet 
the  laws  of  habit  and  usage  are  unestablished ;  and  as 
that  community  profjresses  and  improves,  it  will  of 
itself  mold  its  system  of  government  to  fit  itself. 
The  code  of  Dracon  v/as  superseded  by  that  of  Solon 
when  the  improved  itate  of  the  Athenian  community 
warranted  a  mitigation  of  the  severity  of  the  former, 
and  in  like  manner  the  laws  of  Montezuma  and  Neza- 
hualcoyotl  would  have  given  place  to  others  less 
harsh  had  Aztec  civilization  been  allowed  to  progress. 

«•  Mettdiela,  Hist.  Eclca.,  p.  138. 


CODE  OF  LAWS. 


456 


The  laws  of  the  several  Aztec  kingdoms  were  essen- 
tially the  same;  some  slight  differences  existed,  how- 
ever, and  in  these  instances  the  code  of  Tezcuco  proves 
the  most  rigid  and  severe,  while  more  of  lenience  is 
exhibited  in  that  of  Mexico.  I  have  before  remarked 
that  the  majority  of  writers  treat  of  the  legislation  of 
Tezcuco,  but,  as  in  other  matters,  many  authorities 
who  should  be  reliable  surmount  the  difficulty  of  dis- 
tinguishing that  which  belongs  to  one  system  of  juris- 
prudence from  that  which  belongs  to  another,  by 
speaking  generally  of  the  code  that  existed  in  Nueva 
Espaiia,  or  among  'these  people.'  Most  of  the  sub- 
jected provinces  adopted  the  laws  of  the  state  to  which 
they  became  subject.  But  this  was  by  no  means 
obligatory,  because  as  conquered  nations  were  not 
compelled  to  speak  the  language  of  their  conquerors, 
neither  were  they  forced  to  make  use  of  their  laws." 
Let  us  now  see  what  these  laws  were. 

Theft  was  punished  in  various  ways,  and,  it  ap- 
pears, not  at  all  in  proportion  to  the  magnitude  of 
the  crime.  Thus  he  who  stole  a  certain  number  of 
ears  of  corn,*^  suffered  death,  while  he  who  broke 
into  the  temples  and  stole  therefrom,  was  enslaved 
for  the  first  offence  and  hanged  for  the  second,  and 
it  is  distinctly  stated**  that  in  order  to  merit  either 
of  these   punishments  the  theft  must  be   an   exten- 

*'  Clavigero,  Sloria  Aft.  del  Messico,  tom.ii.,  p.  137. 

*8  Torqiiemada,  Moiiarq.,  Ind.,  toiii.  i.,  p.  166,  toni.  ii.,  p.  381;  Ortega, 
in  Veiftia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  toin.  iii.,  p.  2125;  Boturini,  Idea,  p.  27.  The 
miniber  of  ears  of  corn  varies  according  to  the  different  writers  from  three 
or  four  to  seven,  except  Las  Casus,  who  makes  the  number  twenty  one  or 
over,  stating,  however,  that  tills  and  some  other  laws  that  he  gives  are  pos- 
sibly not  authentic.  Hist.  ApologHica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxv.  The  Anonymous 
Conqueror  writes:  'quando  ultri  cntrauano  nellc  possessioni  altrui  per  rub- 
bare  frutti,  6  il  gruno  chc  essi  luvnno,  che  per  entrar  in  vn  campo,  c  rubbarc 
trc  6  quattro  mazzocchc  6  spighe  de  quel  loro  grano,  lo  faceuano  schiauo  del 
patronc  di  quel  campo  rubbato.'  Relatione  fa  tta  per  vn  gentiV  hiiomo  del  Sig- 
ner Fernando  Cortese,  in  Ramusio,  Navigotiont,  tom.  lii.,  fol.  300.  Clavi- 
gero agrees  wi(h  the  Anonymous  Conqueror,  that  the  thief  of  com  liccume  the 
slave  of  the  owner  of  the  field  from  which  he  had  stolen,  and  adds  in  a 
foot-note:  'Torquemada  ag^iunge,  che  avea  pena  di  morte;  ma  ci6  fu  nel 
Regno  d'AcoIhuacan,  non  giit  in  quello  di  MesBico.'  Storia  Ant.  del  Mes- 
sico, tom.  ii.,  p.  133. 

*'*  Las  Uasas,  Hist.  ApologHica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii. ;  Mendieta,  Hist. 
Ecles.,  p.  138. 


466 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


sive  one.  In  cases  not  specially  provided  for,  it 
appears  that  a  petty  thief  became  the  slave  of  the 
person  from  whom  he  had  stolen ;  according  to  Or- 
tega, however,  the  injured  party  had  the  •  privilege 
of  refusing  to  accept  the  thief  as  a  slave,  in  which 
case  the  latter  was  sold  by  the  judges,  and  with  the 
proceeds  of  the  sale  the  complainant  was  reimbursed. 
The  same  writer  states  that  in  some  cases  a  compro- 
mise could  be  effected  by  the  offended  party  agreeing 
to  be  indemnified  by  the  thief,  in  which  case  the  latter 
paid  into  the  treasury  a  sum  equal  to  the  amount 
stolen.  This  statement  is  somewhat  obscure,  inasmuch 
as  it  would  be  but  poor  satisfaction  to  the  party  robbed 
to  see  the  equivalent  of  that  robbery  paid  into  the 
public  treasury;  but  I  understand  the  writer  to  mean 
that  the  loser  had  his  loss  made  good,  and  that  for 
the  satisfaction  of  justice  an  equal  amount  was  im- 
posed as  a  fine  upon  the  prisoner.**  Theft  of  a  large 
amount  was  almost  invariably  punished  with  death, 
which  was  inflicted  in  various  ways.  Usually  the 
culprit  was  dragged  ignominiously  through  the  streets 
and  then  hanged;"  sometimes  he  was  stoned  to 
death.®*  He  who  robbed  on  the  highway  was  killed 
by  having  his  head  smashed  with  a  club;®'  he  who 
was  caught  in  the  act  of  pilfering  in  the  market-place, 
no  matter  how  trivial  the  theft,  was  beaten  to  death 
with  sticks  on  the  spot  by  the  assembled  multitude, 
for  this  was  considered  a  most  heinous  sin ;  but  not- 
withstanding the  fearful  risk  incurred,  it  is  asserted 
that  many  were  so  light-fingered  that  it  was  only 
necessary  for  a  market  woman  to  turn  her  head  away, 
and  her  stall  would  be  robbed  in  a  trice.     There  was 

5*  Ortega's  statement  reads:  'Casi  siempre  se  castigaba  con  pcna  do 
muerte,  d  iiit^nos  de  que  la  parte  ofcndida  conviniecc  en  ser  iudeninizuda  iH>r 
el  ladron,  en  cuyo  caso  pagaba  este  al  lisco  una  cantidad  igual  il  la  robaua.' 
Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  McJ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  225. 

i'  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt  li.,  p.  33;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind., 
torn,  i.,  p.  166. 

**  Explicacion  dc  la  Collcccion  do  Mendoza,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex. 
Antiq.,  vol.  v.,  p.  112. 

M  Ixtlilxochitl,  hist.  Chich.,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  torn,  ix., 
p.  246. 


PUNISHMENT  OP  THEFT. 


457 


a  regular  judicial  tribunal  established  for  the  settling 
of  disputes  in  the  general  government  of  the  market- 
place, of  which  I  have  had  occasion  to  speak  before; 
but  this  'tribunal  does  not  appear  to  have  troubled 
itself  much  with  persons  who  were  caught  in  the  act 
of  stealing,  as  it  seems  to  have  been  tacitly  allowed 
to  the  people  assembled  in  the  market-place  to  exer- 
cise lynch  law  upon  the  culprit." 

Besides  these  general  laws  for  the  prevention  of 
theft,  there  were  others  which  prescribed  special  pen- 
alties for  those  who  stole  certain  particular  articles. 
For  instance,  Ortega  tells  us  that  the  thief  of  silver 
or  gold  was  skinned  alive  and  sacrificed  to  Xipe,  the 
tutelary  divinity  of  the  workers  in  precious  metals, 
such  a  theft  being  considered  a  direct  insult  to  the 
god.""  In  some  of  these  cases  fines  were  imposed. 
Among  a  collection  of  laws  given  by  Las  Casas,  for 
the  authenticity  of  which  he  does  not  vouch,  "be- 
cause," he  says,  "they  were  taken  out  of  a  little  In- 
dian book  of  no  authority,"  we  find  the  following  relat- 
ing to  theft :  If  any  one  stole  the  plants,  called  maguey, 
from  which  they  manufactured  more  than  twenty 
articles,  and  which  were  used  for  making  syrup,  he 
was  compelled  to  pay  as  a  fine  as  many  cotton  cloths 
as  the  judges  might  decree,  and  if  he  was  unable  to 
pay  the  fine  imposed,  or  if  he  had  stolen  more  than 
twenty  plants,  he  was  enslaved.  Whoever  stole  a 
fishing-net  or  a  canoe  was  punished  in  the  same  man- 
ner. Whoever  stole  corn  to  the  amount  of  twenty 
ears  or  upward,  died  for  it,  and  if  he  took  a  less 
quantity,  he  paid  that  which  he  was  sentenced  to  fcy. 
He  that  plucked  the  corn  before  it  had  formed  f  ied, 

5*  Mcndicta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  p.  138;  Ortega,  in  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  McJ., 
torn,  lit.,  p.  225;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  li.,  yt.  381.  Las  Casus, 
Hist.  Apoiogddca,  MS. ,  cap.  ccxiii. ,  says  that  he  wlio  stole  in  the  market-place 
was  hanjred  there  and  then  by  order  of  the  judges  of  the  place,  and  in  cap. 
cexv.,  he  writes:  'El  que  en  el  niercado  algo  liurtava,  era  ley  que  lucgo 
publicanientc  alii  en  el  niismo  mercado  lo  niatasen  &  palos.*  Again  in  the 
same  chapter  he  gives  a  law,  for  the  authenticity  of  which  he  does  not 
vouch,  however,  which  reads  as  follows:  'el  que  en  el  mercado  liurtava 
algo,  los  inisnios  del  niercado  tenian  licencia  para  lo  matar  d  pedradus.* 

4*  Ortega,  in  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  MeJ.,  torn.  iiL,  p.  225. 


458 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


suffered  death.  Whoever  stole  a  tecomatl,  "which  is 
a  little  gourd  tied  at  the  top  with  strips  of  red  hide, 
and  having  feather  tassels  at  the  end,  used  by  the 
lords  for  carrying  a  green  powder,  from  which  they 
take  in  smoke  through  the  mouth,  the  powder  l)eing 
called  in  the  island  of  Espanola  'tabacos' — whoever 
stole  one  of  these  died  for  it."  He  that  stole  precious 
stones,  and  more  especially  the  stone  called  chalchiuite, 
no  matter  from  whence  he  took  it,  was  stoned  to 
death  in  the  market-place,  because  no  man  of  the 
lower  orders  was  allowed  to  possess  this  stcnie.^" 

In  Mexico,  a  distinction  seems  to  have  been  inade 
between  the  thief  who  reaped  the  benefit  of  his  crime 
and  him  who  did  not ;  in  other  words,  if  the  stolen 
property  was  recovered  intact  from  the  thief  he  was 
only  enslaved,  but  if  he  had  already  disposed  of  his 
plunder  he  suffered  death,"  Whether  the  ultimate 
recovery  of  the  property  after  it  had  passed  from  the 
thief's  hands,  would  answer  the  same  end,  we  are  not 
told,  but  if  not,  then  it  would  ai)pear  that  according 
to  Aztec  jurisprudence  the  culprit  was  punished  not 
so  much  in  proportion  to  the  actual  injury  he  inflicted 
upon  others,  as  in  accordance  with  the  actual  extent 
of  the  crime  he  committed.  In  Michoacan,  the  first 
theft  was  not  severely  punished,  but  for  the  second 
offence  the  thief  was  thrown  down  a  precipice  and  his 
carcass  left  to  the  birds  of  pr€)y.°* 

The  murderer  suffered  death  even  though  he  should 
be  a  noble  and  his  victim  but  a  slave.®"     In  Michoa- 


*  Las  Cams,  Hist.  Apolog6tica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxv. 

"  Torqucmada ,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  381;  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apolo- 
gitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxv. 

^^  Hcrrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  x.;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Me- 
choaean,  MS.,  p.  51. 

^  '  L'omicida  pagava  coUa  propria  vita  il  suo  delitto,  qiiantiinque  I'uc- 
ciso  fosse  uno  schiavc'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mcssivo,  toiu.  ii.,  p.  130. 
The  manner  of  putting  the  murderer  to  deatli  is  ditfercntly  stated:  'El  ho- 
micidio,  bien  fuese  ejecutado  por  noble  6  plebeyo,  bien  por  liombrc  6  muger, 
8e  ctistigaba  con  pena  dc  muerte,  depedazando  al  honiicida.'  Ortega,  in 
Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  226.  'Al  que  niataba  ii  otro,  nacian 
degoUar.'  Torqucmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  i.,  p.  160.  '  Al  matador  lo  de- 
gollaban.'  Vetnncvrt,  TeatroMex.,  pt  ii.,  p.  33.  Other  writers  merely  say 
that  the  murderer  suffered  death,  without  stating  the  manner  of  execution; 


THE  FATE  OF  TRAITORS  AND  CONSPIRATORS.         463 

can,  we  are  told  by  Herrera,**  that  there  was  no  pun- 
ishment for  murder,  since,  through  fear,  the  crime  was 
never  committed.  Beaumont  allows  that  for  a  time 
there  were  no  murders,  but  says  that  afterwards  they 
became  frequent,  and  then  the  criminal  was  dragged 
along  the  ground  until  he  died."  He  who  adminis- 
tered poison  to  another,  thereby  causing  death,  died 
for  it,  and  the  same  punishment  was  awarded  to  him 
who  furnished  the  poison.®' 

Traitors,  conspirators,  and  those  who  stirred  up  sedi- 
tion among  the  people  or  created  ill  feeling  between 
nations,  were  broken  to  pieces  at  the  joints,  their 
house.^  razed  to  the  ground,  their  property  confiscated, 
and  tieir  children  and  relations  made  slaves  to  the 
fourtli  generation.  The  lord  of  vassals  wlio  rebelled, 
unless  taken  captive  in  battle,  was  killed  by  having 
his  head  smashed  with  a  club;  the  common  rebel  was 
tied  to  an  oaken  s[)it  and   roasted  alive.^ 

In  Tezcuco,  he  who  kidnapped  a  child  and  sold  it  into 
slavery,  was  hanged;  in  Mexico,  the  kidnapper  was 
himself  sold  as  a  slave,  and  of  the  price  he  brought 
one  half  was  given  to  the  stolen  child,  or  its  parents, 


sec,  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii. ;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist. 
Chich.,  in  Kiuffsborovqh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  '\\.,  p.  .S87;  Mendieta,  Hist. 
Edes.,  p.  136.  Diego  l!)uran,  in  his  incuitcd  '  History  of  New  Biiin, '  asscrtH 
that  the  murderer  did  not  suffer  death,  hut  hecunie  the  slave  for  life  of  the 
wife  or  relatives  of  the  deceased.  Kingsborough's  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii., 
pp.  240-1. 

*•  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lih.  iii.,  cap.  x. 

«'  Beaumont,  Crdii.  Mechoacan,  MS.,  pp.  51-2. 

6*  Mendieta,  Hist.  Eclcs.,  p.  136;  Ortega,  in  Veytiu,  Hist  Ant.  Mej., 
torn,  iii.,  p.  226;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii.  In  cap. 
ccxv.,  among  his  unauthenticatcd  laws,  we  read  that  if  the  victim  of  \m\- 
son  wp.<3  a  slave,  the  person  who  caused  his  death  was  nnide  a  slave,  in  the 
place  of  suffering  the  extreme  penalty,  but  the  opposite  to  this  is  expressly 
stated  by  Clavigero  and  implied  by  Ortega. 

^'^  Relatione  fatta  per  vn  gentiChvomo  del  Signer  Fernando  Cortese,  in 
Hamnsio,  Navigationi,  torn,  iii.,  fol.  307;  Las  Casas,  llixf.  Apologitica, 
MS.,  cap.  ccxiii.;  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  \ii'\\.,  p.  33;  Turqiieniadu,  Mo- 
narq.  Ind.,  tom.  i.,  p.  166;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Evles.,  p.  138;  Vnjiia,  Hist. 
Ant.  Mej.,  tom.  iii., p.  421.  Ixtlilxochitl  writes  that  the  children  and  relations 
of  the  traitor  were  enslaved  till  the  Ji/th  generation,  and  that  salt  was  scat- 
tered upon  his  lands.  Hist.  Chich.,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  tom.  ix., 
p.  245.  '  II  traditore  del  Re,  o  dello  Stato,  era  sbranato,  ed  i  suoi  parenti,  che 
consanevoli  del  tradimento  non  lo  aveano  per  tempo  scojwrto,  crano  privati 
dellalibertii.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  li.,  p.  130. 


460 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


and  the  other  half  became  the  property  of  the  pur- 
chaser; if  several  persons  were  implicated  in  the 
crime,  they  were  all  sold  as  slaves.^'* 

Drunkenness  was  punished  with  excessive  rigor; 
indeed,  intoxicating  liquor  was  not  allowed  to  be 
drunk,  except  by  express  permission  from  the  judges, 
and  this  license  was  only  granted  to  invalids  and  per- 
sons over  fifty  years  of  age,  who,  it  was  considered, 
needed  strong  drink  in  order  to  warm  their  blood;  and 
even  they  were  only  permitted  to  partake  of  a  limited 
quantity,  at  each  meal,*"  though  according  to  the  ex- 
planation of  Mendoza's  collection  old  men  of  seventy 
years  were  allowed  to  drink  as  much  as  they  pleased.  * 
Moderate  conviviality  at  weddings  and  public  feasts, 
was  not  forbidden,  and  upon  these  occasions  the  young 
people  were  allowed  to  partake  of  the  wine-cup  spar- 
mgly;*^  the  same  license  was  granted  to  those  whose 
daily  occupation  necessitated  great  bodily  exertion, 
such  as  masons,  carpenters,  and  the  like.'*  Women 
in  childbed  were  allowed  to  use  stronsf  drink  as  a 


'*  IxlUlxochitl,  Bdaciones,  in  Kingshorough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
387;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ltd.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  .382;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apofo- 
gdtica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxv.,  among  tlie  collection  of  unautheuticatcd  lawa  so 
jfrequcntly  mentioned  heretofore,  gives  the  following:  'Si  algunos  vendieron 
algun  nifio  por  escluvo,  y  despues  se  saltc,  todos  los  que  entendieron  en  ello 
eran  esclavos,  y  dellos  davan  uno  al  que  lo  conipr6,  y  los  otros  repartinn  en- 
tre  la  niadre  del  nifio  y  entre  6\  que  lo  descubri6.'  In  the  same  chapter, 
among  anoi^'.er  list  of  laws  which,  says  Las  Casus,  'son  tenidastodasporan- 
tenticas  y  verdaderas,'  we  read:  'Era  ley,  y  con  rigor  guardada,  que  si 
alguno  vendia  por  esclavo  algun  niiio  perdido,  que  se  hicicsc  csclavo  ul  que 
lo  vendia,  y  su  hacienda  se  partiese  en  dos  partes,  la  una  era  para  el  nifio, 
y  la  otra  al  aue  lo  liavia  cutnprado,  y  si  quizas  lo  avian  vendido  y  eran 
muchos,  d  toaos  hacian  esclavos.' 

65  Zurita  writes:  'ils  n'avaient  droit  d'en  prendre  que  trois  petites  tasses 
K  chaquc  repas.'  Rapport,  in  Ternavx-Compans,  Voy.,  sdrie  ii.,  torn,  i.,  p. 
110;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xvi. 

••6  Codex  Mcndoza,  in  Kiiigsborongh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  i.,  pi.  72;  Espli- 
cacion,  in  Id.,  vol.  v.,  pp.  112-13;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap. 
xvi.;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  134. 

6'  'Dans  les  noccs  publiqucs  et  les  fetes,  les  hommes  ftgds  de  plus  de 
trcnte  ans  dtaient  ordinaireinent  autoriscs  ii  en  boire  deux  tasses.'  Zurita, 
Rapport,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii. ,  toin.  i.,  p.  110;  Clavigero, 
Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toin.  ii.,  p.  134;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib. 
iv.,  cap.  xvi. 

68  Ortega  says  that  the  privilege  was  also  extended  to  private  soldiers. 
Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  227.  Zurita,  however,  writes  'les 
gucrriers  rcgardaieiit  coninie  uii  dcHhoiiiieur  d'en  boire.'  Rapport,  in  Ter- 
naux-Compans, Voy.,  s^rie  ii.,  toin.  i.,  p.  lU. 


LAWS  AGAINST  INTOX[CATION. 


461 


stimulant,  but  only  during  the  first  days  of  their  con- 
finement. With  these  exceptions,  the  law  against 
drinking  was  strictly  enforced.  The  young  man  who 
became  drunk  was  conveyed  to  the  jail,  and  there 
beaten  to  death  with  clubs;  the  young  woman  was 
stoned  to  death.  In  some  parts,  if  the  drunkard  was 
a  plebeian,  he  was  sold  for  a  slave  for  the  first  offence, 
and  suffered  death  for  the  second;  at  other  times  the 
offender's  hair  was  cut  off  in  the  public  market-place, 
he  was  then  lashed  through  the  principal  streets,  and 
finally  his  house  was  razed  to  the  ground,  because, 
they  said,  one  who  would  give  up  his  reason  to  the 
influence  of  strong  drink,  was  unworthy  to  possess  a 
house,  and  be  numbered  among  respectable  citizens. 
Cutting  off  the  hair  was,  as  we  shall  see,  a  mode  of 
punishment  frequently  resorted  to  by  these  people, 
and  so  deep  was  the  degradation  supposed  to  be  at- 
tached to  it,  that  it  was  dreaded  almost  equally  with 
death  itself.  Should  a  military  man,  who  had  gained 
distinction  in  the  wars,  become  drunk,  he  was  deprived 
of  his  rank  and  honors,  and  considered  thenceforth  as 
infamous.  Conviction  of  this  crime  rendered  the  cul- 
prit ineligible  for  all  future  emoluments,  and  especially 
was  he  debarred  from  holding  any  public  office.  A 
noble  was  invariably  hanged  for  the  first  offence,  his 
body  being  afterwards  dragged  without  the  limits  of 
the  town  and  cast  into  a  stream  used  for  that  purpose 
only.  But  a  mightier  influence  than  mere  fear  of  the 
penal  law  restrained  the  Aztec  nobility  and  gentry 
from  drinking  to  excess ;  this  influence  was  social  law. 
It  was  considered  degrading  for  a  person  of  quality  to 
touch  wine  at  all,  even  in  seasons  of  festivity  when, 
as  I  have  sf.id,  it  was  customary  and  lawful  for  the 
lower  classes  to  indulge  to  a  certain  extent.  Wine- 
bibbing  was  looked  upon  as  a  coarse  pleasure,  peculiar 
exclusively  to  the  common  people,  and  a  member  of 
the  higher  orders,  who  was  suspected  of  practicing 
the  habit,  would  have  forfeited  his  social  position, 
even  though  the  law  had  suffered  him  to  remain  un- 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


punished.*  These  heathens,  however,  seem  to  have 
recognized  the  natural  incongruity  existing  between 
precept  and  practice,  fully  as  much  as  the  most  ad- 
vanced Christian.'"* 

He  who  employed  witchcraft,  charms,  or  incanta- 
tions for  the  purpose  of  doing  injury  to  the  commu- 
nity or  to  individuals,  was  sacrificed  to  the  gods,  by 
having  his  breast  opened  and  his  heart  torn  out." 

Wlioever  made  use  of  the  royal  insignia  or  ensigns, 
suffered  death,  and  his  property  was  confiscated.'" 
The  reader  will  recollect  that  the  same  penalty  was 
inflicted  upon  him  who  should  usurp  the  insignia  or 
oflBce  of  the  Mexican  cihuacoatl,  or  supreme  judge. 
Whoever  maltreated  an  ambassador,  minister,  or  cou- 
rier, belonging  to  the  king,  suffered  death;  but  am- 
bassadors and  couriers  were  on  their  part  forbiddeL  to 
leave  the  high  road,  under  pain  of  losing  their  privi- 
leges." He  who  by  force  took  possession  of  land  not 
belonging  to  him,  suffered  death'*  He  who  sold  the 
land  of  another,  or  that  which  he  held  in  trust,  with- 
out judicial  authority,  or  permission  from  such  as  had 
power  to  grant  it  to  him,  was  enslaved."  If  a  piece 
of  land  was  fraudulently  sold  twice  over,  the  first  pur- 
chaser held  it,  and  the  vendor  was  punished.'"  He 
who  squandered  his  patrimony  suffered  death."     The 

^  Las  Casas,  Hist.  ApoloffHica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii.,  ccxv. ;  Torqvemada, 
Monarq.  Ind.,  toiii.  i.,  p.  160,  torn,  ii.,  p.  ,386;  Vctancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt  ii., 
p.  33;  Codex  Memloza,  in  KingsboroiiglCs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  i.,  pi  72;  Es- 
plicacioH,  in  Id.,  vol.  v.,  pp.  ll'i-lS;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  '  Id.,  vol. 
IX.,  p.  246;  Id.,  Belaciones,  p.  387;  Ortega,  in  Veytia,  Hist.  Aiil.  Mej.,  torn, 
iii.,  pp.  22G-7;  Clavigcro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mesaico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  134;  Zurita, 
Riipfwrt,  in  Ternaiix-Compans,Voy.,  a^rie ii.,  torn.!., pp.  110-11;  herrcra, 
Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xvL 

"">  Sec  this  vol.  pp.  360-1. 

"  L(ts  Casus,  Hi.it.  Apoloqttica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxv. ;  Torqvemada,  Monarq. 
Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  386;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Belaciones,  in  KingshoroufjJCs  Mex. 
Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  387;  Ortega,  in  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mrj.,  torn,  iii.,  jj.  226. 

'*  Ixllilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  KingsborougtCs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
246;  Clavigcro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,tom.  ii-.p.  130. 

"  Vlumgero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  130. 

'*  Ixtlilxochitl,  Belaciones,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
387;  Orte^ja,  in  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Me/., torn,  iii.,  p.  226. 

■"  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ajtologttica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxv. 

"•  Ixtlilxochitl,  Belaciones,  in  KinqsborouglCs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
388. 

11  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxv.,  gives  two  laMs  on  this 


MISCELLANEOUS  LAWS. 


4G3 


son  that  raised  his  hand  against  his  father  or  mother, 
suffered  death,  and  his  children  were  prevented  from 
inheriting  the  property  of  their  grand-parents.  Jn 
the  same  manner  a  father  could  disinherit  a  son 
who  was  cowardly  or  cruel.''^  He  who  removed 
boundary-marks,  died  for  it.™  Those  who  disturbed 
the  peace  by  engaging  in  petty  fights  and  H<iuabbles, 
without  using  weapons,  were  confined  in  jail  for  a  few 
days,  and  obliged  to  make  good  whatever  damage  they 
had  done;  for,  says  Las  Casas,  they  generally  re- 
venged themselves  by  breaking  somethmg.  If  any 
one  was  wounded  in  a  brawl,  he  who  made  the  assault 
had  to  defray  all  the  expenses  of  curing  the  injured 
party.  But  those  who  fought  in  the  market-place, 
were  dealt  with  far  more  severely.**  Slanderers  wer<^ 
treated  with  great  severity.  In  Mexico,  he  who  wil- 
fully calumniatea  another,  thereby  seriously  injuring 
his  reputat"  :i,  was  condemned  to  have  his  lips  cut  off, 
and  sometimes  his  ears  also.  In  Tezcuco,  the  sland- 
erer suffered  death.  The  false  witness  had  the  same 
penalty  adjudged  to  him  that  would  have  been  awarded 
to  the  accused,  if  convicted.  So  great  a  lover  of  truth 
was  king  Nezahualcoyotl,  that  he  is  said  to  have  made 
a  law  prescribing  the  death  penalty  to  historians  who 
should  record  fictitious  events.*^     Whoever  obtained 

f»oint.  To  the  first,  which  is  among  the  collection  of  unauthenticatcd  laws, 
le  adds:  '  Y  si  era  plcheyo  6  de  buja  suerte  hncian  lo  esclavo.'  Ixtlilxo- 
cliitl  aI»o  gives  two  laws:  'Aloshijos  du  los  senorcs  si  nialbaratahan  sus 
riqueziis,  6  bicn  mueblcs  que  sus  padres  tenian,  Ics  dabaii  garrotc.'  Hist. 
Chick.,  iw  Kiugsborough's  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  246.     'Si  algun  princi- 

1>al  niayorazgo  fuese  desbaratado,6  travicso,  d  si  entre  dos  de  estos  talcs 
iul)ici!iu  alguna  diferencia  sobre  tierras  ii  otras  cosas,  el  que  no  quisiese 
cstarse  (^ucdo  con  la  averiguacion  que  entre  ellos  se  hiciese  por  ser  soberbio 
y  nuU  mirado,  Ic  fuesen  quitados  sus  bienes  y  niayorazgo,  y  fuese  puesto  en 
dcp6sito  en  alguna  persona  que  diesc  cuenta  de  ello  para  el  tieni|)u  que  Ic 
fuese  pedido,  de  cual  niayorazgo  estubiese  desposeido  todo  el  tienipo  que  la 
voluntad  del  seiior  fuese.  Relacioiies,  in  Ld.,  p.  387;  Torquemada,  Moiiarq. 
lad.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  .385;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  1.34. 

™  Vcytia,  Hii.l.  Ant.  Mei.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  423. 

''^  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apoloffitica,  MS.,tai>.  cexv. ;  Torquemada,  Monarq. 
Ind.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  386;  Ixtltlxochitl,  Belacioncs,  in  Kingaborough's  Mex, 
Aiitiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  387. 

*"  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii. 

*'  Ixtlilxochill,  Rclaciones,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  «ol.  ix.,  p. 
337;  Carbajal  Espinoaa,  Hist.  Mex,,iom,  i.,  p.  604;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant. 


464 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


goods  on  credit  and  did  not  pay  for  them,  was  en- 
slaved, and  the  delinquent  taxpayer  met  with  the 
same  punishment.** 

Concerning  the  way  in  which  adulterers  were 
treated  scarcely  two  of  the  ancient  writers  agree,^ 
and  it  is  probable  that  the  law  on  this  point 
differed  more  or  less  in  various  parts  of  the  Az- 
tec kingdoms;  indeed,  we  have  Clavigero's  testi- 
mony that  in  some  parts  of  the  Mexican  empire 
the  crime  af  adultery  was  punished  with  greater  se- 
verity than  in  others,  and  Las  Casas  and  Mendieta 
both  speak  of  several  penalties  attaching  to  the  of- 
fence in  different  localities.  According  to  what  can 
be  gathered  on  this  point,  it  appears  that  adulterers 
taken  in  flagrante  delicto,  or  under  circumstances 
which  made  their  guilt  a  moral  certainty,  were  stoned 
to  death.  A  species  of  trial  was  granted  to  the  cul- 
prits, but  if,  as  some  writers  assert,  confession  of  guilt 
was  extorted  by  torture,"*  this  trial  must  have  been  as 
much  a  mockery  of  justice  as  were  the  proceedings  of 
most  European  courts  of  law  at  that  period.  The 
amount  of  evidence  necessarv  to  convict  is  uncertain. 
Veytia  says  that  accusation  by  the  husband  was  in 
itself  sufficient  proof  *^  Las  Casas  and  Torquemada, 
however,  who  are  both  far  older  authorities,  tell  us 
that  no  man  or  woman  was  punished  for  adultery  upon 


del  Mcssico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  134;  Ortcaa,  in  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii., 
pp.  227-0;  Chaves,  Itammrt,  in  Ternaux-t'ompans,  Voy.,  surie  ii.,  torn,  v., 
p.  313;  Torquemada,  Moiiarq.  I'td.,  toni.  i.,  p.  1C5. 

82  Oriedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  502;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS., 
cnp.  ccxv. 

""  Concerning  adultery  see:  LasCasas,  Hist.  Apologttica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii., 
ccxv.;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  166,  torn,  ii.,  pj).  378,  380; 
Ixtlilxnehitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  KinqshorougKs  Mex.  Autiii.,\o\.  ix.,  p.  246; 
R^laeiones,  in  Id.,  p.  387;  Codex  Mendoza,  in  Kingshorougli's  Mex.  Atitiq., 
vol.  i.,  pi.  72;  Esplicacioii,  in  Id.,  vol.  v.,  p.  112;  Veytia,  Hist.  Aiit.  Mej.,  toni. 
iii.,  p.  423;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecle^t.,  pp.  136-7;  Clamgero,  Storin  Ant.  del  Mes- 
sieii,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  130-1 ;  Bologne,  in  Teniaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i.,  torn,  x., 
p.  211;  Zurita,  Rapport,  in  Id.,  sdrie  ii.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  107-10;  Ortega,  in  Vey- 
tia Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  224;  Vetancvrt,  Tcatro  Mex.,  pt  ii.,  p.  33; 
Duran,  in  Kingsborougli's  Mex,  Anfiq.,  torn,  viii.,  pp.  242-3;  Valades,  Rhe- 
toriea  Christiana,  in  Id.,  p.  129,  note. 

*•  Las  Casas  and  Mendieta,  as  in  preceding  note. 

*^  'Para  la  justificacion  fueso  bastante  la  denunciadel  niarido.'  Ibid. 


PENALTY  FOR  ADULTERY. 


465 


the  unsupported  testimony  of  the  husband,  but  that 
other  witnesses,  and  the  confession  of  the  defendants 
were  necessary  to  procure  their  conviction.*'  Usually 
if  the  condemned  adulterers  were  of  the  lower  orders, 
they  were  taken  out  into  a  public  place  and  there 
stoned  to  death  by  the  assembled  multitude,  and  few 
of  the  old  writers  omit  to  remark  that  this  manner  of 
death  was  almost  painless,  since  no  sooner  was  the 
first  stone  thrown  than  the  poor  wretch  was  immedi- 
ately covered  with  a  pile  of  missiles,  so  great  was  the 
number  of  his  executioners,  and  so  eager  was  each  to 
take  a  hand  in  the  kilUng.  Another  common  mode 
of  execution  consisted  in  placing  the  head  of  the  con- 
demned upon  a  stone,  and  smashing  his  skull  by  let- 
ting another  stone  fall  upon  it.*^  The  noble  convicted 
of  the  same  crime  was  not  killed  in  this  public  man- 
ner, but  was  strangled  in  jail:  and  as  a  mark  of  re- 
spect to  his  rank,  his  head,  after  death,  was  adorned 
Avith  plumes  of  green  feathers,  and  the  body  was  then 
burned.  Adulterers  who  were  found  guilty  merely 
upon  circumstantial  evidence  also  suffered  death  by 
strangulation.  It  was  strictly  forbidden  for  a  husband 
to  take  the  law  into  his  own  hands,  and  he  who  should 
seek  to  avenge  his  honor  by  slaying  his  wife  or  her 
paramour,  even  though  he  took  them  in  the  act  of 
adultery,  suffered  death;  in  the  same  manner  should 
the  criminal  endeavor  to  save  himself  by  killing  the 
injured  husband,  his  fate  was  to  be  roasted  alive  before 
a  slow  fire,  his  body  being  basted  with  salt  and  water 
tliat  death  mijjfht  not  come  to  his  relief  too  soon.* 
An  adulterer  could  not  escape  the  law  on  the  plea  of 
drunkenness,**  and,  indeed,  had  such  an  excuse  been 


'' 


**  Ijis  Casas  writes:  'A  ningtma  miiger  iii  hombrc  castigavnn  por  ndul- 
tcrio,  si  solo  cl  intiriilu  dolla  lus  aciisalMt,  sino  que  havia  de  haver  testigos  v 
confesioii  dcllos.'  Hist.  Apologitica,  M.S.,  cap.  ccxv.  Torqiicniada  uses  al- 
most the  same  words. 

^'  Father  Francisco  de  Bolocne  says  that  this  mode  of  niinishment  was 
only  resorted  to  in  the  case  of  Ute  man,  and  that  the  femalo  adulterer  was 
impaled.   Tcrnaux-Comjmiis,  Voy.,  st'rie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  211. 

**  This  Ht4itenicnt  is  made  by  Ixtlilxochitl  and  Voytia,  uhi  sup. 

*>  Las  Casas,  Hist,  Apolo'f^tica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii. ;  Mcndieta,  ubitup. 
Vol.  n.    30 


466 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


held  admissible,  little  would  have  been  gained  by  ex- 
changing the  fate  of  the  adulterer  for  that  of  the 
drunkard.  The  trespasL.  af  a  married  man  with  a  free 
unmarried  woman  was  not  considered  to  constitute 
adultery,  nor  punished  as  such,  so  that  the  husband 
was  not  bound  to  so  much  fidelity  as  was  exacted 
from  the  wife.  I  have  before  remarked  that  although 
the  crime  of  adultery  was  punished  in  all  parts  of  the 
Aztec  empire,  yet  the  penalty  inflicted  differed  in  point 
of  severity  and  in  manner  of  execution.  Thus,  in  the 
province  of  Ixcatlan,  if  we  may  believe  Clavigero,  a 
woman  accused  of  this  crime  was  summoned  before 
the  judges,  and  if  the  proofs  of  her  guilt  were  satis- 
factory, she  was  there  and  then  torn  to  pieces,  and  lier 
limbs  were  divided  among  the  witnesses,  while  in 
Itztepec  the  guilty  woman's  husband  cut  off  her  ears 
and  nose,  thus  branding  her  as  infamous  for  life.*'  In 
some  parts  of  the  empire  the  husband  who  cohabited 
with  his  wife  after  it  had  been  proved  that  she  had 
violated  her  fidelity,  was  severely  punished."^ 

Carnal  connection  with  mother,  sister,  step-mother 
or  step-sister,  was  punished  by  hanging ;  Torquemada 
says  the  same  penalty  was  incurred  by  him  who  had 
connection  with  his  mother-in-law,  because  they  consid- 
ered it  a  sin  for  a  man  to  have  access  to  both  mother 
and  daughter.  Intercourse  between  brother-in-law 
and  sister-in-law  was,  however,  not  criminal,  and,  in- 
deed, it  was  customary  for  a  man  to  raise  up  seed  to 
his  deceased  brother  by  marrying  his  widow."^  He 
who  attempted  to  ravish  a  maiden,  whether  in  the 
field,  or  in  her  father's  house,  suffered  deatl^"^  In 
Michoacan,  the  ravisher's  mouth  was  split  from  eai* 


w  Ilndem.  Among  the  Miztecs,  when  extenuating  circumstances  coulil 
ho  proved,  tlic  imnishnient  of  death  was  commuted  to  mutilation  of  cars, 
noae,  and  lips.   Ilcrrcra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lih.  iii.,  cap.  xii. 

91  Torquemada,  Moiiarq.  Intl.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  380;  Clavtgero,  vhi  sup. 

"  Las  Casus,  Hist.  ApoloqHica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii.,  ccxv;  Torquemada 
Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  377-8,  380j  Ortega,  in  Veylia,  Ihst.  Ant. 
Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  224. 

*>  Las  Coma,  Jfial.  Apologttica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii.;  Meudicta,  Hist.  Ecles., 
p.  136. 


UNNATURAL  CRIMES. 


467 


to  ear  with  a  flint  knife,  and  he  was  afterwards  im- 
paled."* In  Mexico,  those  who  committed  sodomy 
were  hanged ;  in  Tezcuco,  the  punishment  for  unnat- 
ural crime  was  characteristically  brutal.  The  active 
agent  was  bound  to  a  stake,  completely  covered 
with  ashes  and  so  left  to  die;  the  entrails  of  the  pas- 
sive agent  were  drawn  out  through  his  anus,  he  also 
was  then  covered  with  ashes,  and,  v;ood  bemg  added, 
the  pile  was  ignited.'"  In  Tlascaia,  the  sodomite  was 
not  punished  by  law,  but  was  scouted  by  society,  and 
treated  Avith  scorn  and  contempt  by  all  who  knew 
him."*  From  the  extreme  severity  of  the  laws  en- 
acted by  the  later  sovereigns  for  the  suppression  of 
this  revolting  vice,  and  from  the  fact  that  persons 
were  especially  appointed  by  the  judicial  authorities 
to  search  the  provinces  for  offenders  of  this  class,  it  is 
evident  that  unnatural  love  had  attained  a  frightful 
popularity  among  the  Aztecs.  Father  Pierre  de 
Gand,  or,  as  he  is  sometimes  known,  de  Mura,  bears 
terrible  testimony  to  this;  he  writes:  "Un  certain 
hombre  de  pretres  n'avaient  point  de  femmes,  sed 
eorum  loco  j^ncros  qiiibus  ahutehantur.  Ce  peche  dtait 
si  commun  dans  ce  pays,  que,  jeunes  ou  vieux,  tons  en 
^taient  infectds;  ils  y  etaient  si  adonnds,  que  m6mes 
des  enfants  de  six  ans  s'y  livraient."" 

Las  Casas  relates  that  in  several  of  the  more  remote 
provinces  of  Mexico  unnatural  vice  was  tolerated,  it 
not  actually  permitted,"*  and  it  is  not  improbable  that 

9'  ITm'cra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  x.;  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Me- 
choaccm,  MS.,  p.  51. 

9J  Torifueiuaila,  Monarq.  Ltd.,  torn,  i.,  p.  166,  torn,  ii.,  p.  .380;  Las 
Canas,  hint.  ApulogMca,  MS.,  caj).  ccxv. ;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant,  Mrj.,  torn, 
iii.,  p.  423;  Ortega,  in  Id.,  p.  224;  Vctancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt  ii.,  p.  3.3; 
Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  p.  137;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  Kinnshorough't 
Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  245.  Caibajal  EspinoHU  differs  from  these  in  say* 
iiig:  'al  posivo  le  arrancaban  las  entrailas,  se  Uenaba  sii  vicntrc  de  ceniza  y 
cl  cadilvcr  era  queniado. '  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  603. 

**  Camargo,  Hi.'it.  Tlax.,  in  Noiivelles  Annates  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn, 
xcviii.,  p.  19H.  Carli  is  therefore  mistaken  in  saying  this  crime  was  punished 
with  death.  Cartas,  p.  122. 

^  Lettre,  in  Ternniix-Compana,  Voy.,  sdrie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  197. 

9*  Hist.  ApologMea,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii.  Clavigcro  writes:  'Appressotntte 
leNozioni  di  Anahuac,  fiuirchfe  appresso  i  Panuchesi,  era  in  abboniinR-'ione 
si  fatto  delitto,  c  da  tuttc  si  puniva  con  rigore.'    This  writer  is  very  bitter 


468 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


in  earlier  times  this  was  the  case  in  the  entire  empire. 
Inexpressibly  revolting  as  the  sin  must  appear  to  a 
modern  mind,  yet  we  know  that  pederasty  has  ob- 
tained among  peoples  possessed  of  a  more  advanced 
civilization  than  the  Aztecs.  In  ancient  Greece  this 
unnatural  passion  prevailed  to  such  an  extent  that  it 
was  regarded  as  heroic  to  resist  it.  Plutarch,  in  his 
FAfe  of  A<jesilaus,  cannot  praise  too  highly  the  self- 
control  manifested  by  that  great  man  in  refraining 
from  gratifying  a  passioii  he  had  conceived  for  a  boy 
named  Megabates,  which  Maximus  Tyrius  says  de- 
serves greater  praise  than  the  heroism  of  Leonidas; 
Diogenes  Laertius,  in  his  Life  of  Zeno,  the  founder 
of  stoicism,  the  most  austere  of  all  ancient  sects, 
praises  that  philosopher  for  being  but  little  addicted 
to  this  vice;  Sophocles,  the  Tragic  Homer,  and  the 
Attic  Bee,  is  said  by  Athenseus  to  have  been  espe- 
cially addicted  to  it.  Moralists  were  known  to  praise 
it  as  the  bond  of  friendship,  and  it  was  spoken  of  as 
inspiring  the  enth-:  jiasm  of  the  heroic  legion  of 
Epaminondas.  The  defeat  of  the  Romans  by  Hanni- 
bal at  CannsB  was  said  to  be  caused  by  the  jealousy 
of  Juno,  because  a  beautiful  boy  had  been  introduced 
into  the  temple  of  Jupiter.  Las  Casas  tells  us  that 
pederasty  was  tolerated  because  they  believed  that 
their  gods  practiced  it.**     In  precisely  the  same  man- 

against  M.  de  Pauw  for  stating  that  this  pederasty  was  common  among  the 
Mexicans,  and  adds:  'madcllu  falsitti  di  tal  calunnia,  clic  con  troppu,  ed 
assai  biiisimevolc  facility  addottarono  parccchj  Autori  Euronei,  ci  consta 
per  la  testinionianza  di  moltri  altri  Autori  iniparziarli,  e  nieglio  infonnati.' 
Clavigero  docs  not,  however,  state  wlio  these  'more  impartial  and  better 
informed  writers'  are.  That  tlie  crime  of  sodomy  was  prevalent  in  Ta- 
basco, we  have  the  testimony  of  Oviedo,  who  writes  that  aiii()ii<r  the  idols 
that  the  Christians  saw  there  'dixeron  que  avian  hallado  eiitro  aqucllos 
9emis  6  yulos,  dos  personus  hcchas  de  copcy  (que  es  un  drhol  assi  llanmdo), 
cl  uno  caballcro  6  cabalgando  sobre  el  otro,  en  figuradc  aquel  abominable  y 
ncfando  iiccado  de  sodomia,  e  otro  de  barro  que  tenia  la  natura  asida  con 

ambas  manos,  la  qual  tenia  como  ^ircunpiso y  no  es  cste  jMJcado  entro 

aquellas  nial  aventuradasgentesde8i)re89iaao,  ni  sumarinmcnte  averiguado: 
antes  cs  mucha  verdad  quanto  dellos  se  pucde  decir  6  culjinr  en  tal  caso.' 
Ilist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  p.  633.  Zuazo,  spcaKing  of  the  Mexicans,  says:  'estas 
gontes  tionon  la  tria  pecsatela  que  dccia  el  Italiano:  no  crcqn  en  Dios;  son 
cast  todoa  godotnitas:  comen  carne  humana.'  Carta,  in  Irazbalceta,  Col.  de 
Doc,  (,om.  i.,  p.  365. 

w  Hist.  Ajtoloffitica,  MS.,  cup.  ccxiu. 


LAWS  KESPECTING  CHASTITY. 


409 


ner  did  the  ancient  Greeks  make  the  popular  religion 
bend  to  the  new  vice,  and,  by  substituting  Ganymede 
for  Hebe  as  heavenly  cup-bearer,  make  the  head  of  all 
Olympus  set  an  example  of  unnatural  love. 

The  priest  who  violated  his  vow  of  chastity  was 
banished;  his  house  was  demolished  and  his  prop- 
erty confiscated.^*  Pimps  were  publicly  disgraced  m 
the  market-place,  by  having  their  hair  burnt  off  so 
close  to  the  head  that  the  drops  of  resin  falling  from 
the  burning  pitch-pine  chips  fell  upon  and  seared  the 
scalp;  if  the  persons  for  whom  the  panderage  was 
committed  were  of  high  rank,  a  greater  penalty  was 
inflicted  upon  the  pander."^  This  was  the  law  in 
Mexico;  in  Tezcuco,  according  to  the  historian  of  the 
Chichi  mecs,  the  pimp  suffered  death  in  all  cases.  ^"* 

Simple  fornication  was  not  punished,  unless  it  was 
committed  by  a  noble  lady,  or  with  a  maiden  conse- 
crated to  the  service  of  the  gods,  in  which  cases  it 
was  death.  Fornication  with  the  concubine  of  an- 
other also  went  unpunished,  unless  they  had  been 
living  a  long  time  together,  and  were  in  consequence, 
according  to  custom,  considered  man  and  wife.  If 
any  one  had  connection  with  a  slave,  and  the  woman 
died  during  her  pregnancy,  or  in  giving  bii'th  to  the 
child,  then  the  offender  became  a  slave;  but  if  she 
was  safely  delivered,  the  child  was  free  and  was  taken 
care  of  by  the  father.^"*  The  woman  who  took  any 
drug  to  procure  an  abortion,  and  she  who  furnished 

■oo  Las  Casas,  ainon<;  his  unauthentic  laws  has  one  which  prescribes  death 
in  this  ca'ic,  but  in  another  list,  which  he  says  is  composed  of  authentic 
hiws,  banishmcni  iiid  confiscation  of  property  is  given  fts  the  penalty.  Hist. 
Apologitira,  Ms  ecxv. ;  Torqucmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  380; 

Vcytin,  Hist.  An  .    <><:j.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  423. 

""  Tor-Jiiemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn.  ii-.P.  380;  Las  Ca.ias,  Hist.  Apolo- 
gitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii.;  Mmdieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  p.  137.  Ortega  adds  tiiat 
their  heads  were  rubbed  with  ashes;  'sc  lea  untaba  con  ceniza  ca'iente.' 
Veiftia,  Hist.  Ant.  M"j.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  225. 

'"^  Ixflilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  KingshorougVs  Mex.  Antiq,,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
246;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mcj.,  p.  224. 

^"'^Ixflilxochitl,  Rclar.imies,  in  Kingsborongh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
387;  Veijtia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  423;  Dnran,  in  Kingsborongh't 
Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  243-4;  Torqucmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toni.  ii.,  p. 
380;  Zrt»  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  ocxv. ;  Ortega,  in  Veytia,  Hist. 
Ant,  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  224-5. 


470 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


the  drug,  both  suffered  death.*"*  If  one  woman  sinned 
carnally  with  another,  both  died  for  it.**  The  man 
who  went  about  the  streets  dressed  as  a  woman,  or 
the  woman  who  dressed  as  a  man,  was  slain.*"" 

In  this  account  are  comprised  nearly  all  the  special 
laws  of  the  Aztecs  which  have  been  preserved,  with 
the  exception  of  those  relating  to  military  matters, 
marriage,  divorce,  and  slavery,  all  of  which  I  have 
already  had  occasion  to  consider. 

That  the  Aztec  code  was  a  severe  and  brutal  one 
there  can  be  no  denial,  but  that  it  was  more  severe 
and  brutal  than  was  necessary,  is,  as  I  have  before 
remarked,  doubtful.  We  have  already  seen  that  a 
horrible  death  was  the  inevitable  fate  of  those  de- 
tected stealing  in  the  market-place,  yet  we  are  told 
that  did  the  owner  of  a  stall  but  turn  away  his  head 
for  a  moment,  his  wares  would  be  pilfered.  A  people 
accustomed  almost  daily  to  see  human  blood  poured 
out  like  water  in  sacrifice  to  their  gods,  must  of 
necessity  have  been  hardened  to  the  sight  of  suffer- 
ing, and  upon  such  none  but  an  execution  of  the 
most  revolting  description  could  create  an  impression 
of  awe  or  fear.  It  appears  remarkable  that  punish- 
ments involving  only  disgrace  should  have  been 
adopted  by  such  a  people,  yet  it  is  doubtful  whether 
slavery  was  not  considered  a  lighter  punishment 
than  having  the  hair  burned  off  in  the  public  market. 
Some  of  the  Aztec  monarchs  evinced  a  desire  to  be 
as  lenient  as  the  stubborn  nature  of  their  subjects 
would  allow,  but  the  yoke  upon  the  people,  if  it  were 
in  any  degree  to  control  them,  must  at  best  be  a  heavy 
one;  in  short,  despotism  of  the  harshest  was  neces- 
sary and  indispensable  to  them  in  their  stage  of  civil- 
ization. 


'"*  Zflw  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxiii.,  ccxv.;  Mendieta,  Hist. 
Ecles.,  p.  136. 

">*  Lcia  Casas,  Ibid.;  Torqucmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  380-1. 

"»  Las  Casas,  Ibid.;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  380;  Men- 
dieta, Hist.  Ecles.,  pp.  137-8;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii., 
p.  133. 


NEZAHUALCOYOTL  AND  THE  BOY. 


471 


Nezahualcoyotl,  kinjj  of  Tezcuco,  was  especially 
mercit'ul  and  considerate  towards  his  subjects.  For 
instance,  he  ordered  that  corn  should  be  planted,  at 
the  expense  of  government,  by  the  roadside,  in  order 
that  none  who  were  guilty  of  stealing  from  the  fields, 
might  excuse  thomselves  on  the  ground  of  hunger.*" 
It  is  related  that  this  monarch  went  frequently  among 
his  people  in  disguise,  for  the  purpose  of  discovering 
their  grievances  and  general  condition,  and  some  of 
the  adventures  he  met  with  on  these  occasions  are  as 
entertaining  as  any  told  by  Sheherezade  of  the  Good 
Caliph.  I  select  one,  not  because  it  is  the  best,  but 
because  it  points  more  particularly  to  Nezahualco- 
yotl's  benevolence  and  love  of  justice.  During  the 
reiorn  of  this  monarch,  owinsf  to  the  immense  con- 
sumption  of  wood,  the  use  of  oil  and  tallow  being 
then  unknown,  the  forests  began  to  grow  thin,  and 
the  king  foreseeing  that  unless  some  precautions  were 
taken,  there  would  soon  be  a  scarcity  of  wood  in  tho 
kingdom,  ordered  that  within  certain  limits  no  wood 
should  be  touched.  Now  it  happened  one  day,  when 
the  king  was  abroad  in  disguise,  and  accompanied 
only  by  his  brother  Quauhtlehuanitzin,  that  they 
passed  by  the  skirts  of  a  forest  wherein  it  was  pro- 
hibited to  cut  or  gather  wood.  Here  they  found  a 
boy  who  was  engaged  in  picking  up  the  light  chips 
and  twigs  that  had  been  carried  by  the  wind  outside 
of  the  enclosure,  because  in  this  locality  the  inhabit- 
ants were  very  numerous,  and  had  exhausted  all  the 
timber  that  was  not  reserved  by  law.  Nezahualcoyotl, 
seeing  that  under  the  trees  of  the  forest  there  lay 
a  great  quantity  of  fallen  wood,  asked  the  boy  why 
he  contented  himself  with  dry  leaves  and  scattered 
twigs  when  so  great  an  abundance  of  fuel  lay  close  at 
hand.  The  boy  answered  that  the  king  had  forbid- 
den the  people  to  gather  wood  in  the  forest,  and 

'w  Torqtiemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  381;  Ortega,  in  Veytia,  Hist. 
Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  225-6;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  ctel  Messico,  torn,  ii., 
p.  133. 


472 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


therefore  he  was  obliged  to  take  whatever  he  could 
get.  The  king  told  him  to  go,  nevertheless,  into  the 
forest  and  help  himself  to  fuel,  and  none  would  be 
the  wiser,  for  that  he  and  his  companion  would  say 
nothing  of  the  matter.  But  the  boy  rebuked  them, 
saying  that  they  must  be  traitors  to  the  king  who 
would  persuade  him  to  do  this  thing,  or  that  they 
sought  to  avenge  themselves  upon  his  parents  by 
bringing  misfortune  upon  their  son,  and  he  refused  to 
enter  the  forbidden  ground.  Then  was  the  king 
much  pleased  with  the  boy's  loyalty,  and  seeing  the 
distress  to  which  the  people  were  reduced  by  the 
severity  of  the  forest  laws,  he  afterwards  had  them 
altered."" 


W  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  165.  In  the  following  works 
more  or  less  mention  is  made  of  the  system  of  jurisprudence  that  existed 
among  the  Nuhua  peoples.  Pimentel,  Mem.  soore  la  Baza  Indigena,  pp. 
31-5;  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  593-605;  Amcr.  Ethno. 
Soc.,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  p.  153;  Klemm,  Cultur-Ucschichte,  torn,  v.,  pp.  36-6, 
63-4,  69-75,  96-7,  105,  205;  Cortis,  Aven.  y  Cong,  pref.,  p.  13;  Ddajnorte,  Rei 
ten,  torn,  x.,  pp.  264-7;  Incidcntsand Sketches,  pp.  60-1;  Simon's  Ten  Tribes, 
pp.  263-70;  Bnssierre  L'Eiiipire  Mex.,  pp.  1.50-8;  Chambers'  Jovr.,  18.^5, 
vol.  iv. ,p.  253;  Bard,  Mexiqne,  pp.  205-7;  Tonron,  Hist.  Gin.,  tom.  iii., 
pp.  29-31;  Soden,  Spanicr  in  Peru,  tom.  ii.,  p.  14. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


NAHUA   ARTS    AND    MANUFACTURES. 

Metals  Used  and  Manner  of  Obtaining  Them— Working  of  Gold 
AND  Silver— Wonderful  Skill  in  Imitating— Gilding  and  Plat- 
ing—Working IN  Stone— Lai'IDARy  Work— Wood  Carving— 
Manufactlre  of  Pottery— Various  Kinds  of  Cloth— Manu- 
facture OF  Paper  and  Leather— Preparation  of  Dyes  and 
Paints— The  Art  of  Painting — Feather  Mosaic  Work— Leaf- 
Mats— Manner  of  Kindling  Fire— Torches— Soap— Council  of 
Arts  in  Tezcuco— Oratory  and  Poetry— Nezahualcoyotl's 
Odes  on  the  Mutability  of  Life  and  the  Tyrant  Tezozomoc — 
Aztec  Arithmetical  System. 


Gold,  silver,  copper,  tin,  and  lead  were  th6  metals 
known  to  and  used  by  the  Nahuas.  The  latter,  how- 
ever, is  merely  mentioned,  and  nothing  is  known  about 
where  it  was  obtained  or  for  what  purposes  it  was  em- 
ployed. We  have  only  very  slight  information  respect- 
ing the  processes  by  which  any  of  the  metals  were 
obtained.  Gold  came  to  the  cities  of  Anahuac  chiefly 
from  the  southern  Nahua  provinces,  through  the 
agency  of  traders  and  tax-gatherers;  silver  and  tin 
were  taken  from  the  mines  of  Taxco  and  Tzompaneo; 
copper  was  obtained  from  the  mountains  of  Zacatol- 
lan,  the  province  of  the  Cohuixcas,  and  from  Micho- 
acan.  Nuggets  of  gold  and  masses  of  native  copper 
were  found  on  the  surface  of  the  ground  in  certain 
regions;  gold  was  chiefly  obtained,  however,  from  the 
sand  in  the  bed  of  rivers  by  divers.     It  was  kept,  in 

(473) 


474 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


the  form  of  dust,  in  small  tubes  or  quills,  or  was 
melted  in  small  pots,  by  the  aid  of  hollow  bamboo 
blow-pipes  used  instead  of  bellows,  and  cast  in  small 
bars.  Frescott  tells  us  that  these  metals  were  also 
mined  from  veins  in  the  solid  rock,  extensive  gal- 
leries being  opened  for  the  purpose.  Quicksilver,  sul- 
phur, alum,  ochre,  and  other  minerals  were  collected 
to  a  certain  extent  and  employed  by  the  natives  in  the 
preparation  of  colors  and  for  other  purposes.*  The 
use  of  iron,  though  that  metal  was  abundant  in  the 
country,  was  unknown.  Such  metals  as  they  had  they 
were  most  skillful  in  working,  chiefly  ^y  melting  and 
casting,  and  by  carving,  but  also  to  some  extent  by 
the  use  of  the  hammer.  We  have  no  details  of  the 
means  employed  to  melt  the  harder  metals,  besides 
the  rude  blow-pipe  and  furnace  mentioned  in  connec- 
tion with  gold. 

For  cutting  implements  copper  was  the  only  metal 
used,  but  it  was  hardened  with  an  alloy  of  tin  until 
it  sufficed  to  cut  the  hardest  substances  nearly  as 
well  as  steel.*  The  pure  and  softer  metal  was  used 
to  make  kettles  and  other  vessels.  Copper  tools 
were,  however,  rare  compared  with  those  of  stone, 
and  seem  to  have  been  used  chiefly  in  working  wood 
where  a  sharp  and  enduring  edge  was  required. 
Such  tools  usually  took  the  form  of  axes  and  chisels. 


1  'Tambien  las  minas  de  plata  y  oro,  cobre,  plomo,  oropel  natural,  es- 
tafio  y  otros  nietaleH,  que  tmlos  los  sacaron,  labraron,  y  dejaron  Befiales  y 
incnioriu.'  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tuin.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  110-11.  To  obtain 
gold  'se  nictian  al  fondo  del  agua  y  Hacaban  las  inanos  Ucnas  de  oreiia,  pura 
buscar  luego  en  ella  los  granos,  los  que  se  guardaban  enlaboca.'  iJiaz, 
Itinerario,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  p.  299.  In  Michoacan 
'tnibajaban  minas  de  cobre.'  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mcchoacan,  MS.,  p.  48. 
'Tlie  traces  of  their  labors  furnished  the  best  indications  for  the  early  Span- 
ish miners.'  PrescotVs  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  138-9;  Carhajal  Espinosa,  Hist. 
Mcx.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  99-100;  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  198  et  seq. 

<  '  Whether  a  man  desire  the  rude  mettall,  or  to  haue  it  molten,  or  beaten 
out,  and  cunningly  made  into  any  kinde  of  lewell,  hee  shall  find  them 
ready  wrought.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  iv.  Gomara  and  Gnma  state 
that  they  mixed  gold  and  silver,  as  well  as  tin,  with  copper,  for  the  manu- 
facture of  gimlets,  axes,  and  chisels.  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  318;  Dos  Piedras,  pt 
ii.,  p.  26.  Clavigero  states  that  in  ZacatoUan  two  kinds  of  copper  were  found, 
hard  and  soft,  so  that  there  was  no  need  of  any  hardening  process.  Storia 
Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  210-11. 


GOLD  AND  SILVER  SMITHS. 


475 


Sticks  for  working  the  ground,  the  nearest  Nahua 
approach  to  the  plow,  were  also  often  tipped  with 
copper,  as  we  have  seen.  Metal  was  not  much  used 
in  making  weapons,  not  being  found  in  swords  or 
arrow-heads,  but  employed  with  obsidian  in  spear- 
heads and  on  the  niaza,  or  club.  Both  copper  and 
tin  dishes  and  plates  are  mentioned  but  were  not 
in  common  use.  In  the  manufacture  of  implements 
of  copper  and  tin  these  metals  were  wrought  by  means 
of  stone  hanmiers  and  not  cast.' 

No  branch  of  Nahua  art  was  carried  to  a  higher  de- 
gree of  perfection  than  the  ornamental  working  of 
gold  and  silver.  The  conquerors  were  struck  with 
admiration  on  beholding  the  work  of  the  native  gold- 
smiths; they  even  in  some  cases  frankly  acknowledge 
that  they  admired  the  work  more  than  the  material, 
and  saved  the  most  beautiful  specimens  from  the  melt- 
ing furnace,  the  greatest  comj^liment  these  gold-greedy 
adventurers  could  pay  to  native  art.  Many  of  the 
finer  articles  were  sent  as  presents  and  curiosities  to 
European  princes,  who  added  their  testimony  to  that 
of  the  conquerors,  pronoui.  .ing  the  jewelry  in  many 
instances  superior  to  the  work  of  old-world  artists. 
Azcapuzalco  was  the  headquarters  of  the  workers  in 
gold  and  silver.*     The  imitation  of  natural  objects, 

'  '  Porras  clavcteadas  do  liicrro,  cobre  y  oro.'  Ixtlilxochitl,  Rclaciones, 
in  Kingsborough's  Mcx.  Autiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  332.  'Nous  avons  cu  eiitic  lea 
mains  de  beaux  outils  de  cuivrc  rosette.'  Viollct-lc-Duc,  in  Chariiay,  liiUues 
Amir.,  pp.  86-7.  'Hazeu  niucbas  co»as,  conio  los  mcjorcs  caldereros  del 
niundo.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cup.  ix.  Sonic  bad  plates 
and  otbcr  vessels  of  tin.  Ociedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  4C5.  'Contutto- 
ci6  si  sa,  clic  lavoravano  bene  il  ranie,  c  clic  piacquero  assai  a<^Ii  Spagniioli 
lo  loro  sciiri,  e  le  loro  picclie.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toni.  ii., 
p.  19G.  Peter  Martyr  Hpcaks  of  large  copper  stands  or  candlesticks  wbich 
supported  pine  torcbes  to  liylit  tbe  courts  of  tbc  l»etter  bouses.  Dec.  v.,  lib. 
X.  '  II  existait  de  si  grands  vases  d'argent  qu'un  boninie  pouvait  Ji  peine 
les  cntourer  de  scsbras.'  liaril,  Mcxiquc,  p.  209;  lirowncU's  Ind.  Races,  p. 
94;  Edinburgh  Review,  July  1867. 

*  'Todo  variadizo,  que  en  nucstra  Espafia  los  grandcs  Plateros  tiencn 
queniiraren  ello.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  09.  'Los  Plateros  do 
Madrid,  viendu  algunas  Piczas,  Brazaletes  de  oro,  con  que  se  arniaban  en 
guerru  los  Reyes,  ^  Capitanes  Indianos,  confessaron  ^ue  eran  ininiitablcs  en 
Europa.'  Boturint,  Idea,  \\  78.  'Non  sarcbbero  vensimili  Ic  niaraviglic  di 
cotal  arte,  sc  oltre  alia  testimonianza  di  quanti  le  videro,  non  fosscro  state 
mandate  in  Europa  in  gran  coiiia  si  fatte  raritii.'  'Finalmcntc  erano  tali  si 
fattc  opere,  che  ancke  que'  Sotdatl  spagnuoli,  che  si  sentivano  travagliati 


476 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


particularly  animals,  birds,  and  fisheB,  wras  a  favorite 
field  for  the  display  of  this  branch  of  Nahua  talent. 
The  conqueror  Oortt%  tells  us  that  Montezuma  had  in 
his  collection  a  counterfeit  in  f?old,  silver,  stones,  or 
feathers,  of  every  object  under  heaven  in  his  domin- 
ions, so  skillfully  made,  so  far  as  the  work  in  metal 
was  concerned,  that  no  smith  in  the  world  could  excel 
them.  This  statement  is  repeated  by  every  writer  on 
the  subject.  Dr  Hernandez,  the  naturalist,  in  pre- 
paring a  treatise  on  Mexican  zoology  for  Philip  11.,  is 
said  to  have  supplied  his  want  of  real  specimens  of 
certain  rare  species  by  a  resort  to  these  imitations." 
The  native  artists  are  said  to  have  fashioned  animals 
and  birds  with  movable  heads,  legs,  wings,  and  tongues, 
an  ape  with  a  spindle  in  its  hands  in  the  act  of  spin- 
ning and  in  certain  comic  attitudes;  and  what  particu- 
larly interested  and  surprised  the  Spaniards  was  the 
art — spoken  of  by  them  as  a  lost  art — of  casting  the 
parts  of  an  object  of  different  metals  each  distinct 
from  the  rest  but  all  forming  a  complete  whole,  and 
this,  as  the  authorities  say,  without  soldering.  Thus 
a  fish  was  molded  with  alternate  scales  of  gold  and 
silver,  plates  were  cast  in  sections  of  the  same  metal, 
and  loose  handles  were  attached  to  different  vessels.* 

dalla  sacra  fame  dcir  oro,  prcgiavano  in  esse  piii  I'artc,  chc  la  materia.' 
Clariffcro,  Storia  Ant,  del  Mcssico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  195-6. 

*  Cartas,  Cartas,  pp.  109,  100-1.  In  the  collection  of  Nezohimlcoyot- 
zin  'no  fultava  alii  ave,  pcz  ni  animal  de  toda  csta  tierra,  que  no  estuv'iese 
vivo,  6hecho  Hgiira  y  talle,  en  piedras  de  oro  y  pcdreria.'  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist. 
Chich.,  in  KingsborouglCs  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  244.  'There  is  no 
fourefooted  beast,  no  foule,  no  fyslie,  which  their  Artificers  have  once  seene, 
but  they  arc  able  to  drawc,  and  cutte  in  niettall  the  likenesse  and  iiroportion 
thereof,  eucn  to  the  lyfe.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  x.,  iv.  Ei<;ht  ^old 
shrimps  of  much  perfection.  On'cdo,  Hist.  Gen.,  ♦  )m.  iii.,  p.  285;  Pimentel, 
Mem.  sobre  la  Baza  Indigcna,  p.  56. 

6  'Sacan  un  ave,  como  un  papagayo  que  se  Ic  nda  la  lengua  como  si 
vivo  la  mencase  y  tambien  la  cabcza  y  las  alas.  '  rostro  de  aguila  lo  mis- 
mo,  una  rana,  y  un  pescado.senalada  muchascscai  una deplata  y  otra  de 
oro,  todo  de  vaciado,  que  espanta  a  todos  nuestros  o,  lies. '  Las  Casas,  Hist. 
Apologftica,  MS.,  cap.  Ixiii.  *  Funden  vna  niona,  qi,  juegue  pies  y  caltcfa, 
y  tenga  en  las  manos  vn  huso,  que  parezca  que  liih  o  vna  maufana,  que 
come.  Esto  tuuicron  a  mucho  nuestros  Espanolcs,  y  ts  plateros  de  aca  no 
alcanpan  el  primer.'  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  117.  «'  lo  que  mas  es,  que 
sacaban  de  la  fundicion  vna  pie^a,  la  niitad  de  Oro,  la  mitad  de  Plat^a.' 
Torquemadn,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  487;  Vetancvrl,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt  ii., 

S.  59;  Mcndicta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  pp.  403-7.     'Sacauan  al  mercado  los  oficialcs 
estearte,  plates,  ochauados  de  vn  quarto  de  oro,  y  otro  de  plata,  no  solda- 


GILDING  AND  PLATING. 


477 


After  tho  Spaniards  came  the  native  artizanH  had 
a  now  and  wide  Held  for  the  display  of  their  skill,  in 
imitating'  the  numerous  products  of  European  art. 
A  slij^ht  examination,  often  obtahied  hy  stealthily 
looking  into  the  shop  windows,  enabled  them  to  re- 
produce and  not  unfrequently  to  improve  upon  the 
finest  articles  of  jewelry  and  plate.' 

Clavigero  says  that  vessels  of  copper  or  other  in- 
ferior metal  were  gilded,  by  employing  a:  unknown 
process  in  which  certain  herbs  were  used,  and  which 
would  have  made  the  fortune  of  a  goldsmith  in  Spain 
and  Italy.  Oviedo  also  tells  us  that  various  orna- 
mental articles  were  covered  with  thin  gold  plate." 
To  enumerate  tlie  articles  manufactured  by  the  Na- 
hua  gold  and  silver  smiths,  and  included  in  the  long 
lists  of  presents  made  by  Montezuma  and  other  chief- 
tains to  their  conquerors  is  impracticable;  they  in- 
cluded finely  modeled  goblets,  pitchers,  and  other 
vessels  for  the  tables  of  the  kings  and  nobility ;  frames 
for  stone  mirrors  and  rich  settings  for  various  precious 
stones;  personal  ornaments  for  the  wealthy,  and  es- 
pecially for  warriors,  including  rings,  bracelets,  ear- 
drops, beads,  helu  ets  and  various  other  portions 
of  armor;  small  figures  in  human  form  worn  as 
charms  or  venerated  as  idols;  and  finally  the  most 
gorgeous  and  complicated  decorations  for  the  larger 
idols,  and  their  temples  and  altars." 

dos,  Hino  fiiiululns,  y  en  In  fiindicion  pe^do,  cosa  dificultosa  dc  entcnder. 
Sneiiimii  vim  ciildcrctn  dc  plutii,  con  cxcclentcs  laborca,  y  su  assa  dc  vna 
fiiiidicioii,  y  lo  que  era  dc  inuruuillur  que  la  osa  cstuua  sueltu.'  Herrera, 
Hixt.  Gcii.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xv. 

"I  '  Acuci'iulcs  &  los  priucipios  eutar  un  indio  cnvuclto  en  una  manta  que 
no  8e  le  parecian  si  no  los  ojos,  conio  cllos  se  poncn  no  muy  cerca  dc  una 
tienda  dc  algun  platcro  dc  los  nucstros  disiniuladunicntc,  conio  no  prc- 
tcndiu  niirar  nada  y  el  platero  estai-  labrando  dc  oro  y  dc  ]data  ulguna  joya 
6  pieza  dc  niucho  artiticio  v  muy  dolicada,  y  dc  solo  veric  Iiaccr  algiina 
parte  dclla  irsc  d  su  casa  y  hacelfo  tanto  y  mas  perfccto  y  traello  desdc  & 
poco  en  la  niano  para  lo  vender.'  Las  Casus,  Hist.  ApologdUca,  MS.,  cap. 
ixiii.  Zuazo,  however,  pronounces  some  of  the  native  work  inferior  to  tho 
European.  'Yo  vi  algunas  piezaay  no  me  parecicron  tan  priniamente  la- 
bradas  conio  las  nuestras.'  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  deDoc,  toni.  i.,  p.  362. 

*  Clai-igero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  iv.,  p.  211;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen., 
torn,  i.,  p.  520. 

9  'Vna  rueda  de  hechura  de  Sol,  tan  grandc  eomo  dc  vna  carreta,  con 
muchas  labores,  todo  de  oro  muy  iino,  gran  obra  de  mirar; otra  mayor 


478 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Little  is  known  of  the  methods  or  implements  by 
which  the  workers  in  gold  accomplished  such  marvel- 
ous results.  The  authors  tell  us  that  they  excelled 
particularly  in  working  the  precious  metals  by  means 
of  fire;  and  the  furnaces  already  mentioned  are  pic- 
tured in  several  of  the  Aztec  picture-writings  as 
simple  vessels,  perhaps  of  earthen  ware,  various  in 
form,  heaped  with  lumps  of  metal,  and  possibly  with 
wood  and  coal,  from  which  the  tongues  of  flame  pro- 
trude, as  the  workman  sits  by  his  furnace  with  his 
bamboo  blow-pipe.  How  they  cast  or  molded  the 
molten  gold  into  numerous  graceful  and  ornamental 
forms  is  absolutely  unknown.  The  process  by  which 
these  patient  workers  carved  or  engraved  ornamental 
figures  on  gold  and  silver  vessels  by  means  of  their 
implements  of  stone  and  hardened  copper,  although 
not  explained,  may  in  a  general  way  be  easily  imag- 
ined. They  worked  also  to  some  extent  with  the 
hammer,  but  as  gold-beaters  they  Avere  regarded  as 
inferior  workmen,  using  only  stone  implements.  The 
art  of  working  in  the  precious  metals  was  derived 
traditionally  from  the  Toltecs,  and  the  gold  and  silver- 
smiths formed  in  Mexico  a  kind  of  corporation  under 
the  divine  guidance  of  the  god  Xipe.'" 

nieda  dc  niata,  figiirada  la  Luna,  con  muchos  rcsplandores,  y  otras  figuraa 
en  ella.'  Jicrnal  Dinz,  Hist.  Coiiq.,  fol.  26-7.  'Espejos  liechos  de  Marga- 
jita,  que  C8  vn  metal  herniosissinio,  conio  plata  muy  rcsplaudecieutc  y  estos 
grandes  eonio  vu  puiio  redimdos  conio  vna  Iwla,  engastados  en  oro.'  Jler- 
rem,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  v.,  caji.  v.  'Doze  zcbratanas  de  fustay  plata, 
con  ([ue  8()lia  ol  tirar.  Las  unas  puitadas  y  inatizadas  de  aves,  aninialcs, 
rosas,  llorcs,  yarboles. . .  .Laa  utras  cran  variada.s,  y  sinzeladas  con  mas  pri- 
mor  y  sotilcza  que  la  pintura.'  Gomara,  Uoiiq.  Mex.,  fol.  135-6,  42;  Ociedo, 
Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  259;  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap. 
cxxxii. 

'•'Vnas  fundidas,  otras  labradas  de  Piedra.'  Torquemada,  Monarq. 
Ind.,  t«ni.  ii. ,  p.  557;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xv.  'V 
lo  que  mas  las  Iiace  odmirables,  es  que  las  obron  y  labran  con  solo  fuego  y 
con  una  jjiedra  6  pedernal.'  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologttica,  MS.,  cap.  Ixiii. 
Hammered  work  inferior  to  that  of  European  artizans.  Clavigero,  Storia 
Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  196.  'Los  ohciales  que  labran  oro  son  de  dos 
mancras,  unoH  de  ellos  sc  llanian  martilladores  6  aniajadorcs,  porqne  estos 
labran  oro  de  niartillo  majiindoiv*  con  piedras  6  con  niartillos,  para  haccrlo 
delgado  como  papcl:  otros  se  llanian  tlaflaliani,  que  quiere  decir,  que  asi- 
cntan  cl  oro  6  alguna  cosa  en  <S1,  6  en  la  ]>lata,  estos  son  yerdaderos  oficiales 
6  por  otro  nomhre  so  llanian  tulteca;  pcro  estdn  divididos  en  doa  partes, 
porquc  labran  cl  oro  car''>  nno  de  8U  manera.'  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen,,  torn. 


WORKING  IN  STONE. 


479 


Stone  was  the  material  of  moat  Nahua  implements. 
For  this  purpose  all  the  harder  kinds  found  in  the 
country  were  worked,  flint,  porphyry,  basalt,  but  espe- 
cially obsidian,  the  native  iztli.  Of  this  hard  material, 
extensively  quarried  some  distance  north  of  Mexico, 
nearly  all  the  sharp-edged  tools  were  made.  These 
tools,  such  as  knives,  razors,  lancets,  spear  and  art-ow 
heads,  were  simply  flakes  from  an  obsidian  block. 
The  knives  were  double-edged  and  the  best  of  them 
slightly  curved  at  the  point.  The  maker  held  a  round 
block  of  iztli  between  his  bare  feet,  pressed  with  his 
chest  and  hands  on  a  long  wooden  instrument,  one  end 
of  which  was  applied  near  the  edge  of  the  block,  and 
thus  split  off  knife  after  knife  with  great  rapidity, 
which  required  only  to  be  fitted  to  a  wooden  handle  to 
be  ready  for  use.  The  edge  thus  produced  was  at  first 
as  sharp  as  one  of  steel,  but  became  blunted  by  slight 
use,  when  the  instrument  must  be  thrown  away. 
Thus  Las  Casas  tells  us  that  ten  or  fifteen  obsidian 
razors  were  required  to  shave  one  man's  beard.  Stone 
knives  seem  rarely  if  ever  to  have  been  sharpened  by 
grinding."  Of  obsidian  were  made  the  knives  used 
in  the  sacrifice  of  human  victims,  and  the  lancets  used 
in  bleeding  for  medicinal  purposes  and  in  drawing 
blood  in  the  service  of  the  gods.     For  bleeding,  simi- 


ii.,  lib.  ix.,  p.  387,  et  scq.  For  pictures  of  furnaces  and  of  some  manu- 
factured articles  from  the  hieroglyphic  MSS.,  ace  Ewhank,  in  Sc/ioolcrnft'» 
Arch.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  448,  et  seq.  'The,v  cast,  also,  vessels  of  gold  and  silver, 
carving  them  with  their  metallic  chisels  in  a  very  delicate  manner.'  Prcs- 
cotCs  Mcx.,  vol.  i.,  i)p.  1.39-40. 

"  'Siontaiise  en  el  suelo  y  toman  un  pcdaro  de  aquella  piedra  negra 

Aqucl  pcdazo  que  toman  cs  dc  un  i>almo  I't  poco  mas  largo,  y  de  grucso  como 
la  pieriia  6  poco  iiienos,  y  roUizo.  Tionen  un  palo  del  grucso  de  una  lanza 
y  largo  coino  tres  codos  o  poco  mas,  y  al  principio  de  cstc  palo  noiicn  pegado 
y  bicn  atado  uii  trozo  de  palo  dc  un  palino,  grucso  como  el  mollcdo  del 
brazo,  y  algo  mas,  y  cst«  ticiie  su  frentc  llaiui  y  tajada,  y  sirve  cste  trozo 
para  (pic  ]k;sc  mas  aquella  parte.  Juntan  ainbos  pies  descalzos,  y  con  ellos 
aprietan  la  ])icdra  con  el  pccho,  y  con  aiiibas  liM  inanos  toman  cl  palo  que 
diju  era  como  vara  de  lanza  (que  tumbicn  cs  llano  y  tajado)  y  ponciilo  d 
besar  con  el  canto  de  la  frciitc  de  la  piedra  (que  tambicn  es  liana  y  tajada), 
y  entonces  aprietan  hdciael  pecho,  y  luego  salta  de  la  piedra  una  navaja 
con  su  puntu  y  sus  filos  dc  ambas  partes.'  Mcndieta,  I/tst.  Edes.,  p.  406; 
repeated  in  nearly  the  same  words  in  Torqucmada,  Monara.  Ind.,  tom.  ii., 

p.  433-30;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apolog6tifa,  MS.,  cap.  Ixii.,  Ixvi:  Velancvrt, 

eatro  Mcx.,  pt  ii.,  p.  60. 


7. 


480 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


lar  knives  are  said  to  be  still  used  in  Mexico."  The 
use  of  stone  in  the  manufacture  of  weapons  has  been 
mentioned  in  another  chapter.  Masks  and  even  rings 
and  cups  were  sometimes  worked  from  obsidian  and 
other  kinds  of  stone.  Axes  were  of  flint,  jade,  or 
basalt,  and  were  bound  with  cords  to  a  handle  of  hard 
wdbd,  the  end  of  which  was  split  to  receive  it."  Tor- 
quemada  says  that  agricultural  implements  were  made 
of  stone."  Mirrors  were  of  obsidian,  or  of  marga- 
jita, — spoken  of  by  some  as  a  metal,  by  others  as  a 
stone, — often  double-faced,  and  richly  set  in  gold." 

The  quarrying  of  stone  for  building  and  sculpture 
was  done  by  means  of  wooden  and  stone  implements, 
by  methods  unknown  but  adequate  to  the  working  of 
the  hardest  material.  Stone  implements  alone  seem 
to  have  been  used  for  the  sculpture  of  idols,  statues, 
and  architectural  decorations.  A  better  idea  of  the 
excellence  of  the  Nuhuas  in  the  art  of  stone-carving 
may  be  formed  from  the  consideration  of  antiquarian 
relics  in  another  volume  than  from  the  remarks  of  the 
early  chronic^lers.  Most  of  the  sculptured  designs 
were  executed  in  soft  material,  in  working  v.'hich  flint 
instruments  would  be  almost  as  effective  as  those  of 
steel ;  but  some  of  the  preserved  specimens  are  carved 
in  the  hardest  stone,  and  must  have  taxed  the  sculp- 
tor's patience  to  the  utmost  even  with  hard  copper 
chisels.  The  idols  and  hieroglyphics  on  which  the 
native  art  was  chiefly  exercised,  present  puri)osely  dis- 

•'  Tylor's  Researches,  p.  194.  'Tienen  lancetas  de  azubachc  negro,  y 
vnos  nauajos  dc  axenic,  licchas  coiiio  jtuniil,  iiiuh  ^^ordas  cii  medio  que  &  los 
iilos,  con  quese  jasaan  y  sangran  dc  la  lengua,  bra^os,  y  piernas.'  Gomara, 
Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  324-5;  Acosla,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  491. 

'3  Lenoir,  ParalUle,  pp.  64-5.  'In  the  beginning  of  this  so  rare  inuen> 
tion,  I  gotte  one  of  them,  which  Christopltorus  Colonus,  Adniirall  of  the  Sea 
ganc  inee.  This  stone  was  of  a  greene  darkisho  colour,  fastened  in  most 
nrme  and  harde  woode,  wliich  was  the  handle  or  heluc  thereof.  I  stroke 
with  all  my  force  V|M>n  Iron  barres  and  dented  the  Iron  with  my  strokes 
without  spoyling  or  hurting  of  the  stone  in  any  part  thereof.  With  these 
atones  therefore  they  make  their  instruments,  for  hewing  of  stone,  or  cutting 
of  timber,  or  any  workcmanship  in  gold  or  siluer.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v., 
lib.  iv. 

'*  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  231. 

•'  Las  Gasas,  Hist.  Apologftim,  MS.,  cap.  Ixii.  See  note  9  of  this 
chapter. 


WORKING  OF  PRECIOUS  STONES. 


481 


torted  figures  and  are  a  poor  test  of  the  artists'  skill ; 
according  to  traditional  history  portrait-statues  of  the 
kings  were  made,  and  although  none  of  these  are 
known  to  have  survived,  yet  a  few  specimens  in  the 
various  collections  indicate  that  the  human  face  and 
form  in  true  proportions  were  not  beyond  the  scope  of 
American  art;  and  the  native  sculptors  were,  more- 
over, extremely  successful  in  the  modeling  of  animals 
in  stone." 

The  Nahuas  were  no  less  skillful  in  working  pre- 
cious stones  than  gold  and  silver.  Their  Toltec  an- 
cestors possessed  the  same  skill  and  used  to  search  for 
the  stones  at  sunrise,  being  directed  to  ihe  hidden 
treasure  by  the  vapor  which  rose  from  the  place  that 
concealed  it.  All  the  stones  found  in  the  country 
were  used  for  ornamental  purposes,  but  emeralds, 
amethysts,  and  turquoises  were  most  abundant.  The 
jewels  were  cut  with  copper  tools  with  the  aid  of  a 
silicious  sand.  Single  stones  were  carved  in  various 
forms,  often  those  of  animals,  and  set  in  gold,  or  some- 
times formed  into  small  cups  or  boxes.  Pearls,  moth- 
er of  pearl,  and  bright-colored  shells  were  used  with 
the  precious  stones  in  the  formation  of  necklaces, 
bracelets,  ear-rings,  and  other  decorations,  for  the 
nobles  or  for  the  idols.  Various  articles  of  dress  or 
armor  were  completely  studded  with  gems  tastefully 

'*  'Sculptured  images  were  so  numerous,  that  the  foundations  of  the 
cathedral  in  the  plaza  mayor,  the  great  square  of  Mexico,  are  said  to  be  en- 
tirely composed  of  them.'  Prescotfs  Mcx.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  140-1.  Two  statues 
in  likeness  of  Montezuma  and  his  brother  cut  in  the  cliiT  at  Cliapultcpcc. 
Duran,  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  torn,  i.,  cap.  iii.  The  idols  destroyed  by  Cortes 
'cran  de  manera  de  dragones  cspantables,  tan  grandes  como  beccrros,  y  otraa 
liguras  de  manera  de  medio  hombre,  y  de  perros  grandes,  y  de  nialas  seme- 
jan^as.'  Bcrnal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  35.  'Sapevano  csprimcrc  nelle  lore 
statue  tutti  gli  attcggiamcuti,  e  positure,  di  cui  h  capace  il  corjio,  osservavano 
esattamente  le  proporzioni,  e  faeevano,  dove  si  riciiiedcva,  i  piii  niinuti,  e 
ililicati  intaglj.'  Viavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Afussico,  imn.  ii.,  p.  195.  'Ha- 
l)ia  cntre  ellos  grandes  escultores  de  canteria,  que  labralian  cuanto  qucriaii 
en  piedra,  con  guijarros  6  pedernales,  tan  prima  y  curiosamente  como  en 
nuestra  Castilla  los  muy  nuenos  oficiales  con  escodas  y  nicos  de  acero.' 
Mendieta,  Hist.  Erles.,  p.  403;  Torquemada,  Monara.  Jnd.,  torn,  ii.,  pp. 
486-8;  Portrait-statues  of  the  Tezcucan  kings.  Ixtlitxochitl,  Hist.  ChicK., 
m  KingshorouglCs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  264;  Id.,  Relaciones,  p.  440. 
Statues  of  Montezuma  and  brother.  Bustamante,  in  Cnvo,  Trea  Siglos,  torn. 
iii.,  p.  49. 

Vol.  II.   31 


482 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


arranged,  and  a  kind  of  mosaic,  with  which  wooden 
masks  for  the  idols  were  often  covered,  attracted 
much  attention  among  the  Spaniards.  Mirrors  of 
rock  crystal,  obsidian,  and  other  stones,  brightly  pol- 
ished and  encased  in  rich  frames,  were  said  to  reflect 
the  human  face  as  clearly  as  the  best  of  European 
manufacture." 

Trees  were  felled  with  copper  hatchets,  hewn  with 
the  same  instruments  into  beams,  and  dragged  ,hj 
slaves  over  rollers  to  the  place  where  they  were 
needed  for  building.  Some  of  the  chief  idols,  as  for 
instance  that  of  Huitzilopochtli,  according  to  Acosta, 
were  of  wood,  but  wood-carving  was  n^it  apparently 
carried  to  a  high  degree  of  perfectiqv,!  Some  boxes, 
furnished  with  lids  and  hinges,  also  tables  and  chairs, 
were  made  of  wood,  which  was  the  chief  material  of 
weapons  and  agricultural  implements.  The  authori- 
ties devote  but  few  words  to  the  workers  in  wood, 
who,  however,  after  the  conquest  seem  to  have  be- 
come quite  skillful  under  Spanish  instruction,  and 
with  the  aid  of  European  tools.     Fire-wood  was  sold 


IT  'Gli  smeraldi  erano  tanto  comuni,  che  non  v'era  Signore,  che  non  ne 
avesse.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toin.  ii.,  pp.  206-7.  'Esmaltan 
assi  inesmo,  eiigastan  y  labran  esnicraldas,  turquesas,  y  otros  piedras,  v 
aj^ujeran  perlos  pero  no  tatiibicn  como  por  aca.'  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol. 
117.  'Ambar,  cristal,  y  las  piedras  Uaniadas  amatista  i)erlas,  y  todo  ;;dncro 
de  ellas,  y  demas  que  traiaii  por  joyas  que  ahora  se  usan.'  Sahagun,  Hist. 
Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  109-11,  117-18.  'Un  enculado  nmy  pulido,  que 
era  de  ver,  y  piedras  de  que  estaban  hechas,  tambicn  labradas  y  pegadas, 
que  purecia  scr  cosa  de  iniisaico.'  Id.,  p.  107.  Shields  adorned  with  'perlaa 
menudas  coiuo  aljofar,  y  no  se  puecic  dczir  su  artificio,  lindeza,  y  hermoaura.' 
Sandals  having  'por  suelas  vna  picdra  blanca  y  azul,  cosa  prcciosa  y  nuiy 
delgada.'  Herrera,  Hist  'ien.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  v.  Guaric^ucs  of  blue 
stones  set  in  gold;  a  stciic  face  surrounded  with  gold;  a  string  of  stone 
beads.  *  Dos  mascaras  do  piedras  incnudas,  como  turquesas,  sentadas  sobre 
madcra  do  otra  nmsdyca.'  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  pn.  626-8,  torn,  iii., 
pp.  285,  305.  Idol  covered  with  n.osaic  work  of  motncr  of  pearl,  tur- 
quoises, emeralds,  and  chalcedonies.  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologttica,  MS., 
cap.  cxxxii.  'Excellent  glasses  may  bee  made  thereof  by  smoothing  and 
polishing  them,  so  that  we  all  confessed  that  none  of  ours  did  better  shcwe 
the  naturall  and  liucly  face  of  a  manne.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  x. 
'  lis  avaicnt  des  masques  garnis  de  pierres  pr^cieuses,  rcpn^sentant  des  lions, 
des  tigres,  des  ours,  et«.'  Camarao,  Hist.  Ttax.,  in  Nonvelles  Annates  des 
Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii.,  p.  133.  Emerald  altar  t-o  the  Miztcc  god.  Burgoa, 
Geo^.  Descrip.,  tom.  i. ,  pt  ii.,  fol.  156.  'Y  lo  de  las  piedras,  que  no  Iwsta 
juicio  d  comprehender  con  qu^  instrumentos  se  hiciesc  tan  {terfecto.'  Cortis, 
Cartas,  p.  109. 


MANUFACTURE  OF  POTTERY. 


483 


in  the  markets ;  and  Las  Casas  also  tells  us  that  char- 
coal was  burned." 

At  Cholula  the  best  pottery  was  made,  but 
throughout  the  whole  country  nearly  all  the  dishes 
used  were  of  clay.  Pots,  kettles,  vases,  plates  for 
domestic  use,  as  well  as  censers  and  other  utensils  for 
the  temple  service,  also  idols,  beads,  and  various  orna- 
ments were  modeled  from  this  material.  The  early 
Spaniards  were  enthusiastic  in  praising  the  native 
potters'  skill,  but  beyond  the  statement  that  vessels 
of  earthen  ware  were  glazed  and  often  tastefully  dec- 
orated, tliev  give  no  definite  information  respecting 
this  branch  of  manufactures.  Many  small  earthen 
trumpets,  or  i.  igeolets,  capable  of  producing  various 
sounds,  and  of  iinitating  the  cries  of  different  bi^-ds, 
have  been  found  in  different  parts  of  the  Mexican 
Republic.  Fortunately  relics  of  pottery  in  every  form 
are  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  museums,  and  from 
the  description  of  such  relics  in  another  volume  the 
excellence  of  Aztec  pottery  may  be  estimated.  Be- 
sides the  earthen  dishes,  and  vessels  of  metal  and 
carved  wood,  some  baskets  were  made,  and  drinking- 
cups   or   bowls   of  different   sizes   and   shapes   were 

18  Huitzilopochtli's  idol  'era  vna  cstatua  de  madcra  entrctullada  en 
semejan^a  dc  vn  liombre  sentado  en  vn  escario  azul.'  Acosta,  IJi.st.  dc  las 
Ynd. ,  p.  324.  Large  chests  '  hcchas  de  niadera  con  sus  tapaderaa  que  bc  abrcn 
y  cierran  con  unos  colKadizos.'  Zuazo,  Carta,  in  Icazlalceta,  Col.  de  Doc, 
torn,  i.,  pp.  361-2.  ' I  Tategnami  lavoravano  bene  pareccliie  spezio  di  Icgni 
co'loro  strumcnti  di  rame,  de'quali  se  ne  vedono  alcuni  anche  oggidl.'  Clavi- 
gero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mcmco,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  207,  194-5.  'Los  carpinteros  y 
entulladores  labraban  la  inadcra  con  instrumcntos  dc  cobre,  pero  no  sc  da- 
ban  <i  labrar  cosas  curiosas  como  los  canteros.'  Mendieta,  Hist.  Eclcs.,  p. 
403.  'Labravan  lazos,  y  animales  tan  curiosos  (^ue  causaron  adniiracion  k 
los  primeroa  Espanoles.'  Vctanarrt,  7'ca<ro  ^/ipx.,  pt  ii.,  p.  59.  'With  their 
Copper  Hatchets,  and  Axes,  cunnyngly  tempered,  they  fell  those  trees,  and 
hcwc  them  smooth,  taking  away  the  chyppes,  that  they  may  more  easily 
bc  drawne.  They  haiie  also  ccrtaync  hcarlics,  with  the  which,  in  steed  of 
brooiiie,  and  hempe,  they  make  ropes,  cordca,  and  cables:  and  bonring  a 
hole  in  one  of  the  edges  of  the  Iwame,  they  fasten  the  rope,  then  scttc  their 
slaucs  vnto  it,  like  yoakes  of  oxen,  and  lastly  instecde  of  wheels,  putting 
round  blocks  vnder  the  timber,  whether  it  be  to  lie  drawn  steepc  vp,  or 
directly  downc  the  hill,  the  matter  is  performed  by  ilic  neckesof  the  slaucs, 
the  carpenters  onely  directing  the  carriage.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib. 
X.  'Hazen  caxas,  escritorios,  mesas,  escruianias,  y  otras  cosas  dc  mucho 
primor.'  Hcrrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  ix.  'They  made  cups 
and  vases  of  a  lackered  or  painted  wood,  impervious  to  wet  and  gaudily 
colored.'  PreKotCs  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  p.  143. 


484 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


foimed  from  the  hollow  shells  of  gov  ds.  These  were 
known  as  xicalli,  later  jicaras,  and  tecoinatl}*  Sea- 
shells  were  also  used  as  dishes  to  some  extent." 

The  finer  kinds  of  cloth  were  made  of  cotton,  of 
rabbit-hair,  of  the  two  mixed,  or  of  cotton  mixed  with 
feathers.  The  rabbit-hair  fabrics  were  pronounced 
equal  in  finish  and  texture  to  silk,  and  cotton  cloths 
were  also  fine  and  white.  Fabrics  of  this  better  class 
were  used  for  articles  of  dress  by  the  rich,  nobles,  and 
priests ;  they  were  both  woven  and  dyed  in  variegated 
colors.  The  cloths  in  the  inahufacture  of  which  feath- 
ers were  employed  often  served  for  carpets,  tapestry, 
and  bed-coverings.  Maguey-fibre,  and  that  of  the 
palm-leaves  icxotl  and  izhuatl  were  woven  into  coarse 
cloths,  the  maguey-cloth  being  known  as  nequen. 
This  nequen  and  the  coarser  kinds  of  cotton  were 
the  materials  with  which  the  poorer  classes  clothed 
themselves.  The  palm  and  maguey  fibres  were  pre- 
pared for  use  in  the  same  manner  as  flax  in  other 
countries,  being  soaked  in  water,  pounded,  and  dried. 
The  same  material  served  also  for  cords,  ropes,  and 
mats.  A  coarser  kind  of  matting  was,  however, 
made  of  different  varieties  of  reeds.  All  the  work  of 
spinning  and  weaving  was  i)erformed  by  the  wc-aen, 

w  Molina,  Diceionario,  says,  however  that,  tlio  teconiatl  was  an  earthen 
vase.     Sec  also  ]).  458  of  this  volume. 

^  'Siete  sartas  dc  qiientas  nicnudas  de  barro,  redondas  y  doradas  niuy 
bien.'  Ovicdo,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  526,  533.  'I  Pentolai  faceva- 
no  d'arjnlla  non  solo  gli  stovi^lj  necessarj  per  I'uso  dclle  case,  ma  ezi- 
andio  altri  lavori  di  mcra  cunoaitii.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mcssi- 
CO,  tom.  ii.,  p.  207,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  211-2.  'La  loza  tan  hennosa,  y  dclicada 
como  lade  I^acnza  en  Italia.'  Hcrrcra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap. 
ii.,  vii.  'Los  incensarios  con  que  incensaban  cran  dc  barro,  }i  nianera  ue 
cuchara,  cuio  reniatc  era  hueco,  y  dentro  tenian  metidos  pclotillus  del  mis- 
mo  barro,  qne  sonaban  como  cascavcles,  h,  los  golpes  del  Incieuso,  como 
Buenan  las  cadenas  dc  nuestros  incensarios.'  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind., 
torn',  ii.,  p.  264.  The  jicara  was  of  gold,  silver,  courd-shclls,  or  fish- 
aliclls.  'Aanquc  estbu  cicn  Alios  en  el  Agiia,  luinca  la  pinturasc  les  bor- 
ra.'  Id.,  p.  488.  'Para  C4iger  la  sangre  tienen  cscudillas  de  calaba^a.'  Go- 
niara,  Conq.  Mex. ,  fol.  324-5.  '  Many  sorts  also  of  earthen  vessels  are  sold 
there,  as  water  pots,  greatc  iuggs,  chargers,  gobblets,  dishes,  colcnders, 
boscns,  frying  pans,  porringers,  pitchers.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  iv. 
'  Vasos  qne  Daman  xicalll,  y  teconiatl,  que  son  do  vnos  arlwics,  que  so  dan 
en  tierras  rnlicntes.'  'A  estas  les  dan  vn  bamiz  con  flores,  y  animales  dc 
divei-sos  colores,  hernioseadas,  que  no  se  quita,  ni  sc  despinta  aunquc  ostb 
cii  ol  agua  muchoj  diau.'  Vetancin-f,  Tcntro  Mex.,  pt  ii.,  p.  CO. 


^-...i     ,M 


MAKING  OF  CLOTH  AND  PAPER. 


486 


forming  indeed  their  chief  employment.  The  spin- 
dle used  in  spinning,  shown  in  many  of  the  Aztec 
manuscripts,  was  like  a  top,  which  was  set  whirling  in 
a  shallow  dish,  the  fibre  being  applied  tt)  its  pointed 
upper  extremity  until  the  impetus  was  exliausted. 
All  we  know  of  the  native  process  of  weaving  is  de- 
rived from  the  native  paintings,  a  sample  of  which 
from  the  Mendoza  Collection,  showing  a  woman  en- 
gaged in  weaving,  may  be  seen  in  chapter  xvii.  of  this 
volume.'*' 

Paper,  in  Aztec  a/matl,  used  chiefly  as  a  material  on 
which  to  paint  the  hieroglyphic  records  to  be  described 
in  a  future  chapter,  was  made  for  the  most  part  of 
maguey-fibre,  although  the  other  fibres  used  in  the 
mamifacture  of  cloth  were  occasionally  mixed  with 
those  of  this  plant.  The  material  must  have  been 
pressed  together  when  wet,  and  the  product  was  gen- 
erally very  thick,  more  like  a  soft  paste-board  than 
our  paper.  The  surface  was  smooth  and  well  adapted 
to  the  painting  which  it  was  to  bear.  Certain  gums 
are  said  to  have  been  used  for  the  more  perfect  cohe- 
rence of  the  fibre,  and  the  amatl  was  made  in  long 
narrow  sheets  suitable  for  rolling  or  folding.  Hum- 
boldt describes  certain  bags  of  oval  form,  the  work  of 
a  species  of  caterpillars,  on  the  trees  in  Michoacan. 
They  are  white  and  may  be  separated  into  thin  layers, 
which,  as  the  author  states,  were  used  by  the  ancient 


21  'Non  avcano  lana,  nh  seta  conmnc,  nh  lino,  nbcanapa;  ma  supjilivano 
alia  lana  col  eotonc,  alia  seta  coUa  pinnia,  e  col  polo  del  coni{;li(>,  e  dclla 
Icpre,  c<l  al  lino,  ed  alia  canupa  coll  Icxoll,  o  palnia  montana,  col  Quctea- 
lichtli,  ct>\  I'ati,  e  con  altre  spezie  di  Ma}j;uei.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del 
Mcssico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  207-8,  210.  'En  toclo  el  niundo  no  se  podia  hacer  ni 
tejer  otra  tal,  ni  ae  tantas  ni  tun  diversas  y  natnrales  colores  ni  labores.' 
Corlis,  Cartas,  p.  101.  'Una  Vest idiira  del  Gran  Sacerdote  Achcauhquit- 
liiiarnncdni  sc  embib  h,  Roma  en  ticmpo  dc  la  Conquista,  que  dexhpasmada 
at^ucUa  Corte.'  Boturini,  Idea,  p.  77.  The  Olmecs  used  the  hair  of  dogs 
and  other  animals.  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  l.'J4,  '2Si2-S. 
'Incredible  matters  of  Cotton,  honsholde-stuffc,  tapestry  or  arras  hangings, 
garments,  and  couerlets.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  iii.  Humboldt  states 
that  silk  made  by  a  species  of  indigenous  worms  was  an  article  of  com- 
merce among  the  Miztecs,  in  the  time  of  Montezuma.  Essai  Pol.,  tom.  ii., 
p.  454.  'HUan  teniendo  el  copo  en  vna  mano,  y  el  huso  en  otra.  Tuercen 
al  ruuea  que  aca,  estando  el  huso  en  vna  escudilla.  No  tiene  hucca  el  liuso, 
mas  hilan  a  prissa  y  no  mal.'  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  318. 


486 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


inhabitants .  in  the  manufacture  of  a  superior  kind 
of  paper. *• 

The  skins  of  animals  killed  by  the  Nahua  hunters 
were  tanned  both  with  and  without  the  hair,  by  a  pro- 
cess of  which  the  authorities  say  nothing,  although 
universally  praising  its  results.  The  leather  was 
used  in  some  cases  as  a  sort  of  parchment  for  hiero- 
glyphic writings,  but  oftener  for  articles  of  dress, 
ornament,  or  armor."* 

In  the  preparation  of  dyes  and  paints,  both  min- 
eral, animal,  and  vegetable  colors  were  employed,  the 
latter  extracted  from  woods,  barks,  leaves,  flowers, 
and  fruits.  In  the  art  of  dyeing  they  probably  ex- 
celled the  Europeans,  and  many  of  their  dyes  have 
since  the  conquest  been  introduced  throughout  the 
world.  Chief  among  these  was  the  cochineal,  nochiz- 
tli,  an  insect  fed  by  the  Nahuas  on  the  leaves  of  the 
nopal,  from  which  they  obtained  beautiful  and  perma- 
nent red  and  purple  colors  for  their  cotton  fabrics. 
The  flower  of  the  matlalxihuitl  supplied  blue  shades; 
indigo  was  the  sediment  of  water  in  which  branches 
of  the  xiuliquilipitzahucvc  had  been  soaked ;  seeds  of 
the  achiotl  boiled  in  water  yielded  a  red,  the  French 


*s  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  454-5,  Maguey -paper  'resembling 
somewhat  the  Egyptian joajoyrM«.'  PrescotfsMex.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  99-100.  Some 
paper  of  palm-lcat,  as  thin  and  soft  as  silk.  Botvrini,  Catmogo,  mid..  Idea, 
pp.  95-6.  Native  paper  called  cauAantat/.  Tezozomoc,Cr<inica  Mcx.,  in  Kin^s- 
hoi'ough's  Mcx.  Antiq.,  torn,  ix.,  p.  65.  They  made  paper  of  a  certain  species 
of  aloe,  steeped  together  like  hemp,  and  afterwards  washed,  stretched,  and 
smoothed;  also  of  the  palm  icxotl,  and  thin  barks  united  and  prepared  with 
a  certain  gum.  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  189,  torn, 
iv.,  p.  239.  Torquemoda  speaks  of  a  sheet  20  fathoms  long,  one  wide,  and 
as  thick  as  the  finger.  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  263. 

'3  '  Habia  oficiales  de  curtir  cueros  y  muchos  de  adovarlos  niaravillosa- 
mente.'  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  Ixii.  'Cueros  de  Venado, 
Tigres,  y  leones. . .  .con  pefo,  y  sin  pelo,  de  todos  colores.'  Tt^-qucmada, 
Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  488.  'Tan  suaves  que  de  ellos  se  vestian,  y  saca- 
ban  correas.'  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt  ii.,  p.  60;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen., 
torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  118.  Cortes  found  the  skins  of  some  of  his  horses  slain 
in  battle  'tan  bien  adobados  como  entodoelniundolopudieranhacer.'  Car- 
tas, p.  183.  lied  skins  resembling  parchment.  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i., 
p.  526.  'No  se  puede  bien  dezir  su  hermosura,  y  hechura.'  Hcrrera,  Hist. 
Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  v.  'Los  tarascos curtian  perfectamente  las  pieles 
de  los  auimales.'  Payno,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  liolettn,  2da  cpoca,  torn,  i.,  p. 
721.  'Des  tapis  de  cuir  maroqnain^s  avec  la  demifere  perfection.'  Bras- 
seur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  i.,  p.  271. 


DYEING  AND  PAINTING. 


487 


roucou;  ochre,  or  tecozahuitl,  furnished  yellow,  as  did 
also  the  plant  xochipalli,  the  latter  being  changed  to 
oraTi';o  by  the  use  of  nitre;  other  shades  were  pro- 
duced by  the  use  of  alum;  the  stones  chimaltizatl  and 
tizatlalli  being  calcined,  produced  something  like 
Spanish  white;  black  was  obtained  from  a  stinking 
mineral,  tlaliac,  or  from  the  soot  of  a  pine  called 
ocotl.  In  mixing  paints  they  used  chian-oil,  or  some- 
times the  glutinous  juice  of  the  tzauhtli.  The  numer- 
ous dye-woods  of  the  tierra  caliente,  now  the  chief 
exports  from  that  region,  were  all  employed  by  the 
native  dyers.  It  is  probable  that  many  of  the  secrets 
of  this  branch  of  Nahua  art  were  never  learned  by 
the  Spaniards.''^ 

The  Nahua  paintings  showed  no  great  artistic 
merit,  being  chiefly  noticeable  for  the  excellence  of 
the  colors.  Very  few  specimens  have  been  preserved 
for  modern  examination,  except  the  hieroglyphic 
paintings  in  which  most  of  the  figures  are  hideously 
and,  as  it  is  supposed,  purposely  distorted,  and  con- 
sequently no  criterion  of  tlie  artist's  skill.  It  is  not 
known  that  the  Nahuas  ever  attempted  to  paint 
natural  scenery,  except  that  they  prepared  maps  of 
sections  of  their  territory  on  which  they  rudely  rep- 
resented the  mountains,  rivers,  and  forests,  indicating 
the  lands  of  different  owners  or  lords  by  the  use  of 
different  colors.  They  sometimes  made  portraits  of 
the  kings  and  nobles,  but  the  Spanish  chroniclers 
admit  that  they  exhibited  much  less  skill  in  picturing 
the  human  form  and  face  than  in  drawing  animals, 
birds,  trees,  and  flowers.  Some  niodern  critics  of 
lively  imagination  have,  however,  detected  indications 
of  great  artistic  genius  in  the  awkward  figures  of  the 

**  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  18{>-90;  Carhajal  Espi- 
nosa.  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  652-3.  Method  of  raising  cochineal.  Id.,  jij). 
625-6.  'En  parcourant  le  palaiti  de  Montuzuina  les  Castillans  furent  tr^s- 
dtonn^B  d'y  voir  des  sacs  de  punaiscs  dont  on  se  servait  a  tcindre  et  nidme  h 
badigeonner  les  niurs.'  Bostty,  in  Comiti  d'Arch.  Amir.,  1866-7,  pp.  15- 
16.  See  p.  235  of  this  volume.  They  possessed  the  art  of  dyeing  a  fabric 
without  impairing  its  strength,  an  art  unknown  to  Europeans  of  the  18th 
century.     Carli,  Cartas,  pt  ii.,  pp.  95-7. 


488 


TilE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


picture-writings.  Native  painters,  when  Cortds  ar- 
rived on  the  coast,  painted  his  ships,  men,  horses, 
cannon,  in  fact  everything  new  and  strange  in  the 
white  men's  equipment,  and  hurried  with  the  canvas 
to  Montezuma  at  the  capital.  Very  little  is  known 
of  ornamental  painting  on  the  walls  of  private  dwell- 
ings, but  that  on  the  temples  naturally  partook  to  a 
great  extent  of  a  hieroglyphic  character.  The  dura- 
bility of  the  paintings  on  cloth  and  paper,  especially 
when  rubbed  occasionally  with  oil,  was  remarked  by 
many  observers,  as  was  also  the  skill  displayed  by  the 
natives  later  under  Spanish  instruction.'" 

The  mixture  of  feathers  with  cotton  and  other  fibres 
in  the  manufacture  of  clothing,  tapestry,  carjjet  >,  and 
bed-coverings  has  already  been  mentioned.  For  such 
fabrics  plain  colors  from  ducks  and  other  aquatic  birds 
were  generally  employed,  brighter  hues  being  occa- 
sionally introduced  for  ornamental  purposes.  Feath- 
ers also  played  an  important  part  in  the  decoration  of 
warriors'  annor,  the  tail-feathers  of  the  bright-hued 
quetzal  being  the  favorites.  These  were  formed  into 
brilliant  plumes,  often  tipped  with  gold  and  set  in 
precious  stones.  Beautiful  fans  were  made  of  the 
same  material.  But  the  art  which  of  all  those  prac- 
ticed by  the  Nahuas  most  delighted  and  astonished 
the  Europeans,  was  the  use  of  feathers  in  the  making 
of  what  has  been  called  feather-mosaic.    The  myriads 

ss  '  Y  pintorcs  ha  habido  entre  cllos  tan  sefialados,  que  sobre  muchos  de 
los  scfialados  dondc  qiiicra  que  Be  hallasen  se  podian  sefialar.'  Las  Casus, 
Hist.  Apologitica,  M8.,  cap.  Ixii.  The  same  author  speaks  of  their  skill 
in  reducing  or  cnhir^iii^  drawings.  'Havia  Piutores  buenos,  que  retrata- 
ban  al  natural,  en  especial  Aves,  Animales,  Arboles,  Flores,  y  Verduras,  y 
otras  seinejantes,  que  vsaban  pintar,  en  los  aposentos  de  los  Keies,  y  Seflores; 
pero  formas  hunianas,  asi  couio  rostros,  y  cuerpos  <le  Hombres,  y  Mngcres, 
no  los  pintaban  al  natural.'  I'orqnemaaa,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  487, 
torn,  i.,  p.  388;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Eclcs.,  p.  404.  'Dans  leur  grotesque  et 
leur  raccourci,  on  trouve  encore  cependant  une  dt^lieatesse  de  pinceau,  fort 
remarquable,  une  purctti  et  une  finesse  dans  les  esquisses,  qu'on  ne  saurait 
s'enipficher  d'adiuirer;  on  voit,  d'ailleurs,  tin  grand  nonibrc  de  portraits  de 
rois  et  de  princes,  qui  sent  ^videniment  faits  d'apres  nature.'  Brasscitr  de 
Boiirbourg,  Hist.  ISat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  653-4.  'Wee  sawe  a  Mappe  of 
those  countreyes  30.  foote  long,  and  little  lesse  in  breadth,  made  of  white 
cotton,  wouen:  wherein  the  whole  playne  was  at  large  described.'  Peter 
Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  x.,  iii.,  v. 


FEATHER-MOSAIC. 


4» 


of  tropical  birds  in  which  the  forests  of  the  tierra 
caliente  abounded,  chief  among  which  were  the  quet- 
zal, many  varieties  of  the  parrot  kind,  and  the  nuit- 
zilin,  or  humming-bird,  supplied  feathers,  fine  and 
coarse,  of  every  desired  color  and  shade.  It  was  for 
this  use  chiefly  that  the  royal  and  other  collections  of 
birds,  already  described,  were  so  carefully  kept.  These 
captive  birds  were  plucked  each  year  at  the  proj)er 
season,  and  their  plumage  sorted  according  to  color 
and  quality.  Some  shades  only  to  be  obtained  from 
the  rarest  birds,  were  for  ordinary  feather- work  arti- 
ficially produced  by  dyeing  the  white  plumage  of  more 
common  birds. 

To  prepare  for  work  the  amanteca,  or  artist,  ar- 
ranged his  colors  in  small  earthen  dishes  within  easy 
reach  of  his  hand,  stretched  a  piece  of  cloth  on  a  board 
before  him,  and  provided  himself  with  a  pot  of  glue 
— called  by  Clavigero  tzauhtli, — and  a  pair  of  very 
delicate  pincers.  The  design  he  wished  to  execute 
was  first  sketched  roughly  on  the  cloth,  and  then  with 
the  aid  of  the  pincers  feather  after  feather  was  taken 
from  its  dish  and  glued  to  the  canvas.  The  Spanish 
writers  marvel  at  the  care  with  which  this  work  was 
done ;  sometimes,  they  say,  a  whole  day  was  consumed 
in  properly  choosing  and  adjusting  one  delicate  feather, 
the  artist  patiently  experimenting  until  the  hue  and 
position  of  the  feather,  viewed  from  different  points 
and  under  different  lights,  became  satisfactory  to  his 
eye.  When  a  large  piece  was  to  be  done,  many  work- 
men assembled,  a  part  of  the  work  was  given  to  each, 
and  so  skillfully  was  the  task  performed  that  the  parts 
rarely  failed  at  the  end  to  blend  into  an  harmonious 
whole;  but  if  the  effect  of  any  part  was  unsatisfac- 
tory it  must  be  commenced  anew.  By  this  method  a 
great  variety  of  graceful  patterns  were  wrought,  either 
fanciful,  or  taken  from  natural  objects,  flowers,  ani- 
mals, and  even  the  human  face,  which  latter  the  na- 
tive artists  are  said  to  have  successfully  portrayed. 
Las  Casas  tells  us  they  made  these  feather-fabrics  so 


490 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Hkillfully  that  they  appeared  of  different  colors  accord - 
in«i^  to  the  direction  from  which  they  were  viewed. 
Tiie  Spaniards  declare  that  the  feather-pictures  were 
fully  equal  to  the  best  works  of  European  painters, 
and  are  at  a  loss  for  words  to  express  their  admiration 
of  this  wonderful  Nahua  invention ;  specimens  of  great 
beauty  have  also  been  preserved  and  are  to  be  seen  in 
the  museums.  Besides  mantles  and  other  garments, 
tapestry,  bed-coverings,  and  other  ornamental  fabrics 
for  the  use  of  the  noble  and  wealthy  classes,  to  which 
this  art  was  applied,  the  feather-mosaic  was  a  favorite 
covering  for  the  shields  and  armor  of  noted  war- 
riors. By  the  same  process  masks  were  made  repre- 
senting in  a  manner  true  to  nature  the  faces  of  tierce 
animals;  and  even  the  whole  bodies  of  such  animals 
were  sometimes  counterfeited,  as  Zuazo  says,  so  faith- 
fully as  to  deceive  the  ignorant  observer.  The  Taras- 
cos  of  Michoacan  were  reputed  to  be  the  most  skillful 
in  feather-work.*' 

The  feather-workers  were  called  amantecas  from 
Amantla,  the  name  of  the  ward  of  Mexico  in  which 

*•  'La  Natura  ad  essi  somministrava  qnanti  colori  fa  adnpcrar  I'Arte,  c 
alcuni  ancora,  que  esaa  non  b  capnce  d'  iinitarc'  The  Hpecimeiis  made  aft(*r 
the  conquest  were  very  inferior.  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn, 
ii.,  pp.  197-9.  'Hazense  las  mejores  yniagince  de  phima  en  la  prouincia 
dc  Mechoacan  en  el  pueblo  de  Pascaro.'  Acoata,  Hist,  de  las  Y'na.,  p.  286. 
'Vi  ciertos  follajes,  pdjaros,  niariposas,  abejones  sobre  unas  varan  teni- 
blantes,  negras  6  tan  delgadas,  que  apenas  se  veian,  A  de  tal  nianera  que 
rcalinente  se  hacian  vivas  &  los  que  las  niiraban  un  poquito  de  lejos:  todolo 
dcnias  que  estaba  cerca  de  las  dichas  ninriposas,  pdjaros  6  abejones  corres- 
pondia  naturalniente  d  boscajes  de  yerbas,  ranios  e  ilores  dc  diversas  colo- 
res  6  fornias.'  Zuazo,  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  360. 
'Figuras,  y  iniagenes  de  Principes,  y  de  sua  idolos,  iKn  vistosas,  y  tan  acerta- 
das,  i^ue  hazian  ventaja  a  las  pinturas  Castellanus.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen., 
dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xv.  'Muchas  cosasde  Plimva,  foi;  o  Aves,  Animales, 
Hombres,  y  otras  cosas  niui  delieadas,  CnpaH,  y  Manias  para  cubrirse,  y 
vestiduras  para  los  Sacerdotes  de  sub  Templos,  Coro.as,  Mitras,  Kodclas, 
y  Mosqueadores.'  Torqnemada,  Monarq.  Iiid.,  t-sii.  ii.,  pp.  488-9;  Vetan- 
evrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt  ii.,  p.  59;  Mendicta,  Hist.  Eeits.,  pp.  405-6;  Las  Casas, 
Hist.  Attologitica,  MS.,  cap.  Ixii.  'Acontece  les  no  comer  en  todo  vn  dia, 
poniendo,  quitando  y  assentando  la  pluma,  y  mirando  k  una  parte,  y  h  otra, 
al  sol,  a  la  sombra,'  etc.  Goinara,  Cong.  Mcx.,  fol.  116-17.  Mention  of  the 
birds  which  furnished  bright-colored  feathers.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Cong., 
fol.  68-9.  '  lis  en  faisaient  des  rondaches  et  d'autres  insignes,  compris  sous 
le  nom  d' "  Apanecayotl,"  dont  rien  n'approchait  pour  la  richcsse  et  le  iini.' 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  C»v.,  torn,  i.,  p.  285;  Sahagun,  Hist. 
Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  109.  Mention  of  some  specimens  preserved  iu 
Europe.  Kletnm,  Cultur-Geschichte,  torn,  v.,  p.  30. 


I 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  ARTS  IN  TEZCUCO. 


m 


they  chiefly  lived.  This  ward  adjoined  that  of  Poch- 
tlan,  where  Hved  the  chief  merchants  called  })ochtecas, 
and  the  shrine  of  the  ainantecas'  god  Ciotlinahuatl, 
was  also  joined  to  that  of  the  merchants' god  lyacate- 
cutli.  The  feather- workers  and  merchants  were  closely 
united,  there  was  great  similarity  in  all  their  idola- 
trous rites,  and  they  often  sat  together  at  the  same 
banquet." 

Another  art,  similar  in  its  nature  to  that  of  the 
feather-mosaics,  was  that  of  pasting  leaves  and  flow- 
ers upon  mats  so  as  to  form  attractive  designs  for  tem- 
porary use  on  the  occasion  of  special  festivals.  The 
natives  made  great  use  of  these  flower-pictures  after 
the  conquest  in  the  decoration  of  the  churches  for 
Catholic  holidays.** 

The  Nahuas  kindled  a  fire  like  their  more  savage 
brethren  by  friction  between  two  pieces  of  wood, 
achiotl  being  the  kind  of  wood  preferred  for  this  pur- 
pose. Boturini,  followed  by  later  writers,  states  that 
the  use  of  the  flint  was  also  known.  Once  kindled, 
the  fla  aes  were  fanned  by  the  use  of  a  blow-pipe. 
For  lights,  torches  of  resinous  wo  )d  were  employed, 
especially  the  oeotl,  which  emitted  a  pleasing  odor. 
The  use  of  wicks  with  oil  or  wax  was  apparently  un- 
known until  after  the  coming  of  Europeans.  Substi- 
tutes for  soap  were  found  in  tlie  fruit  of  the  copalxo- 
cotl  and  root  of  the  amolli. 

All  the  branches  of  art  among  the  Nahuas  were 
placed  under  the  control  of  a  council  or  academy 
which  was  instituted  to  favor  the  development  of  poe- 
try, oratory,  history,  painting,  and  also  to  some  extent 
of  sculpture  and  work  in  gold,  precious  stones,  and 
feathers.  Tezcuco  was  the  centre  of  all  high  art  and 
refinement  during  the  })aliny  days  of  the  Chichimec 
empire,  and  retained  its  preeminence  to  a  great  extent 
down  to  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards;  consequently 

"  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  \x.,  pp.  392-0. 

*8  Tor^uemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  489;  Vetancurt,  Teatro 
Mex.,  pt  li.,  p.  R9;  Mendieict,  Uist.  Ecles.,  p.  405;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apolo- 
gHica,  MS.,  cap.  1. 


492 


T  ,.ii  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


its  school  of  arts  is  better  known  than  others  that 
probably  existed  in  other  cities.  It  was  called  the 
Council  of  Music,  although  taking  cognizance  of  other 
arts  and  sciences,  chiefly  by  controlling  the  education 
of  the  young,  since  no  teacher  of  arts  could  exercise 
his  profession  without  a  certificate  of  his  qualifications 
from  the  council.  Before  the  same  body  all  pupils 
must  be  brought  for  examination.  TJie  greatest  care 
was  taken  that  no  defective  work  of  lapidary,  gold- 
smith, or  worker  in  feathers  should  be  exposed  for 
sale  in  the  markets,  and  that  no  imperfectly  instructed 
artists  should  be  allowed  to  vitiate  the  public  taste. 
But  it  was  above  all  with  literary  arts,  poetry,  oratory, 
and  historical  paintings,  that  this  tribunal,  composed 
of  the  best  talent  and  culture  of  the  kingdom,  had  to 
do,  and  every  literary  work  was  subject  to  its  revision. 
The  members,  nominated  by  the  emperor  of  Tezcuco, 
held  daily  meetings,  and  seats  of  honor  were  reserved 
for  the  kings  of  the  three  allied  kingdoms,  although  a 
presiding  officer  was  elected  from  the  nobility  with 
reference  to  his  literary  acquirements.  At  certain 
sessions  of  the  council,  poems  and  historical  essays 
were  read  by  their  authors,  and  new  inventions  were 
exhibited  for  inspection,  rich  prizes  being  awarded  for 
excellence  in  any  branch  of  learning.^ 

Speech-making  is  a  prominent  feature  in  the  life 
of  most  aboriginal  tribes,  and  in  their  fondness  for 
oratory  the  Nahuas  were  no  exceptions  to  the  rule. 
Many  and  long  addresses  accompanied  the  installa- 
tion of  kings  and  all  public  officers;  all  diplomatic 
correspondence  between  different  nations  was  carried 
on  by  orators;  prayers  to  the  gods  were  in  aboriginal 
as  in  modern  times  elaborate  elocutionary  efftirts;  the 
departing  and  returning  traveler  was  dismissed  and 
welcomed  with  a  speech;  condolence  for  misfortune 
and  congratulation  for  success  were  expressed  in  pub- 


»  Veytin,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  201-3;  Torquemada,  Monarq. 
Iml.,  toiii.  i.,  p.  147;  Jxllilxoc/utl,  Ilist.  Chich.,  in  Kingsborough^s  Mcx. 
Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  244. 


ORATORY  AND  POESY. 


lie  and  private  by  the  friends  most  skillful  in  the  art 
of  speaking;  social  intercourse  in  feasts  and  banquets 
was  but  a  succession  of  speeches;  and  parents  even 
employed  long-  discourses  to  impart  to  their  children 
instruction  and  advice.  Consequently  children  were 
instructed  at  an  early  age  in  the  art  of  public  speak- 
ing; some  were  even  specially  educated  as  orators. 
They  were  obliged  to  commit  to  memory,  and  taught 
to  repeat  as  declamations,  the  speeches  of  their  most 
famous  ancestors,  handed  down  from  father  to  son  for 
many  generations.  Specimens  of  the  orations  de- 
livered by  Nahua  speakers  on  dift'erent  occasions  are 
so  numerous  in  this  and  the  following  volume,  that 
the  reader  may  judge  for  himself  respecting  their 
merit.  It  is  impossible,  however,  to  decide  how  far 
these  compositions  have  been  modified  in  passing 
through  Spanish  hands,  although  it  is  probable,  ac- 
cording to  the  judgment  of  the  best  critics,  that  they 
retain  much  of  the  original  spirit  of  their  reputed 
authors.** 

Poets,  if  somewhat  less  numerous,  were  no  less 
honored  than  orators.  Their  compositions  were  also 
recited,  or  sung,  before  the  Council  of  Music  in  Tez- 
cuco,  and  the  most  talented  bards  were  honored  with 
prizes.  The  heroic  deeds  of  warlike  ancestors,  national 
annals  and  traditions,  praise  of  the  gods,  moral  les- 
sons drawn  from  actual  events,  allegorical  produc- 
tions with  illustrations  drawn  IVom  the  beauties  of 
nature,  and  even  love  and  tiio  chmns  ot"  woman  were 
the  common  themes.  The  cnijieror  Nezahualeoyotl, 
the  protector  and  promoter  of  all  tlie  arts  and  sci- 
ences, was  himself  a  poet  of  groat  renown.     Several 

"  '  Av^-e^achfe  i  lor  |)iu  cclcbri  Aringutori  nou  siciio  da  parii<;i>imrsi 
co}?li  Oraton  dclle  Xuzioni  culte  doU'Europii,  \ioii  piifi  pcraltro  lU'j^ai'Mi,  olio 
i  loro  ra(;ioiiaiiieiiti  itoii  fosscro  };™vi,  sodi,  cd  eleganti,  come  si  kcoivc  dagli 
avaiixi  elie  ci  restano  della  loro  eloiiiuMi/a.'  Clavigrro,  Sfon'a  Aiif.  ad  Mrs- 
nico,  torn,  ii.,  yv  '7  -5.  'Lcs  rai»<oiuiciiiont8  y  sont  graves,  los  ar{L;iiiuciitH 
Bididca,  et  pleii;.  •  .('"anct-.'  Brassi'iir  de  liourbourg,  Hint.  Xnf.  Civ.,  toni. 
iii.,  p.  672;  Prcsr.ott'.i  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  172-.S.  Moiiteziinia's  sncfcli  to  Tor- 
tds,  111  Ovicdo,  Jlist.  GfU.,  toiii.  iii.,  i)p.  285-0.  'Tliu  Spaniards  have  ffivcii 
us  nuiny  fine  polished  Indian  oratioiis,  but  they  weru  certainly  fabricated 
at  Madrid.'  Adair,  Aiiier.  I  ml.,  p.  •202. 


494 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


of  his  compositions,  or  fragments  of  such,  },".ve  been 
preserved ;  that  is,  the  poems  were  written  from  mem- 
ory in  Aztec  with  Koman  letters  after  the  conquest, 
and  translated  into  Spanish  by  Ixtlilxochitl,  a  lineal 
descendant  of  the  royal  poet.  They  have  also  been 
translated  into  other  languages  by  various  authors. 
The  following  will  serve  as  specimens.'^ 

SONO    OF    NEZAHUALCOYOTL,   KING    OF    TEZCUCO;   ON    THE    MUTABILITY 

OF  LIFE. 

Now  will  I  sing  for  a  moment, 
Since  time  and  occasion  offer, 
And  I  trust  to  be  lienrd  with  favor 
If  my  effort  proveth  deserving; 
Wherefore  thus  I  begin  my  singing, 
Or  rather  my  lamentotion. 

O  thou,  my  friend,  and  beloved. 
Enjoy  the  sweet  flowers  I  bring  thee; 
Let  us  be  joyful  together 
And  banish  each  care  and  each  forrow; 
'  For  although  life's  pleasures  are.  fleeting, 
Life's  bitterness  also  mu£t  leave  us. 


I  will  strike,  to  help  me  in  singing. 

The  instrument  deep  and  sonorous; 

Dance  thou,  while  enjoying  these  flowers. 

Before  the  great  Lord  who  is  mighty ; 

Let  us  grasp  the  sweet  things  of  the  present, 

For  the  life  of  a  man  is  soon  over. 


Fair  Acolhuacdn  thou  hast  chosen 

As  thy  dwelling-place  and  thy  palace; 

Thou  hast  set  up  thy  royal  throne  there, 

With  thine  own  hand  hast  thou  enriched  it; 

Wherefore  it  seems  to  Ik;  certain 

That  thy  kingdom  shall  prosper  and  flourish . 

'I  Four  poems  or  fragments  are  given  in  Spanish  in  Kingshoronf/h's 
Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  110-15.  No.  1  has  for  its  subject  the  tyrant  Te- 
zozomoc;  No.  2  is  an  ode  on  the  mutability  of  life;  No.  3  is  an  oilc  recited 
at  a  feast,  comparing  the  ^reat  kings  of  Anahuac  to  precious  stones;  No.  4 
was  composed  for  the  dedication  of  the  author's  palace  and  treats  of  the  un- 
satisfactory nature  of  earthly  honors.  Nos.  2  and  3  arc  also  found  in  Doc. 
I  fist.  Mcx.,  serie  iii.,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  286-93.  No.  2  is  given  in  PrescofCa 
Max.,  vol.  iii.,  pp.  425-30,  in  Spanish  and  English  verse.  A  French  trans- 
lation of  No.  1  is  given  by  Brasseur  do  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  C'ii:,  torn, 
iii.,  pp.  672-4,  who  also  gives  an  additional  specimen  from  Carochi's 
grammar,  in  Aztec  and  Spanish.  Nos.  1,  2,  and  4  in  French,  in  Bu.s,ti'Tre, 
L' Empire  Mex.,  pp.  411-17.  No.  4  is  to  be  found  in  Granados  y  Galvcz, 
Tarda  Aincr.,  pp.  90^.  Nos.  1  and  4,  in  German,  in  Midler,  Reisen,  torn, 
iii.,  pp.  138-41,  where  are  also  two  additional  odes.  No.  2  is  also  given  in 
German  by  Klemm,  CtUtur-Geschichfn,  tom.  v.,  pp.  146-61. 


NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S  ODES. 


495 


3en 

sm- 

3St, 

leal 
3en 
|)rs. 


Uty 


And  thou,  0  wise  Prince  Oyojrotzin, 
Mighty  monarcli,  und  King  without  equal, 
Rejoice  in  the  beauty  of  Hpring-time, 
Be  happy  while  spring  abides  with  thee, 
For  the  day  creepeth  nearer  and  nearer 
When  thou  shalt  seek  joy  and  not  find  it. 

A  day  when  dark  Fate,  the  destroyer. 
Shall  tear  from  thine  hand  the  proud  sceptre, 
When  the  moon  of  thy  glory  shall  lensen, 
Thy  pride  and  thy  strength  be  diminished. 
The  spoil  from  thy  servants  be  taken. 
Thy  kingdom  and  honor  go  from  thee. 


Ah,  then  in  this  day  of  great  sorrow 

The  lords  of  thy  line  will  lie  mournful, 

The  princes  of  might  will  be  downcast, 

Tlic  pride  of  high  birth  will  avail  not; 

When  thou,  their  great  Head,  hast  liccn  smitten 

The  pains  of  grim  Want  will  assail  them. 

Then  with  bitterness  will  they  remember 
The  glory  and  fame  of  thy  greatness. 
Thy  triuiDPhs  so  worthy  of  envy. 
Until,  while  comparing  the  present 
With  years  that  are  gone  now  forever, 
Their  tears  shall  be  more  than  the  ocean. 


The  vassals  that  cluster  about  thee 

And  arc  us  a  crown  to  thy  kingdom. 

When  thine  arm  doth  no  lonj^er  uphold  them. 

Will  suffer  the  fate  of  the  exile; 

In  strange  lands  their  pride  will  be  humbled. 

Their  rank  and  their  name  be  forgotten. 

Tl'.i  ttiiiie  of  the  race  that  is  mighty, 

A'l')  w  ;Ttliy  a  thousand  fair  kingdoms, 

Wii?  \uA  1. 1  the  future  be  heeded; 

T'le  imli  U18  will  only  remember 

The  j':".ice  with  which  they  were  governed 

III  Ui?  vears  when  the  kingdom  was  threefold. 


lu  M-  -'ico    7)r<»udest  of  cities. 

Reign  cu    lie  mighty  and  bruve  Montezuma, 

Nezahualcoyotl,  the  just  one 

Of  blest  Culhiiaciin  wus  the  monarch, 

To  strong  Totoqull  fell  the  ])ortion 

Of  Acatlapdn,  the  third  kingdom. 


But  yet  thou  shalt  not  be  forgotten. 

Nor  the  good  thou  hast  ever  accomplished; 

Fo.-,  is  not  the  throne  that  thou  fillest 

The  gift  of  the  god  without  equal, 

I'he  mighty  Creator  of  all  thiiifjs, 

V,:e  maker  of  Kings  and  of  Princes? 


I 


496 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Nezahualcoyotl,  be  happy 

With  the  pleasant  things  that  thou  knowest, 

Rejoice  in  the  lieautiful  garden, 

\yreatlie  thy  front  with  a  garland  of  floweni, 

Give  heed  to  my  song  and  my  music. 

For  I  care  but  to  pleasure  thy  fancy. 

The  sweet  things  of  life  are  but  shadows; 
The  triumphs,  ihe  honors,  what  are  they 
But  dreams  that  arc  idle  and  last  not 
Though  clothed  in  a  semblance  of  being? 
And  so  great  is  the  truth  that  I  utter, 
I  pray  thee  to  answer  this  question. 

Cihuapdn,  the  valiant,      "i  -^  '=  he. 
And  QuauhtzintecomtKih,  o'^ity. 

The  great  Cohualuiatzin,  >>  .;ro  they? 

They  are  dead,  and  have  lei;     i  no  token. 
Save  their  names,  and  the  fame  of  their  valor; 
They  are  gone  from  this  world  to  another. 


I  wo\ild  that  those  living  in  friendship. 
Whom  the  thread  of  strong  love  doth  encircle. 
Could  see  the  sharp  sword  of  the  Death-god. 
For,  verily,  pleasure  is  fleeting. 
All  sweetness  must  change  in  the  future. 
The  good  things  of  life  are  inconstant. 


ODE  ON  THE  TYRANT  TEZOZOMOC  BY   NEZAHUALCOYOTL  THE  KINO. 

Give  ear  unto  the  lamentation  which  I,  Nezahualcoyotl  the  King,  make 
within  myself  for  the  fate  of  the  Empire,  and  set  forth  for  an  example  unto 
others. 

O  King,  unstable  and  restless,  when  thou  art  dead  then  shall  thy  people 
Im3  overthrown  and  confcmnded;  thy  place  shall  l>e  no  more;  the  Creator, 
the  All-powerful  shall  reign. 

Who  could  have  thought,  having  seen  the  palaces  and  the  court,  the 
glory  and  the  power  of  the  old  King  Tezozomoc,  that  these  things  could 
have  an  end?  Yet  have  they  withered  and  perished.  Verily,  life  giveth 
naught  but  disappointment  and  vexation;  all  that  is,  wcareth  out  and  pass- 
eth  away. 

Who  will  not  Imj  sorrowful  at  the  remembrance  of  the  ancient  splendor 
of  this  tyrant,  this  withered  old  man;  who,  like  a  thirsty  willow,  nourished 
by  the  nu>isturc  of  his  ambition  and  avarice,  lorded  it  over  the  lowly  mead- 
ows and  flowery  fields  while  spring-time  lasted,  but  at  length,  dried  up  and 
decayed,  the  storms  of  winter  tore  him  up  by  the  roots  and  scattered  him 
in  pieces  upon  the  ground. 

Itut  now,  with  tliis  mournful  song,  I  bring  to  mind  the  things  that  flour- 
ish for  an  hour,  and  jircsent,  in  the  fate  of  Tezozomoc,  an  example  of  the 
brevity  of  human  greatness.  Who,  that  listens  to  me,  can  retrain  from 
weeping?  Verily,  the  enjoyments  and  pleasures  of  life  are  as  a  Iwuquet  of 
flowers,  that  is  passed  from  hand  to  hand  until  it  fades,  withers,  and  is  dead. 

Hearken  unto  me,  ye  sons  of  kings  and  of  princes,  take  good  heed  and 
ponder  the  theme  of  niy  mournful  song,  the  things  that  flourish  for  an  hour, 
and  the  end  of  the  King  Tezozomoc.  Who  is  he,  I  say  again,  that  can  hear 
me  and  not  weej)?  Verily,  the  enjoyments  and  pleasures  of  life  are  as  a 
handful  of  flowers,  blooming  fur  a  space,  but  soon  withered  and  dead. 


AZTEC  ARITHMETICAL  SYSTEM. 


497 


Let  the  joyous  birds  sing  on  and  rejoice  in  the  beauty  of  spring,  and  the 
butterflies  enjoy  the  lioney  and  perfume  of  the  flowers,  for  lite  is  as  a  ten- 
der plant  that  is  plucked  and  withereth  away. 

Granados  tells  us  that  Nezahualcoyotl's  poems  were 
all  in  iambic  verse,  resembling  in  style  the  works  of 
Manilius,  Seneca,  Pomponius,  Euripides,  and  Lilius. 
In  one  of  his  songs  he  compared  the  shortness  of  life 
and  of  its  pleasures  with  the  fleeting  bloom  of  a 
flower,  so  pathetically  as  to  draw  tears  from  the  au- 
dience, as  Clavigero  relates.  Ixtlilxochitl  narrates 
that  a  prisoner  condemned  to  death  obtained  pardon 
by  reciting  a  poem  before  the  king.  There  is  not 
much  evidence  that  verses  were  ever  written  in  rhyme, 
but  the  authors  say  that  due  attention  was  paid  to 
cadence  and  metre,  and  that  some  unmeaning  syllables 
were  added  to  certain  lines  to  accommodate  the  meas- 
ure. By  their  system  of  combination  a  single  word 
often  suflSced  for  a  line  in  the  longest  measure. 
Many  of  their  poetical  compositions  were  intended  for 
the  dramatic  representations  which  have  been  spoken 
of  elsewhere.** 

The  Nahua  system  of  numeration  was  very  simple 
and  comprehensive,  there  being  no  limit  to  the  num- 
bers that  could  be  expressed  by  it.  The  following 
table  wilS  give  a  clear  idea  of  the  method  as  em- 
ployed l>y  the  Aztecs: 

One,  ce,  or  cetu 

Two,  otne. 

Three,  yey,  or  ei. 

Four,  nahui. 

Five,  maciUlli, — signifying  the   'clenched  hand,'  one  finger  having  been 

originally  doubled,  ns  is  ujpposcd,  Tot  each  unit  in 

counting  from  one  to  five. 

»«  Boturini,  Idea,  pp.  90-7.  The  language  of  their  poetry  was  brilliant, 
pure,  and  agreeable,  ngurutiye,  and  cniljollislicd  with  frequent  comparisons 
to  the  most  pleasing  objects  in  nature.  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico, 
tom.j'i.,  pp.  174-6.     Nezahualcoyotl  left  sixty  hymns  composed  in  honor  of 


the  Creator  of  Heaven.  Id.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  232,  246-7;  Pimentd,  Mem.  xobte 
la  Baza  Indi^ena, pp.  57-9;  PrescotfsMex.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  108,  171-5;  Carbajal 
Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  639-40.  'Cantauan  lamentaciones,  y 
endechas.  Tenian  pronosticos,  especialmente  que  se  aula  de  acabar  el 
mundo,  y  los  cantauan  lastimosamente:  y  tambien  tenian  memoria  de  bus 
grandczas,  en  cantares  ypinturas.*  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi., 
cap.  xvi.;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  ia  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol. 
ix.,  p.  275. 

Vol.  II.   33 


498 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


8ix,  chico  a  ee. 

Seven,  chic  ome. 

Eight,  chico  ey. 

Nine,  chico  nahui,  -  These  names  from  six  to  nine  are  simply  those 
from  one  to  four,  with  a  prefix  whose  meaning  is  not 
altogether  clear,  but  which  is  said  to  be  composed  of 
chico,  'at  one  side,'  and  ihitan  or  huan,  meaning 
'near  another,'  'with,'  or  simply  'and.'  These  names 
may  conse(]^uently  be  interpreted  perhaps,  'one  side 
(or  nand)  with  one,'  'one  hand  with  two,'  etc.,  or  one 
two,  etc.,  'with  the  other  side.' 

Ten,  tnatlactli — that  is  the  upper  part  of  the  body,  or  all  the  fingers  of 
the  hands. 

Eleven,  matlactli  oc  ce,  ten  and  one. 

Twelve,  matlactli  om  ome,  ten  and  two. 

Thirteen,  matlactli  om  ey,  ten  and  three. 

Fourteen,  mMtlacili  o  nahui,  ten  and  four. 

In  these  names  oc,  om,  o,  or  on  as  Molina  gives  it, 
seems  to  be  used  as  a  connective  particle,  equivalent 
to  'and,'  but  I  am  not  ac(^uaintcd  with  its  derivation. 

Fifteen,  caxtolli,  a  word  to  which  the  authorities  give  no  derivative  mean- 
ing. 

Sixteen,  caxtolli  oc  ee,  fifteen  and  one,  etc. 

Twenty,  ccm  j/ohualli,  ouce  twenty. 

The  vord  pohuulU  means  'a  count,'  the  number 
twenty  being  in  a  sense  the  foundation  of  the  whole 
numerical  system. 

Twenty-one,  cem  pohualli  oc  ce,  once  twenty  and  one,  etc. 

Thirty,  cem  pohualli,  ihuan  (or  om  as  Molina  has  it)  matlactli,  once  twenty 
and  ten. 

Thirty-five,  cem  pohualli  ihuan  (or  on)  caxtolli,  once  twenty  and  fifteen, 
etc. 

Forty,  ome  pohualli,  twice  twenty,  etc. 

One  "hundred,  macuil  pohualli,  five  times  twenty. 

Two  hundred,  matlactli  pohualli,  ten  times  twenty. 

Four  hundred,  cen  tzontlt,  once  four  hundred,  'the  hair  of  the  head.' 

Eight  hundred,  ome  tzontli,  twice  four  hundred. 

One  thousand,  ome  tzontli  ihuan  matlactli  pohualli,  twice  four  hundred 
and  ten  times  twenty. 

Eight  thousand,  xiquipilli,  a  purse  or  sack,  already  mentioned  as  contain- 
ing eight  thousand  cacao-nibs. 

Sixteen  thousand,  ome  xiquipilli,  twice  eight  thousand. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  table  that  the  only  num- 
bers having  simple  names  are  one,  two,  three,  four, 
five,  ten,  fifteen,  twenty,  four  hundred,  and  eight 
thousand;  all  the  rest  are  compounds  of  these  con- 
structed on  the  principle  that  when  the  smaller  num- 
ber follows  the  larger  the  sum  of  the  two  is  expressed, 
but  when  the  smaller  precedes  the  larger,  their  prod- 
uct is  indicated.  Molina  and  Leon  y  Gama  are  the 
chief  authorities  on  the  Nahua  arithmetical  system. 
All  the  writers  agree  perfectly  respecting  its  details, 
but  difier  considerably  in  orthography.    Molina  writes 


SYSTEM  OF  NUMERATION. 


489 


each  compound  name  together  as  a  single  word,  while 
Gaina  often  separates  a  word  into  its  parts  as  I  have 
done  in  every  case,  following  his  spelling. 

The  manner  in  which  the  numbers  were  written 
was  as  simple  as  the  system  itself.  A  point  or  small 
circle  indicated  a  unit,  and  these  points  sufficed  for 
the  numbers  from  one  to  nineteen.  Twenty  was  in- 
dicated by  a  flag,  four  hundred  by  a  feather,  and  eight 
thousand  by  a  purse.  One  character  placed  above 
another  indicated  that  the  product  was  to  be  taken; 
for  instance,  160,000  might  be  expressed  either  by 
twenty  purses,  or  by  a  flag  over  a  purse.  To  avoid 
the  excessive  use  of  the  unit  points  in  writing  large 
and  fractional  numbers,  each  flag,  feather,  and  purse 
was  divided  into  four  quarters,  and  only  those  quar- 
ters which  were  colored  were  to  be  counted.  Thus 
five  might  be  expressed  by  five  points  or  by  a  flag 
with  but  one  quarter  colored;  three  hundred  and 
fifty-six  would  be  indicated  by  a  feather  with  three 
quarters  colored,  two  complete  flags,  three  quarters 
of  another  flag,  and  one  point. 

We  have  seen  that  twenties  were  used,  much  as 
dozens  are  by  us,  as  the  foundation  of  all  numeration, 
but  strangely  enough  these  twenties  took  difierent 
names  in  counting  different  classes  of  articles.  The 
regular  name,  as  given  in  the  table,  is  pohualH;  in 
counting  sheets  of  paper,  tortillas,  small  skins,  and 
other  thin  objects  capable  of  being  packed  one  above 
another  in  small  parcels,  each  twenty  was  c.iUed  pilli; 
in  counting  cloths  and  other  articles  usually  formed 
into  large  rolls,  quiinilli  was  the  name  applied  to 
twenty;  and  in  counting  persons,  lines,  walls,  and 
other  things  ranged  in  order,  the  term  tecpantli  was 
sometimes  employed.  In  reckoning  birds,  eggs,  fruits, 
seeds,  and  round  or  plump  objects,  generally  tetl,  'a 
stone,'  was  affixed  to  each  one  of  the  numerals  in  the 
table ;  pantli  was  in  the  same  way  added  for  objects 
arranged  in  regular  order,  and  also  for  surface  meas- 
urements; tlamantli  likewise  was  joined  to  the  nu- 


soo 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


merals  for  articles  sold  in  pairs  or  sets,  as  shoes, 
dishes,  etc.;  while  ears  of  corn,  cacao  in  bunches,  and 
other  bulky  articles  required  the  termination  olotl. 

Among  all  the  Nahua  nations,  so  far  as  known, 
the  arithmetical  system  was  practically  the  same,  and 
was  essentially  decimal.  Nearly  all  gave  great  prom- 
inence to  the  number  twenty;  the  Huastec  lan- 
guage had  simple  names  for  the  numbers  from  one  to 
ten,  twenty,  and  one  thousand ;  the  Otomi  approached 
still  nearer  our  modern  system  by  making  one  hun- 
dred also  one  of  its  fundamental  numbers  with  an 
uncompounded  name  as  well  as  a  compounded  one.'' 

Astrology,  soothsaying,  the  interpretation  of  dreams, 
and  of  auguries  such  as  the  flight  or  song  of  birds, 
the  sudden  meeting  of  wild  animals,  or  the  occurrence 
of  other  unlooked-for  events,  were  regarded  by  the 
Nahuas  as  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  the  prac- 
tice of  such  arts  was  entrusted  to  the  tonalpouhqui, 
'those  who  count  by  the  sun,'  a  class  of  men  held  in 
high  esteem,  to  whom  was  attributed  a  perfect  knowl- 
edge of  future  events.  We  have  seen  that  no  under- 
taking, public  or  private,  of  any  importance,  could  be 
engaged  in  except  under  a  suitable  and  propitious  sign, 
and  to  determine  this  sign  the  tonalpouhqui  was  ap- 
pealed to.  The  science  of  astrology  was  written  down 
in  books  kept  with  great  secrecy  and  mystery,  alto- 
gether unintelligible  to  the  common  crowd,  whose 
good  or  bad  fortune  was  therein  supposed  to  be  painted. 
The  details  of  the  methods  employed  in  the  mysterious 
rites  of  divination  are  nowhere  recorded,  and  the  con- 
tinual mention  of  the  seer's  services  throughout  the 
chapters  of  this  and  the  following  volume  render  this 
paragraph  on  the  subject  sufficient  here. 

In  addition  to  the  miscellaneous  arts  described  in 
the  preceding  pages,  separate  chapters  will  be  devoted 


**  Molina,  Vocabulario;  Leon  y  Gatna,  Dos  Piedras,  pt  ii.,  pp.  128-47; 
Soc.  Mex,  Geog.,  Bolvtin,  2da  ^poca,  torn,  iv.,  Sept.,  1872;  Gallatin,  in 
Amer.  Ethno.  Soc.,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  49-57;  Pimentel,  Mem.  sobre  la 
Raza  Indigena,  pp.  45-7;  Prescotft  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  10&-10. 


AUTHORITIES  ON  NAHUA  ARTS. 


601 


to  the  Nahua  calendar,  hieroglyphics,   architecture, 
and  medicine.** 


^  My  authorities  for  the  matter  in  this  chapter  are:  Sahagun,  Hist. 
Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  ix.,  pp.  282-337,  387-96,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  107-12, 
117-18,  122,  131,  137;  Las  Caaaa,  Hist.  Apohaetica,  MS.,  cap.  1.,  Ixii-lxiii., 
Ixv.,  cxxi.,  cxxxii.,  clxxii.,  ccxi. ;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  pp.  403-7;  Cortts, 
Cartas,  pp.  29-34,  94,  100-1,  109,  183,  192;  Acosta,  Hist,  de  Itu  Ynd.,  pp. 
198,  286,  324;  Vetanevrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt  ii.,  pp.  59-60;  Beaumont,  Crdn. 
JdecAoacan,  MS.,  pp.  48-50;  Boturini,  Idea,  p|>.  77-8,  90-7;  Peter  Martyr, 
dec.  iv.,  lib.  iv.,  oec.  v.,  lib.  i-v.,  x.,  dec.  viii.,  lib.  iv.;  Gomara,  Conq. 
Mex.,  fol.  39,  42,  60-2,  75,  116-18,  135-6,  318,  324-5,  342-3;  Duran,  Hist 
Indias,  MS.,  torn,  i.,  cap.  iii.;  Leony  Gama,  Dos  Piedras,  ptii.,  pp.  26, 
128-47;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn.  L,  pp.  232,  245-7,  torn,  ii., 
pp.  174-8,  189-99,  205-10,  224-8,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  210-11,  232,  239;  Torque- 
mada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  37,  72,  146-7,  168,  228-31,  torn,  ii.,  pp. 
263,  486-90,  657-8;  Ixtlilxochitl ,  Hist.  Chieh.,  in  Kingshorough's  Mex.  An- 
tig.,  vol  ix.,  pp.  243-4, 264;  Id.,  Belaciones,  pp.  327, 332, 440-1, 455;  Herrera, 
Uist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  iv.,  v.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  xi.,  xvi.,  lib.  vii., 
cap.  iL,  vii.,  ix.,  xv.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  ix.;  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax., 
in  Nouvelles  Annates  lies  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii.,  p.  133;  Tezozomoc,  Crd- 
nica  Mex.,  in  Kingshorough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  17,  41,  46,  49,  64, 
171;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  620-1,  626-8,  533,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  269, 
272,  285-92,  298-300,  305,  464-5,  499;  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  torn,  i.,  pt 
ii.,  foL  156,  160-1;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  26-7,  68-9;  Veytia,  Hist 
Ant  Mej.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  154,  238,  252-3,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  201-3,  319;  Zuazo, 
Carta,  in  leazbaleeta.  Col.  de  Doc,  torn.  »-,  PP-  360-2;  Diaa,  Itinerario,  in 
Id.,  p.  299;  Belacion  de  Algunas  Cosas,  in  la.,  pp.  378-9;  Motolinia,  Hist. 
Indios,  in  Id.,  pp.  204,  211;  Hernandez,  Nova  Plant,  p.  339;  Granados 
y  Galvez,  Tariles  Amer.,  pp.  90-4;  PrescotVs  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  99-100, 
108-10,  138-45,  170-5,  vol.  lii.,  pp.  425-30;  E\obank,  in  Schoolcraft's  Arch., 
vol.  iv.,  pp.  44-56;  Miiller,  Reinen,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  125-8,  134;  Carbajal 
Espinosa,  Hist  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  62,  9f  02,  378,  431-2,  498,  588-9,  638- 
40,  652-3,  657-60,  666-7,  682-3,  i^ax.  ii.,  pp.  60,  69-70,  74,  103-4,  198,  230-1; 
Soe.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  ^poca,  torn,  i.,  p.  721,  torn,  iv.,  Sept.  1872; 
Bosny,  inComiti  d^Arch.  Ain^r.,  1866-7,  pp.  15-16;  Gallatin,  in  Amer.  Eth- 
no.  Soc,  Transact,  vol.  i.,  pp.  49-57;  Tytor's  Researches,  pp.  165, 194,  201, 


Bosny,  inComiti  d^Arch.  Ainir.,  1866-7,  pp.  15-16;  Gallatin,  in  Amer.  Eth- 
no.  Soc,  Transact,  vol.  i.,  pp.  49-57;  Tytor's  Researches,  pp.  165, 194,  201, 
267;  Id.  Anahuae,  pp.  95-101,  107-9;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pot.,  torn,  ii.,  pp. 


454,  486;  Carli,  Cartas,  pt  ii.,  pp.  94-7;  Lenoir,  ParalUle,  pp.  48,  56,  62, 
64-5;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  130,  271-2,  286- 
6,  288,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  648-54,  672-4;  Id.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates des  Voy.,  1858, 


torn,  clix.,  pp.  77-86;  Pimentel,  Mem.  sohre  la  Baza  Indigena,  pp.  44-7,  64- 
9;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  torn,  iii.,  p.  49;  Viollet-le-Duc,  in  Charnay,  Buines 
Amir.,  pp.  86-7;  BrowneWs  Ind.  Baces,  p.  94;  Edinburgh  Beview,  .July, 
1S67;  Klemm,  Cultur-Geschichte,  torn,  v.,  pp.  13-20,  24,  26-32,  144-61, 
162-3,  181;  Baril,  Jfextoue,  pp.  209-10;  Busaierre,  L'Empire  Mex.,  pp.  168- 
72,  244,  270,  411-17;  KingsborougKs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  110-15; 
West-Indische  Spieghcl,  pp.  218, 220, 225  6,  238-9,  246, 250-1,  343;  Chevalier, 
Mex,  Anden  et  Mod.,  pp.  19, 28,  36-7;  Mill's  Hist  Mex.,  p.  150;  Herredin 
y  Sarmiento,  Sermon,  pp.  73,  83;  Gage's  New  Survey,  pp.  110-11;  Lafond, 
Voyages,  torn,  i.,  pp.  161-2;  Touron,  Hist.  Gin.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  142,  146; 
Fransham's  World  in  Miniature,  vol.  ii.,  p.  9;  Montanus,  Nieuwe  Weereld, 
pp.  221-2;  Dapper,  Neue  Welt,  pp.  248-50;  Malte-Brun,  Pricis  de  laGiog., 
torn,  vi.,  pp.  435,  456;  Dupaix,  Bel.,  2de  Expid.,  pp.  25,28;  Soden,  Spanie- 
in  Peru,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  27-9;  Wappdus,  Geog.  u.  Stat,  p.  47;  Monglave,  Bt 
sumi,  pp.  43,  52,  57;  Delaporte,  Beisen,  torn,  x.,  p.  268;  Gordon,  Hist, 
and  Geog.  Mem.,  p.  76;  Helps'  Span.  Conq.,  voL  ii.,  pp.  268-9,  450;  Alzatt 
y  Bamirez,  Mem.  sobre  Grana.,  MS. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


THE    AZTEC    CALENDAR. 

Astronomical  Knowledge  op  the  Aztecs— Contradictions  of  Au- 
thors RESPECTING  THE  CALENDAR— VALUE  OF  THE  RESEARCHES  OF 

Various  Writers— The  First  Regular  Calendar— The  Mexi- 
can Cycle— The  Civil  Year— The  Aztec  Months— Names  of  the 
Days  and  their  Signification— The  Commencement  of  the  Az- 
tec Year— The  Ritual  Calendar— Gama's  Arrangement  of 
THE  Months— The  Calendar-Stone— The  Four  Destructions 
OF  THE  World— The  Calendar  of  Michoacan— Reckoning  of 
the  Zapotecs. 


Perhaps  the  strongest  proof  of  the  advanced  civili- 
zation of  the  Nahuas  was  their  method  of  computing- 
time,  which,  for  ingenuity  and  correctness,  equaled, 
if  it  did  not  surpass,  the  systems  adopted  by  contem- 
poraneous European  and  Asiatic  nations. 

The  Nahuas  were  well  acquainted  with  the  move- 
ments of  the  sun  and  moon,  and  even  of  some  of  the 
planets,  while  celestial  phenomena,  such  as  eclipses, 
although  attributed  to  unnatural  causes,  were  never- 
theless carefully  observed  and  recorded.  They  had, 
moreover,  an  accurate  system  of  dividing  the  day  into 
fixed  periods,  corresponding  somewhat  to  our  hours; 
indeed,  as  the  learned  Sr  Leon  y  Gama  has  shown, 
the  Aztec  calendar-stone  which  was  found  in  the 
plaza  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  was  used  not  only  as  a 
durable  register,  but  also  as  a  sun-dial. 

(803) 


THE  AZTEC  CALENDAR. 


608 


Although  the  system  of  the  Aztec  calendar  as  a 
whole  is  clear  and  easily  understood,  yet  it  is  ex- 
tremely difficult  to  describe  with  certainty  many  of 
its  details,  owing  to  the  contradictory  statements  of 
nearly  all  the  earlier  writers,  who  visited  Mexico  and 
there  in  different  localities  picked  up  scraps  of  what 
they  afterwards  described  as  being  the  'calendar  of 
the  Mexicans,'  not  taking  into  consideration  that  the 
many  and  distinct  kingdoms  surrounding  the  Aztec 
territory,  although  using  essentially  the  same  sys- 
tem, differed  on  many  important  points,  such  as  the 
names  of  years,  months,  days,  the  season  of  begin- 
ning the  year,  etc.  This  difficulty  increases  when  we 
attempt  to  make  Mexican  dates  agree  with  our  own. 
Even  Boturini,  who  gathered  his  information  in  Mex- 
ico, makes  many  mistakes ;  and  Veytia,  although  we 
must  accord  him  the  credit  of  having  thoroughly 
studied  the  subject,  and  of  having  reduced  it  to  a 
clear  system,  is  at  fault  in  many  points.  Of  the  older 
writers,  such  as  Sahagun,  Las  Casas,  Duran,  Moto- 
linia,  and  others,  no  one  is  explicit  enough  on  all 
points  to  enable  us  to  follow  him;  and  such  details 
as  they  unite  in  giving  are  mostly  contradictory. 
Torquemada,  who  draws  a  great  portion  of  his  ma- 
terial from  Motolinia,  contradicts  himself  too  fre- 
quently to  be  reliable.  Leon  y  Gama,  although  he 
spent  much  labor  in  trying  to  clearly  expound  the 
system,  has  also  fallen  into  some  errors,  attributable, 
perhaps,  to  his  not  having  the  valuable  aid  of  Saha- 
gun's  writings,  and  to  his  having  placed  too  much  trust 
in  the  writings  of  Torquemada  and  the  manuscript  of 
the  Indian  Cri8t6bal  del  Castillo,  as  is  shown  in  the 
review  of  Gama's  work  by  Sr  Josd  Antonio  Alzate  in 
the  Gacetas  de  Literatura.  Baron  von  Humboldt's 
description,  valuable  as  it  is  on  account  of  the  ex- 
tended comparisons  which  he  draws  between  the 
Mexican,  Asiatic  and  Egyptian  calendars,  is  on  that 
account  too  intricate  to  be  easily  understood.  From 
all  these  descriptions  Gallatin,  McCuUoh,  and  Muller, 


604 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


with  perhaps  a  few  others,  have  each  given  us  a  very 
good  rdsumd,  but  without  attempting  to  reconcile  all 
the  contradictions. 

The  first  notice  we  have  of  any  regular  calendar  is 
given  by  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  states  that  in  the  year 
5097  from  the  creation  of  the  world,  an  assembly  of 
learned  men  met  at  the  city  of  Huehuetlapallan,  and 
determined  the  reckoning  of  the  years,  days,  and 
months,  leap  years  and  intercalary  days,  in  the  order 
in  which  they  were  found  at  the  time  of  the  con- 
quest* Previous  to  this  time  it  is  said  that  the  only 
reckoning  kept  was  regulated  by  the  yearly  growth 
of  the  fresh  grass  and  herbs  from  which  the  name  of 
the  Mexican  year  xihuitl,  'new  grass,'  is  derived.  It 
is  also  said  that  a  rough  computation  of  time  was 
made  by  the  moon,  from  its  appearance  to  its  disap- 
pearance, and  that  this  period  called  metztli,  'the 
moon,'  was  divided  into  two  equal  parts,  named  re- 
spectively mextozolitzli,  the  time  when  the  moon  was 
awake  or  visible,  and  mecochiliztli,  the  sleep  of  the 
moon,  or  the  time  when  it  was  invisible.'  Of  the 
larger  divisions  of  time,  accounts  are  very  conflicting. 
Two,  three,  four,  and  five  ages  are  said  by  various 
writers  to  have  existed,  at  the  end  of  each  of  which 
the  world  was  said  to  have  been  destroyed,  and  re- 
created at  the  beginning  of  the  age  next  following. 
The  common  aboriginal  belief  was,  however,  that  at 
the  time  of  the  conquest,  the  world  had  passed 
through  three  ages,  and  was  then  in  the  fourth.  The 
first  age,  or  'sun,'  as  it  is  also  called,  was  the  Sun  of 
Water,  atonatiuh;  the  second,  the  Sun  of  Earth,  tlal- 
chitouatiuh;  the  third,  the  Sun  of  Air,  ehecatonatiuh.^ 


^Ixtlilxochitl,  Selaeiones,  in  Kingsborflugh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  torn,  ix.,  p. 
322.  'En  un  ailo  qtie  fu6  sefialado  con  el  geroglifico  de  un  pedcrnal,  que 
xegun  las  tablas  parece  haber  sido  el  de  3^1  oel  mundo,  se  convoco  una 

Kran  junta  de  astr61ogoB para  hacer  la  corrccion  de  bu  calendario  y  re- 

formar  bus  c6mputos,  que  conocian  errados  segim  el  sistema  que  hosta  en- 
tdnccs  habian  seguido.    Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  toni.  i.,  p.  32. 

«M,  pp.  31-2. 

'  Ixtlilxochitl,^  Hist.  Chich.,  in  KinfjsborougKs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
205;    Id.,  Relaciones,  in  Id.,  pp.  331-2,  459;   Camargo,  Hist.   Tlax.,  in 


THE  MEXICAN  CYCLE. 


606 


This  is  about  all  we  know  of  any  division  of  time, 
before  the  assembly  at  Huehuetlapallan  which  is  said 
to  have  introduced  the  regular  calendar. 

The  Mexican  calendar  contains  the  following  divi- 
sions of  time:  The  'age,'  consisting  of  two  periods  of 
fifty-two  years  each,  was  called  huehuetiliztli;  the 
'cycle,'  consisting  of  four  periods  of  thirteen  years  each, 
was  named  xiuhmolpilli,  xiuhmolpia  or  xiuhtlalpilli, 
meaning  the  'binding  up  of  the  years.'  Each  period 
of  thirteen  years  or,  as  it  was  called  by  the  Spanish 
historians,  'indiccion,'  was  known  as  a  tlalpilli,  or  'knot,' 
and,  as  stated  above,  each  single  year  was  named  xi- 
huitl,  or  'new  grass.'  The  age  was  not  used  in  the 
regular  reckoning,  and  is  only  rarely  mentioned  to 
designate  a  long  space  of  time.  The  numeral  pre- 
fixed to  the  name  of  any  year  in  the  cycle,  or  xiuh- 
molpilli, never  exceeded  four,  and  to  carry  out  this 
plan,  four  signs,  respectively  named  tochtli,  'rabbit,' 
calli,  'house,'  tecpatl,  'flint,'  and  acatl,  'cane,'  were 
used.  Thus  the  Aztecs  commenced  to  count  the 
first  year  of  their  first  cycle  with  the  name  or  hiero- 
glyphic Ce  Tochtli,  meaning  'one  (with  the  sign  of) 
rabbit;'  and  the  second  year  was  Ome  Acatl,  'two, 
cane;'  the  third,  Yey  Tecpatl,  'three,  flint;'  the  fourth, 
Nahui  Calli,  'four,  house;'  the  fifth,  Macuilli  Tochtli, 
'five,  rabbit;'  the  sixth,  Chicoace  Acatl,  'six,  cane;' 

Nouvellea  Annales  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcix.,  p.  132;  Ternnux-Compana, 
in  Id.,  1840,  torn.  Ixxxvi.,  pp.  5-6;  Boturini,  idea,  p.  3;  Cladf/cro,  Storia 
Anl.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  57;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  S'il  existe  dea 
Sourcea  de  Vllist.  Prim.,  pp.  26-7;  Spiegazione  delle  Tavole  del  Codice 
Mexicano  (Vaticano),  in  Kingaborough'a  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  v.,  pp.  164-7; 
Explicacion  del  Codex  Telleriano-Rcmensis,  in  Id.,   pp.   134-6.      'Cinco 

Soles  que  son  edadcs el  primer  Sol  se  pcrdiopor  agua El  segiindo  Sol 

perecio  cayendoel  cielosobre  la  tierra El  Sol  tercero  falto  y  se  consuniio 

por  fuego. . .  .El  quarto  Sol  fcnccio  con  aire Del  ^uinto  Sol,  que  al  pre- 

sente  tienen.'  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  297.  'Le  ciel  et  la  terre  s'etaient 
faits,  quatre  fois.'  Codex  Chimalpopoca,  in  Brasaeur  de  Bonrbmtrg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  p.  53.  'Creyeron  que  el  Sol  liabia  muerto  cuatro  veces, 
6  que  hubo  cuatro  soles,  que  habian  acabado  en  otros  tantos  ticnipos  6 
cdades;  y  que  el  quinto  sol  era  el  que  actualmente  les  alumbraba.'  Leon  y 
Gama,  Dos  Piedra.i,  pt  i.,  p.  94.  'Hubo  cinco  soles  en  los  tiempos  pasa- 
dos.'  Mendieta,  Hist.  Eclea.,  p.  81,  repeated  lit«rally  by  Torqiicmada,  Mo- 
narq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  79;  Humboldt,  Viiea,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  118-29;  Gallatin, 
in  Amer.  Ethno.  Soc.,  Tranaact.,  vol.  1.,  p.  325;  Midler,  Amerikanische 
Urreliyionen,  pp.  610-12. 


506 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


the  seventh,  Chicome  Tecpatl,  'seven, flint ;'  the  eighth, 
Chico  ey  Calli,  'eight,  house;'  the  ninth,  Chico  nahui 
Tochtli,  'nine,  rabbit;'  the  tenth,  Matlactli  Acatl,  'ten, 
cane;'  the  eleventh,  Matlactli  occe  Tecpatl,  'eleven, 
flint;'  the  twelfth,  Matlactli  omome  Calli,  'twelve, 
house;'  and  the  thirteenth,  Matlactli  omey  Tochtli, 
'thirteen,  rabbit.'  This  numeration  continued  in  the 
same  manner,  the  second  tlalpilli  commencing  again 
with  'one,  cane,'  the  third  tlalpilli  with  'one,  flint,' 
the  foarth  with  'one,  house,'  and  so  on  to  the  end 
of  the  cycle  of  fifty-two  years.  It  will  easily  be  seen 
that  during  the  fifty-two  years  none  of  these  four 
signs  could  be  accompanied  by  the  same  number 
twice,  and  therefore  no  confusion  could  arise.  Instead, 
therefore,  of  saying  au  event  happened  in  the  year 
1850,  as  we  do  in  our  reckoning,  they  spoke  of  it  as 
happening,  for  instance,  in  the  year  of  'three,  rabbit' 
in  the  twelfth  cycle.*  Still,  some  confusion  has  been 
caused  among  different  writers  by  the  fact  that  the 
different  nations  of  Andhuac  did  not  all  commence 
their  cycles  with  the  same  hieroglyphic  sign.  Thus 
the  Toltecs  commenced  with  the  pign  tecpatl,  'flint;' 
and  the  Mexicans,  or  Aztecs,  with  tochtli,  'rabbit;' 
while  some  again  used  acatl,  'cane;'  and  others  calli, 
'house,'  as  their  first  name,"  A  cycle  was  represented 
in  their  paintings  by  the  figures  of  tochtli,  acatl,  tec- 
patl, and  calli,  repeated  each  thirteen  times  and  placed 
in  a  circle,  round  which  was  painted  a  snake  holding 
its  tail  in  its  mouth,  and  making  at  each  of  the  four 
cardinal  points  a  kink  with  its  own  body,  as  shown  in 
the  plate  on  the  opposite  page,  which  served  to  divide 

*  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  296-7;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib. 
vi.,  pp.  256-7;  Acosfa,  Hist,  de  las  Yud.,  pp.  397-8;  Leon  y  Gaina,  Dos  Pie- 
dras,  pt  i.,  p.  16  et  seq. ;  Vci/tii^,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  i.,  p.  42  et  seq. 

*  'No  todos  cuineiixabaii  d  contnr  e!  ciclo  por  uii  misino  nflo:  los  tnltc- 
cos  lo  empezalMin  desde  Tccjmtl;  lots  de  Tcotiliuocaii  dcmlc  Calli:  los  iiioxi- 
canoB  desde  Tochtli:  y  los  tczcocanos  dcstle  Aratl.^  Lron  y  Gama,  Dos 
Pitdraa,  pt  i.,  p.  16;  Peytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mef.,  toni.  i.,  p.  58.  'So  Iwgftiiiioii 
die  Aciilhuns  von  Texcoco  iliro  Uniliinfe  nut  dcni  Zoichcn  Cc  Tecpatl,  die 
Mexicaner  dogc^en  im  Co  Tochtli.'  Miiller,  Beisen,  t  lUi.  iii.,  p.  66;  Botu- 
rini,  Idea,  p.  125. 


PAINTING  OF  THE  AZTEC  CYCLE. 


607 


The  Aztec  Cycle. 

the  cycle  into  four  tlalpillis.*  These  four  signs,  rahbit, 
cane,  flint,  and  house  were  also,  aceordini}^  to  Botu- 
rini,  used  to  desij^nate  the  four  seasons  of  the  year, 
the  four  cardinal  points,  and  lastly,  the  four  elements. 
Thus,  for  instance,  tecpatl  also  sii^niKed  south ;  calli, 
east;    tochtli,  north;   and  acatl,  west.     In  the  same 


0  'Esto  circulo  rodoinlose  dividiii  en  niiitni  jmrtcs. . .  Lti  primera  parte 
que  i)ertoneciaii  Oricntc  lluiiialmiile  lim  trcce  anim  do  Iuh  canaH,  y  axi  on  cada 
t'usa  dc>  Ids  treco  tcnian  iiintada  iinucana,  y  el  niiniem  d'.-'.  unoforriontc. . . . 
La  HCKunda  ]iartc  aplicatian  al  Hcptentriui;.  i|iie  era  do  otraH  trot-o  ciisas,  d 
laM  ctialex  llaniatMn  Ian  trccc  coHaH  del  |)crterr.:;i ;  y  axi  teniar.  pintadn  eii 

eada  caMi  un  i>odcrnal A  la  tereera parte  Occidental,   llanialMinIc  las 

troce  casas,  y  aMi  vrrdnios  en  cada  parte  do  las  trecc  una  oaNilla  pintada 

A  la  cuartA  y  lUtinm  parte  niie  era  de  otms trccc aflot,  llaiiialHinIa  Ioh  treco 
casas  del  concjo;  y  atii  en  caila  cafui  dc  aqncllas  vert'nioH  pintada  una  calic/^i 
dc  coiiejo.'  Duran,  Hist.  //t</«a«,MS.,  tow.  iii.,  u)>iH>ndix,  cap.  i. 


608 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


manner    tecpatl    was   used   to  designate  fire;    calli, 
earth;  tochtli,  air;  and  acatl,  water.' 

The  civil  year  was  again  divided  into  eighteen 
month  and  five  days.  Each  mc  th  had  its  particular 
name,  but  the  five  extra  days  were  only  designated 
as  nemontemi  or  'unlucky  days,'  and  children  born  at 
this  time,  or  enterprises  undertaken,  were  considered 
unlucky.  In  hieroglyphical  paintings  these  months 
were  also  placed  in  a  circle,  in  the  middle  of  which  a 
face,  representing  either  the  sun  or  moon,  was  paint- 
ed. This  circle  was  called  a  xiuhtlapohualli,  or  'count 
of  the  year.'  Concerning  the  order  in  which  these 
months  followed  one  another,  and  the  name  of  the 
first  month,  hardly  two  authors  agree;  in  the  same 
manner  we  find  three  or  four  various  names  given  to 
many  of  the  months.  It  would  appear  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  the  month  immediat'^ly  following  the  ne- 
montemi, which  were  always  added  at  the  end  of  the 
year,  would  be  the  first,  and  the  only  difficulty  here 
is  to  know  which  way  the  Aztecs  wrote;  whether 
from  right  to  left  or  from  left  to  right.  On  the  circle 
of  the  month  given  by  Veytia,  and  supposed  to  have 
been  copied  from  an  original,  these  five  days  are  in- 
serted between  the  months  Panquetzaliztli  and  Ate- 
moztli,  and  counting  from  left  to  right,  this  would 
make  Atemoztli  the  first  month,  which  would  agree 
with  Veytia's  statement.  But  Gama  and  others  de- 
cidedly dissent  from  this  opinion,  and  name  other 
months  as  the  first.  I  reserve  further  consideration 
of  this  subject  for  another  place  in  this  chapter,  where 
in  connection  with  other  matters  it  can  be  more  clearly 
discussed,  and  content  myself  with  simply  inserting 
here  a  table  of  the  names  of  the  months  as  enumer- 
ated by  the  principal  authors,  in  order  to  show  at  a 


1-  ■ 


1 . 
1. 


jr 
II. 


T  (JemclH  Carcri  gives  thonc  naincB  in  a  different  order,  ci  llinc  tochtli 
south,  acatl  cast,  t«cpatl  mirth,  and  calli  went;  further,  tichtli  earth, 
acatl  water,  tecpatl  air,  and  calli  fire.  Gcmelli  Carcri,  in  Chn.-chilVa  Col. 
Voyages,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  487-8;  lioturitii.  Idea,  pp.  64-6.  The  ahove  are 
only  figurative  names,  .-vs  the  words  for  the  cnniinal  points  and  also  for 
the  elements  ore  entirely  different  in  the  Mexican  language. 


lit 


TO  VARIOUS 


11. 


OchpulzUl 


PacbtU,  or    He- 

(OZtli. 

Ochpaniztli 

Ochpanlztly 


Ochpaniztl , 
Vchpanlztll. 

(ohpanlztU. 


»C»itll 

achtli,   or    He- 

IDZtU. 

l^eytecuilbuUl . 
Hey  Tecuilhuitl 
<|ip»Dlztll  . . . 


Teo4 


sicailbnltzintli 
t  Tlaxochima 
). 


(^panltztli. 


ttll,  or  Ezoz- 
or  Teotleco. 


i. 


iltl 


tniztlt 

'Ihpuiallztli . . 
(t>aiilztlt 


Hue 


Teol 


Pac) 


Pad 
Teu 

Teol 


Hu( 

Hui 

Mic 
Mlc 
Teo 

Hue 
or! 

Pac 

Uui 
Pi 
pe 

Te« 

Te< 


NAMES  OF  MEXICAN  MONTHS  ACCOR 


AUTHORS. 

1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 

9. 

IG 

SaBaoum 

Atlacahualco,  or 

Tlacazipeoaliztli . 

Tozoztontlt 

Veytocoztli.. 

Tozcatl 

EtzacuallzUi  .... 

TecnllbultontU . . 

VeytecuilbulU... 

Tlaxocbimaco  . . . 

Xocobuet 

MOTOUMIA 

QuavlUeloa. 

AOOITA    

QOMAMA      ...... 

TlacBxlpeualiztli 

Tozfuztli 

Hueltoz^ttztli.... 

Toxcalt,  or  Tepu- 
pocbuiliztli. 

E«alcoallztU 

TecnllbulclntU . . 

Hueltecnllbuitl.. 

MlccailbulclntU . 

VeymtccallbulU . 

Vcbpantz 
Tenauat 

U iBTiM  DX  Leon* 

Atlcahualo 

Tlacazipebualiz- 

tu. 

To^oxtontll 

Hueltofoztontll  . 

Tocbcatl 

EtzalouallztU.... 

TecuilbuitonUl.. 

Hueltaucyilbultl 

Tlazocbimancn . . 

Xocotlbm 

DOEAN 

Xuchitzitzquiln, 
or  Quauitlehus, 
or  Atlmotzacus- 
ga,  or  Xiloma- 
uiztly. 

Tlacaxipabualiz- 

tu. 

Tocoitontly 

Ocbpanlztly,    or 
Cueytozoztly. 

Tozcatl .... 

EtzalcualUtly  . . . 

Tecuilultontly,  or 
Tlaxocbimaco. 

Hueytecttilbultl.. 

HlccaUbultontly. 

Tocotluet 

OODEX  Vatiganvs  . 

Atlcaualo 

Tlacaxlpeualiztli . 

TocozlntU 

Teitozcoctll 

Toxcatl 

Hetzalquallztl.  . . 
EtzalquallztU  . . . 

TecullTltontl  ... 

Vnltecnilnitl 

Hlccailhultl 

Veymlcca 
Xocotlbue 

TOBQVEMADA 

Atlacabualco,  or 
Quahuitlehua. 

Tlacaxlpehualiz- 

tli. 

Tov-oztontli 

HueytofoztU  . . . 

Tozcatl 

TecubUbuttontli. 

Hueytecubjlbuitl 

Tlaxucblmaco,  or 
Hueymiccaylbultl 

VCTAXOrKT 

AtlachuaU-o,    or 
QuabuiU'biia. 

Tlacaxlpebualiz- 
tii. 

Tocoztontli 

Hueytocoztll  .... 

Teozcalt 

EtzaqualizUt  .... 

TecuylhultonUl.. 

Hueytecuyllbuitl 

Tlaxocbimaco. . . . 

Xocotlbue 

Vetahcvbi  (TUb- 
Mlteo  names,) 

XilomaUbuitzili. 

Coylhultl 

MlcaylbultziuUl. 

Hueymica 

Tlacaxlpebualitz 

tu. 

Tlacaxlpenaliztli 

AtemoztU 

Atemoztli 

Atlacabualco 

Tozoztli 

Hueytozoztli  .... 

Tozcstl 

EtzalcualiztU.... 

Tlcuyllbnltl 

TacuUbulctntU... 

Tozcotzlntli 

TozootzlntU 

EtzalcualiztU. 

HueytecuUbultl . 

Huebtecnilbultl . 

HueytozcoztU.... 
Buey  TozcoztU  . . 
TecuUhultontU  .. 

Mlcaylbultl.  ... 
MiccatbulcintU.. 
Toxcatl 

Bueymloailbultl. 

Vetmlccallbultl.. 

ExolqualtzMl  .... 
EzalqualUztU.... 
Tlaxocbimaco . . . 

Ocbpanlzt 
Vcbpaniz! 

La»t 

Tozcactll 

TitUl 

Huettozcuztli.... 

Itzcalll 

TzcalU 

Toxcalt,  or  Tepu- 
pocbuUiztli. 

XilomaniztU 

XilomanUte 

Hueitozoztli 

EzalloallztU 

C!obuallbuitl  .... 
Cohaullbuitl  .... 
Toxcatl 

Veytia 

Tenavati 
Tecultbui 

Titltl 

Toxcatl 

Tecuilbul 

Tlacaxlpehualiz- 
tli. 

(tzcalli.orXocbtl- 
buitl. 

Tlacaxlpebualitz- 
tli. 

Tozoztonlli 

Tozoztontll 

Hueltecnllbuitl . . 

Xocohuetz 

Q\UA t 

TiUU.orltzcBlU. 

XilomaDaliztU.or 
Atlcabualco,  or 
QuabuUlehua, 
or  Cihnailbultl. 

Tlacaxipebuallz. 
tu,  or  Cobuall- 
biUtl. 

Hueltozoptli  .... 

Toxcatl.orTepo- 
pochiUliztU. 

Tozoztontll 

Uuey  Tozoztli... 
Etzalaualitztli 

Toxcatl,  or  Tepo- 
pocbuillztli. 

EtzalquallzUl.... 

TecullbultzlntU. 

Hueytecui 

Huuxcn 

Tlacaxipcbuallz- 
tU.or  Cobuall- 
buitl. 

Huey  Tozoztli. . . . 

EUalquallztli.... 

TecuilbttitzintU  . 

Haeytecuilbultl . 

MlccBllbultzlntly, 
or  Tlalxocblma 

CO. 

Hueymtccailhultl, 
or  Xolotlbuetziii. 

Ocbpanlzt 
Tenabua 

BBAUnmDlBOUB- 
BOUBO. 

Atlacabualco  .... 

Tlacaxipebualiz- 

tu. 

TotottontU 

Huey-Tosottll.  .. 

Toxcatl 

EtzacualiztU  .... 

Tecullbultontll.. 

Hney  TecuUbuitl 

Tlaxocbimaco  . . . 

Xocobueti 

■A. 

Atlacabualco  .... 

Tlacaxipehualiz- 

tu. 

Tozoztontll 

Hueitozoztli 

Toxcatl,  or  Oox- 
catl. 

EtzalcoaliztU.... 

TeucuUbuitontli. 

HueituecuUbultl. 

Tlaxocbimaco.... 

Xocotlbue 

Teculluitontl.... 

VeytecuUultl .... 

Micbaylbultl.... 

Huej-mtcci 

AMO-RXKBMIU. 

Buturlul  repeat*  Martin  do  Leon  and  UemelU  Careri, 


MONTHS  ACCORDING  TO  VARIOUS  AUTHORS. 


9. 

10. 

11. 

12. 

13. 

14. 

15. 

16. 

17. 

18. 

Commencement  of 
Mexican   year,  ac- 
cording to  our  reck- 
oning. 

tl... 

TUzoohlmsoo  . . . 

Xocohnetzl 

OchpanlzUl 

Teotleco 

TepellbniU 

QuechoUi 

Panqnetsaliztil.. 

AtemozUi 

TitiU 

YzcaUi 

tad  February. 

Commencement  of 
March. 

26th  February. 

tli. 

TeymiccailhuiU . 
TUzichlmanco . . 
MlccaUhultonUr. 

Micctilhuitl 

Tlaxucblmsoo,  or 
Hueyinlccaylhuitl 

TUzochimaco 

MlcaylhttltzluUi . 
Hueymk^ailhultl. 

ExolqualiztU  .... 
EzalqualUztU.... 
Tlazochlmaco  . . . 

TecuilhuitzlDtli. 

Vchpanlztli,    or 
TenauatilUJl. 

Xocotlbaetzl  .... 
Tocotluetz 

Teymlccailhuitl . 
Xocotlhuetzi .... 

Xocotlhuetzl .... 

Hueymicaylhuitl. 

OchpaniztU 

VchpaniziU,     or 
TenavatillztU. 

TecuUhultzlntU  . 

Tecullhultzlntli 

Xocohuetzl 

Hueytecuilhultl 

PachtU,  or    He. 

fOZtli. 

OchpaniztU 

Ochpanictly 

ochpanixtl 

Tchpanizttl 

(DhpanlztU 

HueipachUl,    or 
PachUl. 

Teotleco 

QnecboUi 

Tepeilhuitl 

Veypachtly,     or 
CoailhttlU. 

Velpachth 

Tepeilhuitl 

Tepeylhuttl 

Pachtzintll 

Panque^aUatll  .. 

QuechDlU 

Quecholli 

Quecholl 

Quecholli 

QuecholU 

Hatemuztll 

PanqnetzaUztU.. 
Panquetializtly.. 

Panquetaaliztli... 
PanquetzaliztU . . 

PanquetzaUztli . . 

TiUtlh 

AtemuztU 

AtemoztU 

AtemoztU 

AtemuztU 

AtemozUique.... 

Izcalll 

Coauitleuac,    or 
Ciuiilhuilt. 

Ytzcall 

lltl 

Tititl 

2nd  February. 
l8t  March 

itl. 

Pachtontly 

PachtonU 

Teutleco 

Teotleco 

TiUO 

Yzcalll,  or  Xilo- 
maniztlv,       or 
Queuitlena. 

Yk*\U 

Izcalll 

TitlU 

34th  February. 
1st  February. 

February. 

niti 

TIUU 

ttiti 

Titiotl  

Izcalll 

li.. 
tl.. 

»chtll 

Hueypachtli 

HuelpachtU 

Mlcallhuitzintll  . 
MlctallhutlzlutU. 

Checiogli 

Quecholli 

Hueymlcailhuitl. 
Hueymictailhuitl 
Tepeilhuitl 

OchpaniztU,     or 
TenahuaUUztli. 

PanchetzaliztU  . . 

Fanquecallztlt.. 

Huepaniztli 

OchpaniztU 

Quecholli 

Pachtii.  or  Ezoz- 
tll,  or  Teotleco. 

Tepeilhuitl 

AtemozUi 

HatemuztU 

PachtelnUi 

PachtlizintU  .... 
Panquetzaliztli . . 

Hueypachtli,   or 
Pachtii,  or  Te- 
peilhuitl. 

TltiU 

Tititl 

IzcasU 

AUacoalo 

Coavltlevac 

Panquetzaliztli . . 
PanquetzalliztU  . 
IzcalU 

Flrat  year  of  cen- 
tury, 10th  April. 

March    or  ffith    of 

HchtU,  or    He- 
ipztU. 

Ifeytecullhultl . 

liey  Tecullhultl 

uhpanlztU 

Mtcailhnttzlntll. 
«  Tlazochima- 

(^pantUtU 

Ii«htll,  or  Ezoz- 
.U,  or  Teotleco. 

CltpanlztU 

'iwhpanaliztli . . 
ukpantztli 

Izcalll  

Hueypachtli 

Hueypachtli 

AtemoztU 

Quecholli 

QuecholU 

Quecholli 

TiUtl 

Februaiy. 
2nd  Februat ; . 

First  y«sr  of  centu- 
ry, 36th  February. 

9th  January. 
36th  February. 

Bueymiccallhuitl, 
or  Xocotlhuetzi. 

Pachtii 

PanqnetzaUzUi.. 
TitlH 

AtemoztU 

IzcalU 

tiy. 

ua 

lltl 
Itl. 

Hueytniccailhultl, 
or  Xolotlhuetziii. 

Tlasochimaco  . . . 
TUzochimaco.... 
Mlchaylhuitl.... 

OchpaniztU,    or 
TenahuaUUztli. 

Xocohuetzl 

Xocotlhuetzl 

Hueymlccaylbuttl 

Hueypachtli,   or 
Pachtii,  or  Te- 
peilhuitl. 

Teotleco 

Teotleco 

Pactontly 

QuecholU 

Tepeilhuitl 

Tepeilhuitl  

Veypactli 

Panquetzaliztli.. 

QuecBoiM 

Quecholli 

QuechoU 

AtemozUi 

Panquetaliztll . . 
Panquetzaliztli... 
Panquetzaliztli,.. 

TiUU.orltecaUi. 

AtemoztU 

AtemozUi 

AtemoztU 

lUcalU.   or    Xo- 
chilhultl, 

TiUU 

Xllomanaliztli.or 
Atlcahualco,  or 
Quahuitlehua, 
orClhuallhultl. 

IzcalU 

IzcalU 

Yzcatll . 

30th  March. 

TltiU 

First  year  of  centu- 

TitlU      

ry.  36th  February. 
S4th  February. 

t  Homboldt  and  Oallatin  repeat  Leon  y  Qama. 


!      i 


I       ! 


NAMES  OF  THE  AZTEC  MONTH. 


500 


glance  the  many  variations.  I  also  append  to  it  the 
different  dates  given  for  the  first  day  of  the  year,  in 
which  there  are  as  many  contradictions  as  in  the 
names  and  position  of  the  months. 

Each  month,  as  before  stated,  was  represented  by 
its  proper  hieroglyph,  having  a  certain  meaning,  and 
generally  referring  to  some  feast  or  natural  event, 
such  as  the  ripening  of  fruit,  or  falling  of  rain,  hap- 
pening during  the  month,  although  in  this  case  also 
there  are  many  differences  between  authors  regarding 
the  meaning  of  the  names. 

Tititl,  which  according  to  Gama  was  the  first  month, 
is  translated  by  Boturini  as  'our  mother,'  or  'mother 
of  the  gods,'  while  Cabrera  calls  it  'fire.'*  Itzcalli, 
according  to  Boturini,  means  'regeneration;' the  Co- 
dex Vaticanus  translates  it  'skill;'  and  Veytia,  'the 
sprouting  of  the  grass.''  Atlcahualco  means  the 
'abatins:  of  the  waters.'  The  TlascaUec  name  of  this 
month,  Xilomanaliztli,  signifies  the  'offermg  of  green 
maize.'  In  other  localities  this  month  was  also  known 
by  the  name  of  Quahuitlehua,  the  'burning  of  the 
mountains,'  or  rather  of  the  trees  on  the  mountains, 
previous  to  sowing.*"  Tlacaxipehualiztli  means  the 
'flaying  of  the  people;'  the  other  name  of  this  month, 
Cohuailhuitl,  is  the  'feast  of  the  snake.'  Tozoztontli, 
Tozcotzintli,  and  Hueytozoztli  are  respectively  the 
small  and  great  fast  or  vigil;  while  some  translate 
these  words  by  'pricking  of  veins,'  ' shedding  of  blood,* 
or  'great  and  small  penance.'"  Toxcatl  is  a  'collar' 
or  'necklace.'"  Etzalqualiztli  is  translated  by  Bo- 
turini 'bean  stew,'  or  'the  eating  of  beans,'  while  Vey- 
tia calls  it  'the  eating  of  maize  gruel.'     TerrlUiuit- 


*  'Itctl,  Ititl,  barriga  o  vientre.'  Molina,    Vocabulario.     'Vientre,    la 

madre,   A  excepcion  del  padre.' <S'a/va,   Nuevo  Dice.      'Titl signiiica 

fuego.  Tititl  escrito  en  dos  eilabas  y  seis  letras  nada  signitioa  en  el  idionia 
mexicano.'  Cabrera,  in  Ilustracion  Mex.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  4^- 

>  '  Izcalia,  abiuar,  tornar  en  si,  o  resuacitar.'  Molina,  Vocabulario. 

10  'Quiahuitl-ehua significa  la  lluvia  levanta.^  Cabrera,  in  Ilustra- 
cion Mex.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  464. 

11  'Tofoliztii  vela,  el  acto  de  velarode  nodonnir.'  Molina,  Vocabulario. 
1*  'Garganta  totuzcatlau,  tuzquitl.'  lb. 


610 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


zintli  and  Hueytecuilhuitl  mean  respectively  the 
small  and  great  'feast  of  the  Lord.'  Miccailhuitzintli 
is  explained  both  as  'the  feast  of  dead  children,'  and 
'the  small  feast  of  the  dead;'  another  name  for  this 
month  is  Tlaxochimaco,  meaning  'distribution  of  flow- 


The  Aztec  Year. 


ers.'  Hueymiccailhuitl  is  either  'the  feast  of  dead 
adults/  or  'the  great  feast  of  the  dead.'  Xocotlhu- 
etzin,  another  name  for  this  month,  means  'the  ripen- 
ing of  the  fruit. '  Ochpaniztli  is  '  the  cleaning  of  streets.  * 
Teotleco,  or  'the  arrival  of  the  gods,'  was  the  next 


NAMES  OF  THE  AZTEC  DAYa 


611 


month,  and  was  also  named  Pachtli,  or  Pachtontli,  the 
latter  being  translated  by  'humiliation/  and  the  former 
by  'moss  hanging  from  trees.'  Hueypachtli  was  'the 
great  feast  of  humiliation/  also  called  Tepeilhuitl,  or 
'feast  of  the  mountains.'  Quecholli  means  'peacock/ 
but  the  interpreter  of  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis 
calls  it  the  'serpent  of  the  clouda.'  Panquetzaliztli  is 
'the  raising  of  flags  and  banners.'  Atemoztli,  the 
last  month,  means  the  'drying  up  of  the  waters.'*' 
The  plate  on  the  preceding  page  shows  the  order  of  the 
months  and  the  pictures  by  which  they  were  repre- 
sented. 

Each  month  contained  twenty  days,  which  werft 
divided  into  four  groups  or  weeks,  as  we  may  for  con- 
venience call  them;  and  at  the  end  of  each  group  a 
public  market  or  fair  was  held.  There  is  no  differ- 
ence of  opinion  as  to  the  names  of  the  days  or  the 
order  in  which  they  follow  one  another,  but  it  is  very 
difficult,  and  in  many  cases  impossible,  to  reconcile 
one  with  another  the  different  hieroglyphic  signs 
denoting  these  days  given  in  the  codices  or  in  the 
various  representations  of  the  calendar.  The  names 
of  the  days  are:  Cipactli,  a  name  of  which  it  is  al- 
most impossible  to  give  the  correct  meaning,  it  be- 
ing variously  represented  as  an  animal's  head  with 
open  mouth  armed  with  long  tusks,  as  a  fish  with  a 
number  of  flint  knives  on  its  back,  as  a  kind  of  lizard 
with  a  very  long  tail  curled  up  over  its  back,  and 
in  many  other  monstrous  shapes.  It  is  called  the 
'sea-animal,'  the  'sword-fish,'  the  'serpent  armed  with 
harpoons,'  and  other  names.  Ehecatl  is  'wind;'  Calli, 
'house;'  Cuetzpalin,  'lizard;'  Coatl,'  'snake;'  Mi- 
quiztli,  'death;'  Mazatl,  'deer;'  Tochtli,  'rabbit;'  Atl, 

"  For  the  various  etymologies  of  the  names  of  months,  see:  Spiegaziotie 
(Idle  Tavole  del  Codice  Mexicano  (Vaticano),  in  KingshovotigKs  Mex.  An- 
tio.,  vol.  v.,  pp.  190-97;  Explicacion  del  Codex  "telleriano-Remenais,  in 
la.,  pp.  129-34;  Leon,  Catnitw  del  Cielo,  fol.  96-100;  Boturini,  Idea,  pp. 
60  52;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  64-5;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant. 
del  Measico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  66-^;  Humboldt,  Vues,  torn.  i-.  PP-  349-362; 
Brassenr  de  Bourboura,  Hist.  Nat.  Cm,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  602-36;  Torquemada, 
Monarq.  Ittd.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  260-30a 


512 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


*  water;'  Itzcuintli,  *dog;'  Ozomatli,  'monkey;'  Mali- 
nalli,  'brushwood,'  or  'tangled  grass;'  Acatl,  'cane;' 
Ocelotl,  'tiger;'  Quauhtli,  'eagle;'  Cozcaquauhtli,  a 
species  of  vulture,  known  in  Mexico  as  'rey  de  los 
zopilotes;'  Ollin,  'movement;'  Tecpatl,   'flint;'  Quia- 


The  Aztec  Month. 


huitl,  'rain;'  and  Xochitl,  'flower.*  It  will  be  seen 
that  the  days  having  the  names  or  signs  of  the  years, 
— nainely:  Tochtli,  Calli,  Tecpatl,  and  Acatl — stand 
first  in  each  week.  The  five  nemontemi  had  no 
particular  name.     The  cut  given   above   shows   the 


INTEUCALARY  DAYS. 


B18 


method  by  which  the  Aztecs  represented  their  month, 
with  the  hieroglyphic  names  of  each  day." 

As  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days  do  not  make 
the  year  complete,  the  Mexicans  added  the  missing 
thirteen  days  at  the  end  of  the  cycle  of  fifty-two 
years.  But  Gania  asserts  that  they  came  still  nearer 
to  our  more  correct  calculations,  and  added  only  twelve 
days  and  a  half."     It  has  been  frequently  attempted 


M  This  order  is  varied  by  a  few  authors.  Veytia  gives  the  following  en- 
tirely different  system:  'Si  cl  afio  era  del  carActcr  Tcciiatl,  con  este  se 
sefialaba  el  primer  dia  de  cada  mes,  y  seguian  anotdndoso  los  dcnias  con 
los  gero<;liticoH  s-guientes  en  el  6rden  en  one  los  he  ]>ueMto;  do  manera  quo 
el  vigdsimo  dia  de  cada  mes  sc  hallnba  Ollin. . .  .Si  el  afio  era  del  scgundo 

Serogiifico  Calli,  por  este  se  comenzaba  &  contar,  y  &  todos  los  dias  primeros 
e  cada  mes  se  les  daha  este  nombre.'  The  same  method  he  contends  is 
followed  also  in  those  years  of  each  tialpilli  which  commence  with  Tochtli 
and  Acatl.  Vor  cozcaqitauhtli  he  uiscs  the  name  temeztlatl,  orinetate.  Hi»t. 
Ant.  Mej.,inm.'\.,  pp.  76-80;  Gomara,  Conn.  Mcx.,  fol.  294-5.  Gcnielli  Ca- 
reri  states  that  Cipactli  was  not  always  the  nrst  day  of  the  month.  Chvrchiirs 
Col.  Voyaqr.s,  torn,  iv.,  p.  489;  Ditran,  Hist.  Indios,  MS.,  tom.  iii.,  appendix, 
cap.  ii.;  RUosAntigtios,  p. 22,  m KinqsborougKs Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.;  Mote- 
linia.  Hist.  Iudios,\\\  Icazbnlceta,  Col.deDoc,  tom.  i.,p.36.  Boturini  adds  to 
Ollin  the  word  Tonatiuh,  and  translates  it  'movement  of  the  sun.'  Idea,  p. 
45.  Gama places  Ollin  between  Atl  and  Itzcuintli.  DosPiedras,  jit  i.,  p.  26; 
Gallatin,  '\\\  Amcr.  Ethno.  Soc,  Transact,  tom.  i.,  p.  59;  Brassrur de  Bmir^ 
hourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Cii'.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  463.  See  also  hieroglyphics  in  Codex  Tel- 
Icriano-Rcmensis,  pi.  ix.,  in  Kingshorough's  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  i.,  and  Co- 
dex Borgian.,  in  Id.,  vol.  iii.,  pi  24;  Torqucmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom. 
ii.,  p.  304.  In  Nicaragua  where  the  Aztec  language  was  spoken  by  a 
largo  portion  of  the  population,  the  calendar  and  the  names  of  the  days 
were  the  same  as  Aztec,  with  but  some  slight  differences  in  spelling. 
Ovicdo  gives  the  names  of  the  days  as  follows:  'aqat,  ocelot,  oate,  coscago- 
ate,  olin,  tapecat,  quiaiiit,  sochit,  gip<it,  acat,  cali,  qticspal,  coat,  misiste, 
magat,  tostc,  at,  izquindi,  or.omate,  malinal,  acato. . .  .lln  afio. . .  .tiene  diez 
9cmpuales,  6  cada  cempual  es  veynte  dias.'  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iv.,  p.  52. 

'*  Sahagun,  and  after  him  several  others,  do  not  agree  with  this,  but 
pretend  that  one  day  was  added  every  fourth  year,  on  which  occasion  a 
certain  feast  was  celebrated,  but  Ganui  has  clearly  demonstrated  that  this 
is  a  mistol'.c.  Kl  afio  visiesto,  que  era  de  cuatro  en  cuatro  anos.'  Hist. 
Gen.,  tom.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p.  75.  *Otra  fiestri  hacian  dc  cuatro  en  cuatro  afios  d 
honradel  fuego,  en  la  que  ahugeraban  las  orejan  li  todos  los  ninos;  y  la  llama- 
lian  Pillabanaliztli,  y  en  esta  nesta  es  vcrosimil,  y  hay  congcturns  que  hacian 
su  visiesto  contandoseis  dias  de  nrmnntemi.^  Id.,  lib.  iv.,  pp.  347-8.  lioturini 
expresses  the  same  opinion.  '  Determinnron  cada  quatro  afios  anadir  un  dia 
mas,  que  recogies.sc  las  lioras,  qiie  se  despcrdiciaban,  loquesupongo  exccuta- 
ron  contando  dos  veccs  uno  de  los  Syniholos  de  el  ultimo  mes  de  el  afio,  d  la 
manera  dc  los  llomanos. '  Idea,  p.  137.  '  £1  afio  de  visiesto  que  era  dc  ({uatro 
k  quatro  afios. '  Leon,  Camino  del  Cielo,  fol.  100.  '  They  order  d  the  bissextile, 
or  leap-year,  after  this  manner.  The  first  vear  of  the  age  becan  on  the  tenth 
of  April,  and  so  did  the  second  and  third,  out  the  fourth  or  leap-year,  on  the 
nintii,  the  eighth  on  the  eighth,  the  twelfth  on  the  seventh,  the  sixteenth  on 
the  sixth,  till  the  end  of  the  age,  which  was  on  the  twenty -eighth  of  March, 
when  the  thirteen  days  of  the  leap-years,  till  the  tenth  of  April,  were  spent  in 
rejoicing.'  Gemclli Careri,  in  ChiirchilVs  Col.  Voyages,  voL  iv.,  p.  490.  Veytia 
Vol.  II.  S3 


6U 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


to  fix  accurately  the  time  when  the  Mexican  year 
commenced  accordinuf  to  our  dates,  but  there  is  no 
agreement  un  this  point  between  the  old  historiang,  as 
will  be  seen  from  the  table  given,  and  although  many 
elaborate  calculations  have  been  made  for  the  purpose 

following  Botiirini  adds  one  day  every  fourtli  year  by  repeatinjj[  the  last  da\'. 
Ilisf.  Ant.  Mt'j.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  ll()-20.  'La  correccion  no  8e  hucia  hoHta  el  fin 
del  cielo,  en  que  Me  iutcrcalubaa  juntos  Ioh  13  diaH.'  LeonyGnma,  Dos  I'iedras, 
pt  i.,  p.  24.  '  l^cs  Mexicains  ont  (^-vidcninicnt  suivi  Ic  syHtiiniu  Ac»  I'erHcn:  iU 
couHervoicnt  I'unnd  vague  juMpi'ti  cc  ([ue  Ics  hcures  exc<^dantcH  forniasDcnt 
une  deniilunaiiion ;  iifl  intcrculoient,  par  contu^quent,  treize  iourH  toutcH  \e»  lig- 
atures ou  eyi-icH  dc  cinquuntv-dcux  ans . . .  h  cliaquc  annexe  au  oigne  tochlli,  leH 
Mcxicaina  ]icrdoient  un  jour;  ct,  pur  I'efl'et  de  rcttc  n'trograaalion.  Tannine 
ealli  dc  In  ([uutrit^nic  indivtion  conimcufoit  Ic  27  deccnibre,  et  finisHoit  au 
solstice  d'liiver,  Ic  21  dcccmbrc,  en  iu>  faJHant  pas  ontrer  en  ligno  do  conipte 

Ics  cinq  jourH  inutiles  ou  conipldnientuircH.     II  en  rt^sulte  quo trcize 

mnn  iiitcrcaluircM  runi^ncnt  Ic  coninienecnicnt  do  I'anniie  au  9  junvier.* 
HiimbolUt,  Vues,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  GO-1.  'Non  frnniniettcvano  un  giorno  ogni 
quattru  aiini,  nta  trcdici  |rionii. .  .ogni  cinquantnduc  anni.'  Uarir/ero,  Storia 
Ant.  del  Messico,  tuni.  ii.,  p.  02.  'They  waited  till  the  expiration  of  fifty- 
two  vague  ycara,  when  they  intprj>oHcd  thirteen  days,  or  rather  twelve  and 
a  half,  this  Itcing  the  nuniltcr  v.liioh  had  fallen  in  urrear.'  PrescotVs  Mex,. 
vol.  i.,  p.  112;  Bras.srur  de  lioKrhoiirg,  Hist.  Nat.  Cit\,  toni.  iii.,  p.  469. 
In  this  connection  I  also  give  the  remarkable  statenieut  of  Pedro  de  los 
Rios  in  his  interpretation  of  the  Codex  Vuticanus:  'Item,  si  lui  da  notare, 
che  il  loro  bisesto  aiiduva  solo  in  qiiattro  lettere,  anni.oscgni  die  sono  Can- 
na,  Pietra,  Casa,  e  Coniglio,  pcrclie  conic  liunno  bisesio  dcTii  giorni  a  fare  di 
quattro  in  quuttro  anni  un  nicse  di  quclli  cinque  giorni  niorti  die  avanza- 
vanodi  ciascunanno,  cosi  avevano  bisesto  di  anni  ](erchfe  -  i  cinquantadue  in 
cincjuantaduc  nnni,  che  b  una  loro  £tt\,  aggiun,<;evuno  un  anno,  il  quale  senipre 
veniva  in  una  di  qucstc  lettere  o  scgni  pcrclid  come  ogni  lettera  o  segno  di 
questi  vinti  habbiu  trcdici  del  suo  gencre  clio  le  servano,  rcrhi  gratid.''  Kings- 
Sorovgli's  Mex.  Aiilii/.,  vol.  v.,  pp.  174-5.  In  the  Explieacion  del  Codex  lei- 
leriano-Ucnicnsis  we  read:  *A  19  de  Fcvrcro  los  cinco  dias  niuertos  que  no 
aviasacriiicios;  eatos  eran  los  dias  que  sfibravan  de  los  de  veynte  en  veynte  del 
afio:  y  sicnipre  en  cuniplicndose  los  3G5  dias,  dexavan  pasurestos,  v  luego  tor- 
navanatoniarclanoculalctraquecntrava.'  Jd.,\>.  134.  Tothis  Lord  Kings- 
borough  adds  in  a  note:  'The  Mexicans  reckoned  3G5  days  to  their  year;  the 
last  five  of  which  had  no  sign  or  place  n])propriated  to  them  in  the  calendar; 
since,  if  they  had  been  admitted,  the  order  of  the  signs  would  have  been 
inverted,  and  the  new  year  would  not  always  have  coniniciiced  with  Co 
Cipactli.  These  days,  therefore,  although  included  in  the  computation  of 
the  year,  were  rejected  from  the  calendar,  until  at  the  expiration  of  four 
years  an  intercalation  of  twenty  corresponding  signs  might  Im)  effected 
without  producing  any  confusion  in  it.  It  would  appear,  however,  that 
this  intercalation  did  not  actually  take  place  till  at  the  expiration  of  .')2 
years;  for  it  is  impossible,  except  on  this  supposition,  to  understand  the 
intcrraliition  of  years  nientioneu  in  the  V^atican  MS.  as  occurring  at  flie 
expiration  of  every  period  of  52  years,  when  an  entire  year  was  in 
calated:  but  admitting  the  i)08tponcmcnt  of  an  intercalation  of  n 
every  four  years  during  a  period  (.f  52  years,  such  an  intcrculatioi 
then  become  quite  intelligible;  since  thirteen  Mexican  months,  of  °.  v  t 
each,  exactly  constitute  a  ritual  year  of  the  Mexicans  which  contaiih  lii) 
days,  and  was  shorter  than  the  civil  year  by  105  days;  and  this  is  the  jh 
cise  number  of  months  of  which  tho  intercalation  would  have  been  post- 
poned.' Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi.,  jtp.  lOS-4. 


THE  RITUAL  CALENDAU. 


BIS 


of  verifying  the  one  or  the  other  statement,  the  result 
is  in  no  two  cases  the  same.  Gama  calculated,  and 
Humboldt  and  Gallatin  confirmed  liis  statement,  that 
the  first  year  of  a  Mexican  cycle  commenced  on  the 


3 1st  day  of  December,  old  style,  or  on  the  9th  day 

■        ■      th  ' 

day  Cipactli." 


of  January,  new  style,  with  the  m(;ath  Tititl  and  the 


Wo  come  now  to  another  mode  of  reckoning  known 
as  the  ritual  calendar,  which,  as  its  name  implies, 
was  used  for  adjusting  all  religious  feasts  and  rites 
and  everything  pertaining  thereto.  The  previously 
described  reckonmg  was  solar,  while  that  of  the  ritual 
calendar  was  lunar.  The  periods  into  which  it  was 
divided  were  of  thirteen  days  each,  thus  'epresenting 
about  half  the  time  that  the  moon  was  visible.  The 
year  contained  as  many  days  as  the  solar  calendar, 
but  they  were  divided  into  entirely  different  periods. 
Thus,  in  reality  there  were  no  months  at  all,  but  only 
twenty  weeks  of  thirteen  days  each ;  and  these  not 
constituting  a  full  year,  the  same  kind  of  reckoning 
was  continued  for  one  hundred  and  five  days  more,  and 
at  the  end  of  a  tlalpilli  thirteen  days  were  intercalated 
to  make  up  for  the  lost  days.  The  names  of  the  days 
were  the  same  as  in  the  solar  calendar  but  they  were 
counted  as  follows.  To  the  first  day  the  number  one 
was  prefixed,  to  the  second,  two,  to  the  third,  three, 
and  so  on  to  thirteen ;  when  the  fourteenth  name  was 
again  called  one,  the  fifteenth,  two,  and  so  on  to  thir- 
teen again,  after  which  the  same  count  was  continued 
to  the  end  of  the  year.  But  as  in  this  reckoning  it 
naturally  hapi)ens  that  one  name  has  the  same  num- 
ber twice,  accompanying  signs  were  added  to  the 
regular  names,  which  were  called  quecholli,  'lords  or 
rulers  of   the  night.'      Of   these   there   were   nine. 


1*  LeonyGama,  Dos  Piedras,  pt  i.,  pp.  62-8?;  Gallatin,  in  Amer.  Elhno. 
Soc,  Transact,  vol.  i.,  pp.  69-86.  Veytia's  rer^on  for  romineiicing  the  year 
with  Atcino.^tli,  is,  that  on  the  calendar  circlr  which  he  saw.  and  of  wliich  I 
insert  n  copy,  this  was  the  month  following;  the  five  nemontemi.  This  ap- 
pears very  reasonable,  but  nevcrthclcHf  uama  and  Gallatin's  calculations 
sho'    it  to  be  an  error.    See  Veytia.  Hint.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  74-6. 


^^ 


516 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


il    ! 


I!   I 


xiuhtecutli,  tletl,  'lord  of  the  year,  fire;'  tecpatl, 
'flint;'  xochitl,  'flower;'  centeotl,  'goddess  of  maize;* 
miquiztli,  'death;'  atf,  'water,'  represented  by  the 
goddess  Chalchihuitlicue ;  tlazoUeotl,  'goddess  of  love;' 
tepeyollotli,  a  deity  fAipi)osed  to  inhabit  the  centre 
of  the  moiintains;  quiahuitl,  'rain,'  represented  by 
the  god  Tlaljc."  As  stated  above,  one  of  these  signs 
was  understood  to  accompany  the  regular  name  of  each 
day,  coni nencing  with  the  first  day  of  the  year;  but 
they  were  never  written  or  mentioned  with  the  first 
two  hundred  and  sixty  days,  but  only  with  the  last 
one  hundred  and  five  days,  to  distinguish  them  from 
the  former."  For  the  purpose  of  making  this  sys- 
tem more  comprehensible,  I  insert  a  few  months  of 
tlie  Mexican  calendar,  showing  the  solar  and  lunar 
system  together,  as  arranged  by  Gama. 


Months  Hiid  days  of 
our  era. 


January 


.  9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
IS 
111 
17 

18 
19 
20 
91 

22 
21 
94 
9A 
96 

27 
28 

29 

•jn 

31 


Months  and  dayR  of 
the  MexJi'an  civil, 
or  solar,  calendar. 


'litltl 

1 

2 

a 

4 

fi 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

..  12 

13 

14 

in 

18 

17 

18 

19 

VO 

ItzralU 

1 

2 

3 

Da>B  and  weeks  ot 
the  Mexican  ritual, 
or  lunar,  calendar. 


l..Clpaotll.... 
2..£hecatl  .... 

3. .Call! 

4..Cuetzpalin  , 

5..Coatl  

fi..Mlqui7.tli  .. 

7..Maxatl 

H..Tochtll 

9..Atl 


10.  ItzruintU. 
ll..Uzoniatli. 
ri..M«Unalli. 
13..Acatl 


1..0pelotl 

2..guauhtU 

S.C'rzcaquauhtll. 

4..0llln 

5. .Tecpatl 


fi.. Quiahuitl. 
7..  Xochitl... 


8..fipactU.. 
9..thecatl  . 
10..C'*1U.... 


Accompanyinf!  signs, 
oriordHof  the  night.' 


Tletl 1 

Ti'cpati '.' 

Xochitl :< 

Centeotl -i 

MlquiztU 

Atl (i 

Tlazolteotl 7 

Tepeyollotli 8 

QuiahiUtl 0 

Tlrtl 1 

Tecpatl 2 

Xochitl 3 

i:enteotl 4 


Miquiztll 5 

Atl « 

Tlazolteotl 7 

Tepeyollotli n 

Quiahuitl 0 

Tletl 1 

Teci  atl 2 

X<Mhm 3 

t.'entiHitl 4 

Miquiztll 5 


tiirini  jjivcH  llic  nik-rs  of  the  night  as  folUnva-  Xiuhteiicyhhuu, 
I  ol  Alio;  Ytztfiicy<)hiui,  Seizor  do  el  Kiijgo;  I'iltzintcucvohua,  SSe- 

»••<»    ^     /-<•.» r.ii i-t..r„..i I  \i..:-.  »i:..4i <„.  »...vl...«    u..."...!. 


"  notii 

Seilor  cle  ( _,   ^ — -  -. „  ,  -  . 

ilor  dc  losNiftos;  Ciiitiueyhhua,  Scno'  deel  Mai*:  Micthiiitcu-ybhua,  Sefior 
decl  Inlieriio;  Chttlfhihuitliciiejohiia,  Scnor  de  eJ  Auiia;  Tlaz>>ly6hiia,  Se- 
flor  de  el  Amor  deshonesto;  Teiicyoloybhua,  Sefior  de  los  Eiitranaa  de  los 
Montcs;  Quiauhteucybhua,  Sefior  dc  laa  LliivioH.  /den,  n.  58, 

i»  Leon  y  Gama,  Don  Piedras,ni  i.,  Pp.  2S»-31,  52-3;  Satniini,  Idea,  pp. 
57-9;  Gallatin,  in  Amer.  Elhtio.  Soc,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  p.  61. 


TABLE  OF  MONTHS,  WEEKS,  AND  DAYS. 


&17 


llooths  and  days  of 
our  era. 

Mentha  and  dayR  of 
the  Mexican   civil 
calendar. 

Days  ami  ««eka  of 
the  Mexican  ritual 
calendar. 

Accompanying  algns, 
or '  lorda  (if  the  night' 

February 1 

■1 

4 

ll..Cnetzpalln 

12..Ci.atl 

13..M!quiztli  

l..llazatl 

Atl 6 

5 

1  lazolteotl 7 

8 

4 

6 

7 

TepeyoUutli 8 

Quiahuitl 9 

6 

8 

3..TochtU 

Tletl 1 

S 

7 
8 
9 

9 

10 

11 

12 

3    Atl 

4..Itzcuintll        ... 

S..Ozoinatll 

6..Halinalli 

7..Acatl 

Tecpatl 2 

Xwhitl..  a 

Ceiiteotl  4 

Hiquiztii ft 

10 

13 

Atl « 

11 

14 

15 

8    Ocelotl 

Tla/:oltcotl 7 

13 

9..QnauhtU 

10..Cozca(iuaubtU  .. 

IL.OIlin 

TepeyollotU 8 

13 

10 

Quiahuitl 9 

U 

17 

Tletl ~1 

IS 

18 

12    'lerpati      

ecpatl 3 

16 

19 

13..Qiiialiuitl 

Xochitl a 

20 

17 

L.Xochitl 

Ceuteotl 4 

2..ripacm 

3..Bhevatl 

4..CuIII 

H 
19 

Atlcahiulco 1 

a 

Miquiztli A 

Atl        (1 

2(1 

3 

'1  lazolteotl 7 

21 

4 

S..C.'net7.palin 

O..Coatl 

Tepeyollotli 8 

Quiahuitl 9 

Tletl 1 

32 

6 

23 

6 

7..Hiqniztli 

H..Waztttl 

9    Ttu'htli 

24 
2S 

7 

8 

'.» 

Tecpatl 3 

Xochitl 3 

26 

10. .Atl  

Ceuteotl 4 

27 
38 

10 

11 

12 

ll.Itzciiintll 

12..Uzouiatli .. 

13  .Mallnalll- 

L.Aoatl 

Miqui/tU 5 

Atl 6 

March    1 

TIazolteotI 7 

13 

3 

Tepeyollotli 8 

Quiahuitl 9 

Tletl 1 

3 

U 

2..Ucelotl 

4 

1.^1 

S.Qiiauhtli     

4..Cuzcaiiuauhtli.. . 
S..()llin 

6 

Hi 

Tecpatl 3 

6 

17 

Xochitl 3 

7 

18 

6.  .Tecpatl 

8 

11) 

7..yulalniit! 

8..Xochitl 

Miquiztli 6 

Atl « 

9 

■•[} 

10 
Jl 

TlacaxipchiiuUztli  1 

2 

9..Cipactli 

:ii..Khpcatl.  .   .. 
11     i;»lli 

Tla/olteotl 7 

•I  epeycillotU 8 

Qui^huiU » 

Tletl                          1 

13 
13 

3 

4 

12,.Cuet7.paliil 

1,1    CoatI 

14 

5 

Tecpatl a 

6 

7 

LMiqul/tU 

2  ..\la/.atl 

IS 
16 

X.HhttI 3 

(Vutciitl 4 

17 

8 

3..Tochtll 

4. .Atl 

5    It/ciiintli 

•:.  .Oziiiaatll 

7..UaliualU 

g    Acatl    

Miquiztli B 

A»I 6 

IH 
19 

9 

10 

20 
21 

11 

12 

Tepeyllotll 8 

Quiah^Utl 9 

Tlotl 1 

33 

13 

21 

'4 

9.  t>cel.  tl 

IO..(juaulttli 

11.  .('ii/.caquKuhtli  . . 
12    (lliin  . 

'Icipiifl  3 

Xochitl 3 

2i 

I.l 

2S 

10 

I'e  iteotl 4 

36 

17 

Miqui/tli S 

Atl « 

37 

18 

1.1    Tecpatt 

19 

28 

l..QuiahntU 

2.  XochlU 

n..Cipa<-tU 

TIazolteotI 7 

39 

'iO 

Tepeyollotli 8 

Quiahuitl 9 

30 

Toiortoutli 1 

a 

31 

4..Ehucatl 

Tletl 1 

f  m  ';'?!"'l^^!Br" 


618 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  five  nemontemi  were  counted  in.  this  calendar 
as  other  days,  that  is,  they  received  the  names  which 
came  in  the  regular  order,  but,  nevertheless,  they 
were  believed  to  be  unlucky  days  and  had  no  accom- 
panying signs. 

Besides  the  preceding  cuts  of  the  Mexican  cal- 
endar systems,  as  they  were  represented  by  Gemelli 
Careri,  Veytia,  and  others,  the  calendar-stone  is  the 
most  reliable  source  by  which  the  extent  of  the  astro- 
nomical science  of  the  Aztecs  can  be  shown.  Gama, 
and  after  him  Gallatin,  give  very  accurate  descriptions 
of  this  stone ;  I  insert  here  a  r^sumd  from  the  latter 
author.  On  this  stone  there  is  engraved  in  high-relief 
a  circle,  in  which  are  represented  by  certain  hiero- 
glyphics the  sun  and  its  several  motions,  the  twenty 
days  of  the  month,  some  principal  fast-days,  and  other 
matters.  The  central  figure  represents  the  sun  as  it 
is  usually  painted  by  the  Mexicans.  Around  it,  out- 
side of  a  small  circle,  are  four  parallelograms  with  th6 
signs  of  the  days,  Nahui  Ocelotl,  Nahui  Ehecatl,  Na- 
hui  Quiahuitl,  and  Nahui  Atl.  Between  the  two  upper 
and  lower  parallelograms  are  two  figures,  which  Gama 
explains  as  being  two  claws,  which  are  the  hieroglyphics 
representing  two  eminent  astrologers,  man  and  wife. 
Gama  further  explains  these  four  signs  of  the  days  in 
this  place,  as  having  reference  to  the  four  epochs  of 
nature,  of  which  the  Aztec  traditions  speak.  The 
first  destruction  of  the  sun  is  said  to  have  taken  place 
in  the  year  Ce  Acatl  and  on  the  day  Nahui  Ocelotl. 
The  second  sun  was  supposed  to  have  died  in  the  year 
Ce  Tecpatl  and  on  the  day  Nahui  Ehecatl ;  the  third 
destruction  occurred  also  in  the  year  Ce  Tecpatl  and 
on  the  day  Nahui  Quiahuitl;  and  lastly,  the  fourth  de- 
struction took  place  in  the  year  Ce  CalH,  on  the  day 
Nahui  Atl.  But  Mr  Gallatin  thinks  that  these  four 
parallelograms  had  yet  some  other  purpose ;  for  on  the 
twenty-second  of  May  and  on  the  twenty-sixth  of 
July,  which  days  are  K^ahui  Ocelotl  and  Nahui  Quia- 
huitl, if  we  accept  the  thirty-first  of  December  as  the 


THE  AZTEC  CALENDAR-STONH. 


619 


first  day  of  the  Mexican  cycle,  the  sun  passed  the  me- 
ridian of  the  city  of  Mexico.  But  in  this  case  the 
other  two  days,  Nahui  Ehecatl  and  Nahui  Atl  cannot 
be  explained  in  connection  with  any  other  astronomi- 
cal event.  Between  the  lower  parallelograms  are  two 
small  squares,  in  each  of  which  are  five  oblong  marks, 
signifiying  the  number  ten ;  and  as  the  central  figure 
is  'in  ollin  tonatiuh,  or  sun,  the  number  ten  in  these 
two  squares  is  supposed  to  mean  the  day  Matlactli 
Ollin.  Below  this  again  are  the  hieroglyphics  Ce 
Quiahuitl,  and  Ome  Ozomatli.  The  day  Matlactli 
Ollin  in  the  first  year  of  the  cycle  is  the  twenty- 
second  of  September;  Ce  Quiahuitl  in  the  year  Mat- 
lactli omey  Acatl,  which  year  is  inscribed  at  the  head 
of  the  stone,  is  our  twenty-second  of  March;  and 
Ome  Ozomatli  in  the  same  year  would  be  our  twenty- 
second  of  June.  Here  are  therefore  designated  three 
of  the  principal  phenomena  as  they  happened  in  the 
first  year  of  the  cycle,  viz :  two  transits  of  the  sun  by 
the  zenith  and  the  autumnal  equinox.  In  the  year 
designated  on  the  stone  Matlactli  omey  Acatl,  there 
are  given  the  spring  equinox  and  summer  solstice. 
In  a  circle  surrounding  these  figures  are  represented 
the  twenty  days  of  the  months.  From  the  central 
figure  of  the  sun  there  runs  upward,  as  far  as  the  circle 
of  days,  a  triangle,  the  upper  and  smallest  angle  of 
which  points  between  the  days  Cipactli  and  Xochitl, 
thus  confirming  the  idea  that  Cipactli  was  always 
the  first  day  of  the  month.  But  Gama,  Gallatin, 
Humboldt,  Dupaix,  and  all  others  who  have  copied 
from  them,  do  not  represent  the  characters  on  this 
stone  as  they  really  appear.  By  a  photograj)!!  taken 
by  M.  Charnay,  of  which  the  cut  on  the  next  page  is 
a  copy,  it  will  be  seen  that  all  the  figures,  days  as  well 
as  parallelograms,  are  reversed  on  the  representations 
given  by  the  above-mentioned  authors;  that  is,  the 
engraver,  when  making  his  tracing,  did  not  reverse 
the  figures  before  drawing  them  on  tlie  stone ;  an  error 
corrected  in  the   foUowmg  cut.     Therefore,  instead 


' 


630 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


of  running  from  right  to  left,  the  days  really  run  from 
left  to  right.  From  the  circle  of  days,  four  triangles, 
or  rays,  project,  exactly  dividing  the  stone  into  four 
quarters,  each  of  which  has  ten  visible  squares,  and,  as 
the  rays  cover  twelve  more,  there  would  be  fifty-two  in 
all.     In  each  square  are  five  oblong  marks,  which  mul- 


The  Calendar-Stone. 


tiplied  by  fifty-two,  give  two  hundred  and  sixty,  or 
the  first  period  of  the  Mexican  ritual  year.  Outside  of 
the  circle  of  these  squares  the  four  quarters  are  each 
again  divided  by  a  smaller  ray,  and,  as  stated  before, 
at  the  head  of  the  stone,  over  the  principal  triangle  is 
the  sign  of  the  year  Matlactli  Omey  Acatl.  Round 
the  outer  edge  are  a  number  of  other  figures  and  hiero- 


CALENDAR  OF  THE  TABASCOS. 


621 


m 
ir 

18 

n 
1- 


glyphics,  which  have  not  yet  been  deciphered,  or 
whose  interpretations  by  difterent  writers  present  so 
many  contradictions  that  they  would  have  no  value 
here.^' 

The  only  information  we  have  of  the  calendar  used 
in  Michoacan  is  furnished  by  Veytia,  and  this  is  only 
fragmentary.  Enough  is  known,  however,  to  show 
that  their  system  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  Aztecs. 
Instead  of  the  four  principal  signs  of  the  Aztecs,  tec- 
patl,  calli,  tochtli,  and  acatl,  in  Mechoacan  the  names 
inodon,  inhani,  inchon,  and  intihui  were  used.  Of 
the  eighteen  months  only  fourteen  are  mentioned  by 
name.  These  are:  Intacaci,  Indehuni,  Intecamom, 
Interunihi,  Intamohui,  Inizcatolohui,  Imatatohui, 
Itzbachaa,  Intoxihui,  Intaxihui,  Intechaqui,  Inte- 
chotahui,   Inteyabchitzin,   Intaxitohui.     The  five  in- 


1*  Gallatin,  in  Amer.  Ethno.  Soc,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  94-103;  Leon  y 
Gama,  Dos  Piedras,  pt  i.,  pp.  89-114.  Further  description,  and  mention 
of  the  astrononiical  system  will  be  found  in  Humboldt,  Viies,  torn,  i.,  pp. 
■132-92,  and  torn,  ii.,  pp.  1-99,  356-80;  Tor^uemada,  Mouarq.  Ind.,  torn, 
ii.,  pp.  295-305;  !,««  Uasas,  Hist.  Apolog^ttca,  MS.,  cap.  cxli;  Sahagun, 
Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  pp.  49-76,  lib.  iv.,  pp.  282-309,  338-49,  torn,  ii., 
lib.  vii.,  pp.  256-60,  264-5;  Explanation  of  the  Codex  Vatieanus,  in  Kings- 
borough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi.,  pp.  196,  200;  liolurini.  Idea,  pp.  42-59, 
109  10,  122-4,  137-40,  153-5;  Id.,  Catdlopo,  pp.  57-72;  Motolinia,  Hist.  In- 
dios,  in  Irazltalirta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  pj».  35-8;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mrj., 
torn,  i.,  pp.  .10-13S;  Carbaial  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mrx.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  517-31; 
Brasseur  de  liourboiirg,  Hist.  hat.  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  457-82;  Goinara, 
Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  294-97;  Gcmelli  Careri,  in  ChurchilFs  Col.  Voyages,  tom. 
iv.,  pp.  487-90;  Leon  y  Gama,  Dos  Piedras;  Gallatin,  in  Amer.  Ethno. 
Sor.,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  57-115;  Laet,  Novvs  Orbis,  pp.  ?41-2;  Pres- 
cott's  Affx.,\n\.  i.,  pp.  liO-27;  Pimentel,  Mem.  soln-e  la  liaza  Indiyena, 
pp.  41-3;  Xrhcl,  Viaje,  pi.  I.;  Herrcra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap. 
xviii. ;  Ixtlilxochitl,  liclaciones,  in  KingsborougWs  Mex.  Antiq.,  tom.  ix., 
j)p.  322-4;  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  pp.  397-9;  Clavigiro,  Sloria  Ant.  del 
Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  56-65;  Midler,  licisen,  tom.  iii.,  pji.fi3-90;  McCnlloh's 
RcHcurches  in.  Amer.,  pp.  201-25;  Klemm,  Cnltur-Ge.schichte,  torn. v.,  i)p. 
128-30;  I'l/lor's  lic^enrrXes,  pp.  92-4;  Id.,  Aitahuae,  p.  103;  Schoolcrn'fTs 
Arch.,  vol.  i.,  lip.  44-5;  Montanns,  Niewnr  Wecrcld,  pp.  266-7;  PeterMar- 
tyr,  dec.  iv.,  lii».  viii.,  pp.  537-8;  Baril,  Mrxiqne,  pp.  194-5,  211-15;  Mor- 
ton's Crania  Amer.,  p.  150;  Malte-Iirun,  Precis  dela  Giog.,  torn,  vi.,  pp. 
445,293;  Macgrcgor's  Progress  of  Amer.,  \{A.  i.,  p.  22;  Chambers'  Jour., 
1835,  vol.  iv.,  p.  254;  Laf'ond,  Voyaaes,  tom.  i.,p.  118;  Tuuron,  Hist.  6V«., 
tom.  iii.,  pp.  21-2,  24-5;  Poinsett s  S'otes  Mex.,  pp.  Ill,  75-6;  Simon's  Ten 
Tribes,  pp.  149-57;  Kendall's  Nar.,\o\.  ii.,  p.  328;  Prichard's  Nat.  Hist. 
Man,  vol.  ii.,  p.  507;  Cabrera,  in  Ilnstracion  Mex.,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  461-70; 
Midler,  A  mcrikanische  Urreligionen,  pp.  93-4;  Humboldt,  Essat  Pol.,  tom. 
i.,  p.  92;  Thompson's  Mex.,  p.  213;  FallUs,  £tudes  Hist,  sur  les  CivilisationI, 
Paris,  (n.  d.)  pp.  67-62. 


! 


ii    J'  i 


522 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


tercalary  days  were  named  intasiabire*  The  days 
of  the  month,  divided  into  four  equal  parts  by  the 
above-mentioned  four  principal  signs,  were  called: 
Inodon,  Inicebi,  Inettuni,  Inbeari,  Inethaati,  Inbani, 
Inxichari,  Inchini,  Inrini,  Inpari,  Inchon,  Inthahui, 
Intzini,  Intzoniabi,  Intzimbi,  Inthihui,  Inixotzini, 
Inichini,  Iniabi,  Intaniri.*^ 

The  Zapotecs  in  Oajaca,  according  to  the  descrip- 
tion of  Burgoa,  used  the  same  calendar  as  the  Aztecs, 
with  this  difference,  that  the  year  always  commenced 
on  the  twelfth  day  of  March,  and  that  the  bissextile 
year  was  corrected  every  fourth  year,  by  adding,  in- 
stead of  five,  six  intercalary  days."" 


23 


I*  'Los  cuatro  mescs  que  faltan  son  losque  corresponden  d  nuestro  enero, 
febrero  y  niurzo,  porque  ul  innnuacrito  le  fulta  la  priiiieru  hoju,  y  solo  comi- 
enza  desde  el  dia  2*2  dc  niarzo,  y  concluye  en  31  dicieinbre,  confrontando 
BUS  nieses  con  los  nuestros.*  Vei/tia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  toni.  i.,  p.  138.  'II 
est  dit  que  Tannine  coninien9ait  aii  22  innrsavcc  le  premier  jour  In  Thacari.' 
Brasaeur  de  Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  467. 

"  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  137-8;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  463,  467;  Gallatin,  in  Amer.  Ethno.  Soc, 
TraMoet.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  104-5. 

**  'Dabanle  diez  y  ocho  ineses  de  h  20.  diaa,  y  otro  mas  do  cinco,  y 
estc  al  cabo  dc  quatro  auos  conic  nuestro  Bisiesto  lo  variaban  h  seis  dios, 
pos  las  seis  boras  que  sobran  cada  afio.'  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  torn,  i., 
pt  ii.,  ful.  136. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

THE   AZTEC   PICTURE -WRITING. 

Hieroglyphic  Records  — The  Native  Books  — Authorities  — De- 
struction OF  THE  Native  Archives  by  ZumArraoa  and  his 
CoNFRbREs— Picture-writings  used  after  the  Conquest  for 
Confession  and  Law -Suits —Value  of  the  Records  —  Docu- 
ments sent  to  Spain  in  the  Sixteenth  Century  — European 
Collections  — Lord  Kingsborough's  Work— Picture-writings 
retained  in  mexico— collections  of  ixtlilxochitl,  slgutsnza, 
Gemelli  Careri,  Boturini,  Veytia,  Leon  y  Gama,  Pichardo, 
aubin,  and  the  national  museuh  of  mexico  —  process  of 
Hieroglyphic  Development  —  Representative,  Symbolic,  and 
Phonetic  Picture-writing  —  Origin  of  Modern  Alphabets  — 
the  Aztec  System  —  Specimen  from  the  Codex  Mkndoza  — 
Specimen  from  Gemelli  Careri— Specimen  from  the  Boturini 
Collection— Probable  future  success  of  Interpreters— The 
Nepohualtzitzin. 


The  Nahua  nations  possessed  an  original  hiero- 
glyphic system  by  which  they  were  able  to  record  all 
that  they  deemed  worthy  of  preservation.  The  art 
of  picture-writing  was  one  of  those  most  highly 
prized  and  most  zealously  cultivated  and  protected, 
being  entrusted  to  a  class  of  men  educated  for  the 
purpose  and  much  honored.  The  written  records 
mcluded  national,  historic,  and  traditional  annals, 
names  and  genealogical  tables  of  kings  and  nobles, 
lists  and  tribute-rolls  of  provinces  and  cities,  land- 
titles,  law  codes,  court  records,  the  calendar  and 
succession  of  feasts,  religious  ceremonies  of  the  tem- 


(au) 


' 


624 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


pie  service,  names  and  attributes  of  the  gods,  the 
mysteries  of  augury  and  sooth-saying,  with  some  de- 
scription of  social  customs,  mechanical  employments, 
and  educational  processes.  The  preparation  and 
guardianship  of  records  of  the  higher  class,  such  as 
historical  annals  and  ecclesiastical  mysteries,  were 
under  the  control  of  the  highest  ranks  of  the  priest- 
hood, and  such  records,  comparatively  few  in  number, 
were  carefully  guarded  in  the  temple  archives  of  a 
few  of  the  larger  cities.  These  writings  were  a  sealed 
book  to  the  masses,  and  even  to  the  educated  classes, 
who  looked  with  superstitious  reverence  on  the  priest- 
ly writers  and  their  magic  scrolls.  It  is  probable 
that  the  art  as  applied  to  names  of  persons  and  places 
or  to  ordinary  records  was  understood  by  all  educated 
persons,  although  by  no  means  a  popular  art,  and 
looked  upon  as  a  great  mystery  by  the  common 
people.  The  hieroglyphics  were  painted  in  bright 
colors  on  long  strips  of  cotton  cloth,  prepared  skins, 
or  maguey-paper — ^generally  the  latter — rolled  up  or, 
preferably,  folded  fan-like  into  convenient  books  called 
amatl,  and  furnished  often  with  thin  wooden  covers. 
The  same  characters  were  also  carved  on  the  stones 
of  public  buildings,  and  probably  also  in  some  cases 
on  natural  cliffs.  The  early  authorities  are  unanimous 
in  crediting  these  people  with  the  possession  of  a  hie- 
roglyphic system  sufficiently  perfect  to  meet  all  their 
requirements.* 

1  'Todas  las  cosas  one  conferimos  me  las  dieron  por  pintnras,  que  aquella 
era  la  escritura  que  ellos  antiguamcnte  usaban:  los  {nucndticos  las  declara- 
r»n  en  su  lengiia,  escribiendo  la  dcclaracion  al  pie  de  la  pintura.  Tcngo 
aun  ahora  estos  originalcH.'  Sahaffitii,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  p.  iv.  '  Aiinqiic  no 
tenian  escritura  coniu  numtrus  tcniiin  einpero  bus  iiguras  y  caractcrett  que 
todas  las  cosas  qui  querian,  significaban;  y  destas  suslibros  grandes  por  tan 
agudo  y  sutil  nrtiticio,  que  podriamos  decir  que  nueHtras  letras  en  aquello 
no  les  hicieron  niuclia  ventaja.'  Las  Casas,  Hist.  A/iologelica,  M8.,  cap. 
ccxxxv.  'Tenian  sus  figuros,  y  Hieroglyficas  con  que  ])intauan  las  cosas  en 
esta  forma,  que  las  cosas  que  tenian  nguras,  las  ponian  con  sus  jtroprias 
ymagines,  y  para  las  cosas  que  no  auia  ymagen  propria,  tenian  otros  ca- 
racteres  signincatiuos  de  aquello,  y  con  este  modo  figurauan  quanto querian.' 
Acosta,  Hist.  de  laa  Ynd.,  p.  408.  'Letras  Kcales  de  cosas  pintadas,  como 
cran  las  pintnras,  en  one  Ici^  Eneas  la  destruicion  de  Troya.'  'Y  esto  que 
afimio,  es  tomado  de  las  niisuias  Historias  Mexicanas,  y  Tetzcucanas,  que 


DESTRUCTION  OF  ABORIGINAL  RECORDS. 


525 


Unfortunately  the  picture-writings,  particularly 
those  in  the  hands  of  priests — those  most  highly 
prized  by  the  native  scholar,  those  which  would,  if 
preserved,  have  been  of  priceless  value  to  the  students 
of  later  times — while  in  common  with  the  products  of 
other  arts  they  excited  the  admiration  of  the  foreign 
invaders,  at  the  same  time  they  aroused  the  pious 
feare  of  the  European  priesthood.  The  nature  of  the 
writings  was  little  understood.  Their  contents  were 
deemed  to  be  for  the  most  part  religious  mysteries, 
painted  devices  of  the  devil,  the  strongest  bund  that 
held  the  people  to  their  aboriginal  faith,  and  the  most 
formidable  obstacle  in  the  way  of  their  conversion  to 
the  true  faith.  The  destruction  of  the  pagan  scrolls 
was  deemed  essential  to  the  progress  of  the  Church, 
and  was  consequently  ordered  and  most  successfully 
carried  out  under  the  direction  of  tlie  bishops  and 
their  subordinates,  the  most  famous  of  these  fanatical 
destroyers  of  a  new  world's  literature  being  Juan  de 
Zumdrraga,  who  made  a  public  bonfire  of  the  native 
archives.     The  fact  already  noticed,  that  the  national 


son  las  que  sigo  en  este  discureo,  y  las  que  tengo  en  mi  poder.'  Torqiiema- 
da,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  29,  149,  also  pp.  30-1,  36,  253,  toiii.  li.,  pp. 
263,  544-6.  '  I  liaue  lieeretofore  aaydc,  that  tlicy  haue  books  whereof  they 
brought  nianv:  but  this  Ribcra  saith,  that  tlicy  are  not  made  for  the  vse  of 

readinge What  I  shouhl  thinke  in  this  variety  I  knowo  not.     I  suppose 

them  to  l)ee  bookes.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  x!,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  viii.  '  Y  en- 
tre  la  barbaridiul  destas  naciones  (dc  Oajuca)  sc  liallaron  muchos  libros  h  su 
niodo,  en  hojos,  6  telos  de  especiales  cortc.'^as  dc  arholcs . . . .  Y  destos  mes- 
mos  instrunientos  he  tenido  en  niia  manos,  y  oydoh>sexplicar  h  algunos  viejoa 
con  bastanto  adniiraciun.'  Burgoa,  Palestra  Hist.,  pt  i.,  p.  89.  'I'intaban 
en  vnos  papeles  de  hi  tierra  que  dan  los  arlioles  pegados  vnos  con  otrus  con 
engrudos,  que  Ilaniaban  Tcxnmalll  sushistorias,  y  Iwtallas.'  Vctanevrt,  Tea- 
tro  Mex.,  pt  ii.,  p.  60.  'Lodiciio  lo  c<>in))ruebau  clarauicnte  las  Historias  de 
las  Naciones  Tultcca  y  Chichinieca,  fi^uradas  con  pinturas,  y  Ucroglificos, 
cspecialmentcenaquel  Libro, queen  Tula  hicieronde  suorigcn,  y  Ic  lluniaron 
Teoniaxtli,  esto  cs,  Libro  divino.'  Lorrmann,  in  Corlis,  Hist.  N.  Esjtaiia,  pp. 
6,  8-9.  '  It  is  now  proven  beyond  cavil,  that  both  Mexico  and  Yucatan  had 
for  centuries  before  ('oluinbus  a  phcuietic  system  of  writing,  which  insured 
the  perpetuation  of  their  histories  and  legends.'  Brinton's  Mjftlis.  See  also 
Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chkh.,  in  Kingslwrouqh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  203-4, 
235,  287;  Id.,  Rclacionrs,  in  Id.,  p.  325;  bitos  Antiqiios,  p.  4,  in  Id. ;  Garcia, 
in /rf.,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  190-1;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  itol.  299;  Motolinia,  Hist. 
Indios,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  186,  209;  Fiicideal,  in  Ter- 
navx-Compniia,  Fbi/.iSorie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  230;  Veiftia,  Hist.  Ant.  Met.,  torn, 
i.,  pp.  6-7,  251-2;  Jternal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  68;  Purchat  his  Pilgrinws, 
vol.  IV.,  p.  1135. 


526 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


annals  were  preserved  together  in  a  few  of  the  larger 
cities,  made  the  task  of  Zumdrraga  and  his  confreres 
comparatively  an  easy  one,  and  all  the  more  important 
records,  with  very  few  probable  exceptions,  were  blot- 
ted from  existence.  The  priests,  however,  sent  some 
specimens,  either  originals  or  copies,  home  to  Europe, 
where  they  attracted  momentary  curiosity  and  were 
then  lost  ani  forgotten.  Many  of  the  tribute-rolls 
and  other  paintings  of  the  more  ordinary  class,  with 
perhaps  a  few  of  the  historical  writings,  were  hidden 
by  the  natives  and  thus  saved  from  destruction.  Of 
these  I  shall  speak  hereafter.' 

After  the  zeal  of  the  priests  had  somewhat  abated, 
or  rather  when  the  harmless  nature  of  the  paintings 
was  better  understood,  the  natives  were  permitted  to 
use  their  hieroglyphics  again.  Among  other  things 
they  wrote  down  in  this  way  their  sins  when  the 
priests  were  too  busy  to  hear  their  verbal  confessions. 
The  native  writing  was  also  extensively  employed  in 
the  many  lawsuits  between  Aztecs  and  Spaniards 
during  the  sixteenth  century,  as  it  had  been  employed 
in  the  courts  before  the  conquest.  Thus  the  early 
part  of  the  centuiy  produced  many  hieroglyphic  docu- 
ments, not  a  few  of  which  have  been  preserved,  and 
several  of  which  I  have  in  my  library.  During  the 
same  period  some  fragments  that  had  survived  the 
general  destruction  were  copied  and  supplied  with  ex- 


1  *  Aunque  por  haverse  qiiemado  estos  Libros,  al  principio  de  la  conver- 

Bion no  ha  quetlatUt,  para  aora,  miii  averigiiado  todo  lo  que  ellos  hicieron.' 

Torquemada,  Munarq.  Iiid.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  544,  torn,  i.,  prologo.  Some  of 
them  burned  by  order  of  the  monks,  in  the  fear  that  in  tlie  matter  of  reli- 
gion these  boolKa  might  prove  injurious.  LasCnsas,  Hint.  Apologttica,  MS., 
cap.  ccxxxv.  UoyaT  archives  of  Tezcuco  burned  inadrertenlly  by  the  first 
pncsta  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  C/iich.,  in  Kiiujsbaroufffi's  Afcx.  Antiq.,\o\.  ix., 

f).  20.*). '  Principalniente  habiendo  pereeido  lo  mejor de  sus  historias  entrc  his 
lamas,  p«)r  no  tenersc  conocimiento  de  lo  que  signiticalmn  bub  pinturax.' 
Leoti  y  Gniiia,  Don  Piedras,  pt  i.,  np.  2,  5.  'Por  descracia  loB  misioneros 
confundicron  con  los  objetos  ncl  culto  idoldtrico  todos  los  gerogliiicos  crono- 

16gicos  6  hist4trico8,  y  en  una  misma  hogucra  so  consumia  el  Idolo y  cl 

manuBcrito.'  Alaman,  Diaertacioiits,  tom.  ii.,  p.  154.  See  also  PrescotCa 
Mcx.,  vol.  i.,  p.  101;  Sahanuii,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  139-41; 
Claviqero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Afaiaico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  18S;  Duatumante,  Mailanaa, 
torn,  li.,  prdlogo;  Humboldt,  Vues,  tom.  i.,  p.  226;  Wilton's  Conq.  Hex.,  p. 
24. 


VALUE  OF  THE  NATIVE  RECORDS. 


wr 


rger 

r^res 

tant 

)lot- 

>me 

>pe, 

'^ere 

rolJs 

ith 

[den 

Of 


planations  written  with  European  letters  in  Aztec,  or 
dictated  to  the  priests  who  wrote  in  Spanish.  The 
documents,  copies,  and  explanations  of  this  time  are 
of  course  strongly  tinctured  with  Catholic  ideas  wher- 
ever any  question  of  rcliirion  is  involved,  but  other- 
wise there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  their  authenticity.* 

To  discuss  the  historical  value  of  such  Aztec  writ- 
ings as  have  been  preserved,  or  even  of  those  that 
were  destroyed  by  the  Spaniards,  or  the  accuracy  of 
the  various  interpretations  that  have  been  given  to  tlie 
former,  fonns  no  part  of  my  i)urj)ose  in  this  chapior. 
Here  I  shall  give  a  brief  account  of  the  preserved 
documents,  with  plates  representing  a  few  of  them  as 
specimens,  and  as  clear  an  idea  as  possible  of  the  sys- 
tem according  to  which  they  were  painted.  Respect- 
ing the  theory,  supported  by  a  few  writers,  that  the 
Aztecs  had  no  system  of  writing  except  the  habit 
conmion  to  all  savage  tribes  of  drawing  rude  pictures 
on  the  rocks  and  trees,  that  the  statements  of  the  con- 
querors on  the  subject  are  unfounded  fabrications,  the 
specimens  handed  down  to  us  mere  inventions  of  the 
priests,  and  their  interpretations  consequently  purely 
imaginary,  it  is  well  to  remark  that  all  this  is  a  mani- 
fest absurdity.  On  the  use  of  hieroglyphics  the  au- 
thorities, as  we  have  seen,  all  agree ;  on  their  destruc- 
tion by  the  bishops  they  are  no  less  unanimous;  even 
the  destroyers  themselves  mention  the  act  in  their 
correspondence,  glorying  in  it  as  a  most  meritorious 

'  'It  is  to  this  transition-period  that  we  owe  many,  perhaps  most,  of  the 
picture-documents  still  preserved.'  Ti/lor's  Researches,  p.  97.     'There  was 

until  late  in  the  last  century,  a  professor  in  the  University  of  Mexico, 

especially  devoted  to  the  study  of  the  national  picturc-writinu.  But,  as  this 
was  with  a  viewtolepil  procccdinp4,  his  information,  pro1)abiy,  was  limited 
to  deciphcrin(r  titles.'  J'rescott's  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  p.  106.  'L'usage  de  ces  pein- 
tures,  servant  de  pifeces  de  proces,  c'est  conservtS  dans  Ics  tribunaux  es- 
pagnols  long-temps  apr^s  la  conqufite.'  Humboldt,  I'?<f.«,  torn,  i.,  pp.  109-70. 
'Escriltcn  toda  la  doctrina  ellos  por  sus  figuras  y  caracteres  niuy  ingeniosa- 
nientc,  poaieiido  la  tigura  quo  corrcs|>ondia  en  la  voz  y  sonido  d  nuestro 
vocahlo.  Asi  como  si  dijeremos  Amen,  poiiian  pintada  una  conio  fuentc  y 
luego  un  maguey  que  en  su  lengiia  correspoude  con  Amen,  porque  lluniada 
Ametl,  y  asl  de  todo  lo  dentas.'  Las  Casus,  I  fist.  AiwloaHira,  MS.,  cap. 

ccxxxv.     ^e  aXao  Ritos  Antic —  ~    ""    ""   ''" — *■ *' —     .•-*.•- 

vol.  ix.;  Ramirez,  I'rovcso  at 
linia.  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazbalceta, 


intas.    Las  Vasas,  lltst.  Apolonttira,  MS.,  cap. 
itigvos,  p.  63,  in  Kingsboroiigh's  Mex.  Antiq., 
de  Restd.;  Carhajal,  IHscuiso,  p.   115;  Moto- 
\alceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  toui.  i.,  p.  122. 


538 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


deed.  The  burning  was  moreover  perfectly  consistent 
with  the  policy  of  the  Church  at  that  time,  and  its 
success  does  not  seem  extraordinary  when  we  consider 
the  success  of  the  priests  in  destroying  monuments  of 
solid  stone.  The  use  of  the  aboriginal  records  in  the 
Spanish  courts  for  a  long  period  is  undeniable.  The 
priests  had  neither  the  motive  nor  the  ability  to  in- 
vent and  teach  such  a  system.  Respecting  the  liis- 
torical  value  of  the  destroyed  documents,  it  is  safe  to 
believe  that  they  contained  all  that  the  Aztecs  knew 
of  their  past.  Having  once  conceived  the  idea  of 
recording  their  annals,  and  having  a  system  of  writing 
adequate  to  the  purpose,  it  is  inconceivable  that  they 
failed  to  record  all  they  knew.  The  Aztecs  derived 
their  system  traditionally  from  the  Toltecs,  whose 
written  annals  they  also  inherited ;  but  none  of  the 
latter  were  ever  seen  by  any  European,  and,  according 
to  tradition,  they  were  destroyed  by  a  warlike  Aztec 
king,  who  wished  the  glory  of  his  own  kingdom  to 
overshadow  that  of  all  others,  past,  present,  or  future. 
If  the  hieroglyphics  of  the  Nahua  nations  beyond  the 
limits  of  Andhuac  differed  in  any  respect  from  those 
of  the  Aztecs,  such  differences  have  not  been  recorded.* 


i 


I 


*  'Au  Mexique,  rusoge  dcs  peintnres  et  celni  du  papier  de  maguey 
s'etcndoient  bien  au  dclii  dcs  liinitCH  de  I'enipire  de  Montezuma,  jusqu  uux 
bordH  dn  lac  de  Nicaragua.'  'On  voit  que  les  pcuples  de  I'Aniferiquc etnicnt 
bien  uIoigu6s  de  cctte  perfection  qu'avoient  atteintc  les  £gypticu8.'  Hum- 
boldt, Kmcs, torn,  i.,  pp.  208,  193-4.  'Clumsy  as  it  was,  however,  the  Az- 
tec picture-writing  seems  to  have  been  adequate  to  the  demands  of  the 
nation.'  PreacotCs  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  07-8,  108.  'The  Mexicans  may  have 
advanced,  but,  we  believe,  not  a  great  v;ay,  Iteyond  the  village  children, 
the  landlady  (with  her  ale-scores),  or  the  Uosjcsnians.'  Quarterly  Review, 
I81G,  vol.  XV.,  pp.  451,  449.  ''i\M picture  writings  copied  into  the  monster 
volumes  of  Lora  Kingsltorough,  we  have  denounceu  as  Spanish  fabrica- 
tions.' Wilson's  Conq.  Mex.,  pp.  21-24.  '  Until  some  evidence,  or  shadow 
of  evidence,  can  be  found  that  these  quasi  records  are  of  Aztec  origin,  it 
would  be  useless  to  examine  the  contradictions,  absurdities  and  nonsense 
they  present. . .  .The  whole  story  must  be  considered  as  one  of  Zumarraga's 
pious  frauds.'  Id,,  pp.  91-2.  'Las  pinturas,  que  sc  qucmaron  en  tieniiN) 
del  sefior  de  Mexico,  que  se  decia  Itzcdatl,  en  cuya  d]M)ca  los  senores,  y  los 
principales  que  liabia  ent6nces,  acordaron  y  mandaron  que  se  quemasen 
todas,  para  que  no  vinicsen  d  manos  del  vulgo,  y  f ucscn  mcnospreciados.'  Sa- 
hagun.  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  140-1;  Brasscur  de  Bourhourg, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  209.  See  also  Waldcck,  Voij.  Pitt.,  pp.  46-7; 
Gallatin,  in  A mer.  Ethno.  Soc.,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  p.  144;  Orozco  y  Bcrra, 
Qeogrtrfia,  p.  100;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  etc.,  vol.  L,  p.  93. 


EUROPEAN  COLLECTIONS.  m 

I  have  said  that  many  hieroglyphic  manuHcripts, 
saved  from  the  fires  kindled  by  Zumdrraga's  bigotry, 
or  copied  by  ecclesiastical  permission  before  servmg  as 
food  for  their  purifying  iiames,  were  sent  to  Spain  by 
the  conquerors.  After  lying  forgotten  for  a  few  cen- 
turies, attention  wab  again  directed  to  these  rel- 
ics of  an  extinct  civilization,  and  their  importance 
began  to  be  appreciated ;  search  was  made  throughout 
Europe,  and  such  scattered  remnants  as  survived  their 
long  neglect  were  gathered  and  deposited  in  public 
and  private  libraries.  Eight  or  ten  such  collections 
were  formed  and  their  contents  were  for  the  most  part 
published  by  Lord  Kingsborough. 

The  Codex  Mendoza  was  sent  by  the  viceroy  Men- 
doza  to  Charles  V.,  and  is  now  in  the  Bodleian  Library 
at  Oxford.  It  is  a  copy  on  European  paper,  coarsely 
done  with  a  pen,  and  rolled  instead  of  folded.  Another 
manuscript  in  tuo  Escurial  Library  is  thought  by 
Prescott  to  be  the  original  of  this  codex,  but  Hum- 
boldt calls  it  also  a  copy.  Au  explanation  of  the 
codex  in  Aztec  and  Spanish  accompanies  it,  added  by 
natives  at  the  order  of  Mendoza.  It  has  been  sev- 
eral times  published,  and  is  divided  in  three  parts,  the 
first  being  historical,  the  second  composv^d  of  tribute- 
rolls,  and  the  third  illustrative  of  domestic  life  and 
manners." 

The  Codex  Vaticanus  (No.  3738)  is  preserved  at 
Rome  in  the  Vatican  Library,  and  nothmg  is  known 
of  its  origin  further  than  that  it  was  copied  by  Pedro 
de  los  Rios,  who  was  in  Mexico  in  1566.     It  is  di- 


*  See  Mexican  MSS..  in  the  list  of  authorities  in  vol.  i.  of  this  work,  for 
the  location  of  this  and  other  codices  in  Kingsborough 's  work.  This  codex 
was  published  also  in  Purchas  his  I'ilgrimet,  vol.  iv. ;  Thevenot,  Col.  de 
Voy.,  169C,  torn.  ii. ;  and  by  Loremana,  in  Cortis,  Hist.  N.  EspaAa.  'D'aprfes 
les  recherches  que  j'ai  faites,  il  parolt  qu'il  n'cxistc  aujourd  Jiui  en  Eunipe 

3uesix  collections  de  peintnres  mexicamcc:  celles  de  rEscurial,  deBologne, 
e  Veletri,  de  Rome,  de  Vienne  et  de  Berlin.'  Humbcldt,  Vues,  torn,  i., 
p.  215.  See  also  on  the  Codex  Mendoza:  Id.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  30&-22;  Robert- 
son's  Hist.  Amer.,  (Lond.,  1777),  vol.  ii.,P.  480;  PreseotVs  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  PP* 
40,  103-4;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  mesaieo,  torn.  i>, JPP-  22-3,  26;  UOi- 
latin,  in  Amer.  Ethno.  Soe.,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  116-S29;  Kingsborough^ 
Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi.,  p.  299. 
Vol.  II.  M 


880 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


vided  into  two  |ia»^i/H,  mytholoj^ical  and  historical,  and 
luiH  a  partial  c'\|>l'inatii>n  in  Italian.  Anotlier  nianu- 
t:jri[)t,  (No.  377())  preserved  in  the  same  lihnirv,  is 
written  on  skin,  hjiH  been  interpreted  to  Home  e.\tent 
by  Humboldt,  and  is  supposed  to  pertain  to  relij.>ioU8 
rites.  The  Vodt'.c  Tvllvnano-lii'meiisi)*,  formerly  in 
the  possession  t>f  M.  Le  Tellier,  and  now  in  the 
Koyal  Library  at  Paris,  is  nearly  identical  with  tlie 
(Jodex  Vaticanus  (No.  37Ji8),  havin«r  onl>  one  fij^ure 
not  tbund  in  that  cihIc.x,  but  itself  iackinjL>-  many.  It 
has,  however,  an  explanation  in  Aztec  and  Spjuiish." 
The  Cixh'x  lioi'ijiou  was  deposited  in  the  Collei»"e 
of  the  Propaj^anda  at  Home  by  Cardinal  .!>(>rtfia,  who 
found  it  used  as  a  playtliin«(  'oy  the  children  in  the 
(iiistiniani  family.  It  is  written  <tn  skin,  and  appears 
to  be  a  ritual  and  astroli>^ic  ahiianai;  very  similar  to 
the  Vatican  manuscript  (No.  .'{77(»).  It  is  accompa- 
nied by  an  interpretation  or  connnentary  by  Fabre«fa. 
The  CV/f'.r  /it»/<>;/iio,  preserved  in  the  libiary  of  the 
Seientitic  Institute,  was  presente«l  in  MWJ;)  tt>  the 
Manpiis  (le  Caspi,  by  C  ount  Valeri(»  Zani.  It  is  writ- 
ten on  badly  pre|)ared  skin,  and  ap]>ears  to  treat  of 
astroloi^y.  A  copy  exists  in  the  Museum  of  Cardinal 
J^or>;ia  at  Veletri.  Of  the  (/oiAr  I'lcnmt  iiotliinn'  is 
known  exce|>t  that  it  was  j^iven  in  1(577  to  the  Km- 
pfior  Leopold  by  the  l)uk<  of  Saxe-Kiseiiach,  and 
that  its  resemblance  to  tlie  mamisci'ipts  at  Home  aiul 
N^'lctri  Would  indicate  a  connnon  ori]nin.  Four  ad- 
ditional manusi  ri|)ts  jroin  the  Hodleian  Lib  ary  at 
()xford,  and  one  luilonyiui,^  to  M.  de  Fejcrvary  in 
Hungary,  arc  published  by  Kin^^sborouj^h.  Xothini;' 
is  known  of  the  oriijin  ol"  these,  nor  has  any  intcipii^ 
ta,ti(tn  Ikjcu  attejupted,  althoui^di  the  last  named  seems 
to  be  historical  or  chronolojLfical  in  its  Jiature.^ 

'•  Uiimhnlill,  Vitis,  toil),  i.,  p)..  17;i.  I'MAl;  Mhm.  |il.  V.},  U,  'Jf..  .".«!.  (U». 
tiMll.  ii.,  |i.  IIS;  I'ftin'ifi  rii,  Slm/ir  .l;(^  (/('/  Mrsxiru,  tulil.  i..  |i  '2'.i:  >iii//iiliii. 
ill  Aniir.  ICf/iiiit.  Snr.,  7'(7(^■•'»>'•^,  Mil.  i.,  jiji.  I  Hi,  I2.'>,  I.TJ-IH;  Kiixixhiir- 
vinili's  Mr.r.  Aiifi'/.,  M>\.  vi.,  |i|>.  !>.'»,  I.m;  II  ilxun's  <'i,iii/.  Mix.,  |i  iH.  ■Till' 
firlioii  of  sdiiic  SiuiiiiMli  inidlk.'   (Jiinrtirh/  /{i  riiii\   IHUi,  vol,   xv.,  p.    IIH. 

'  IliimliitUlt,   Viiis,  toiii.  i.,  p|i.  ■-•It)-I!>,  'JW-.'rfi,  with  |MiitiiiiiH  ol  llii-  llor- 


I 


rU'TUUE-WHITINfJS  i'UESERVKn  IN  MKXKO. 


Thll 


I  h  ive  said  that  nmny  manuHcripts,  mostly  cojjieH, 
but  |)  irliuhly  some  ori^j^inalH,  were  preserved  from  de- 
striK^tioii,  and  retaiiie<l  m  Mexico.  Material  is  not 
ai'<!essil>le  for  a  complete  «letailed  history  of  these 
doeuments,  nor  does  it  seem  desirahle  to  attempt  here 
to  disei!taii,i»'le  the  mimeroiis  contradictory  statements 
on  the  snhject.  The  survivinjir  remnants  of  the  'IVz- 
cucan  archives,  with  a<lditions  from  various  sounds, 
Were  inherited  hy  IxtlilxocliitI,  the  line;  i  descendant 
of  Tezcu(!o's  last  kiny\  who  used  them  ;  .lensively  if 
not  always  judit'iously  in  his  voluminoUH  historical 
writini;s.  Tlie  collection  of  which  these  documents 
formed  a  nucleus  may  he  traced  m«»re  or  less  cltarly 
to  the  successive  possessicni  of  Sit^iienza,  the  (  V»lley;e 
of  San  Pe(ho  y  San  l*ahlo,  iioturini  Benaduci,  tlie 
Vice-re<jfal  Palace,  Vtytia,  ()r*e^'a,  Leon  y  (Jama, 
Pichardo,  Sanchez,  and  jit  last  to  the  Nati(»nal  Mu- 
seum of  the  Hniversity  of  Mexii-o,  its  pri'sent  and 
appropriiite  restin^^-j>lac(\  FretpU'ut  interventions  of 
«fovernment  and  private  law-suits  interrupted  this 
line  of  succession,  and  thi^  colhction  hy  n(»  m(tans 
passed  down  the  line  intact.  I'lidcr  the  care  ol'  sev- 
eral of  the  owners  larj^e  portions  of  the  accumulation 
were  scattered;  hut  on  the  otlan*  hand,  several  l»y 
persitnal  research  oreatly  enlarsj^ed  their  store  of  ah- 
ori-jfinal  literature.  While  in  Siijiienzas  possession 
the  (IfHumeiits  were  e\.  nniu'd  hy  the  Italian  traveler 
(Jemelli  Careri,  through  whose  puhlish«'<l  work  one  of 
the  most  important  t)f  the  j»ictured  na-ords  was  made 
known  to  the  world.  This  latter  has  Iummi  often  re- 
puhlished  and  will  he  n'lven  as  a  specimen  in  this 
chaitter."  ('lavit,^'ro  studied  the  maimscripts  in  the 
.Kssuit  Col'ejre  of  San   I*e<lro  y  San    F*al>lo  in    \7^)\h^ 

ii'y.iu  CimIcx  ill  |ilati'M  1."",  '.'7,  '17.  Sunic  |iji;.'c.s  of  llic  \'i<Miiiii  ('mlcN  wciv 
|iul>liKlii'i|  ill  lliihrrt^'iiii's  lli.it.  Anirr.,  (I.iiihI  ,  17771,  vil.  ii.,  |>.  IS'J. 

"  Ciiriri,  (liriiilil  Moin/n,  (Nii|ilcs,  ItJiMI-  ITlHt),  toiii.  \i,;  Ihuiilni/i//,  ]'iii:<i, 
toiil.  ii.,  |tii.  KJS  S,'i,  Alius,  |il.  xwii.;  Ixniiisliiiriiiiiili's  Mix.  .{iili'i..  Mil,  iv.; 
Si-hiiiihrnfl'.'i  Arr/i.,  vol.  i.,  |i. 'JO;  I'livn.l/'s  Hist.  I'liiii/.  .Mi.r  {\iv\.  IsUi), 
ti)iii.  iii.;  iiitri'iti  1/  I'liliii.v,  .if/iit;  Siiiiiiii'.s  '/'ill  Triliis,  frniiliH|iii-rc;  ( •iillaliii, 
ill  Aiiin-.  Klhiin.  S<ir.,  Trmisivl. ,  veil,  i.,  ii.  l'J7,  |>ioiii>iiin'cs  it  an  iiiiitaliini 
ami  not  a  coitv of  a  Mcxiraii  |>aiiitiii|{,  nlxmr  aiitlioiitieity  may  lii.'  (louhtu<l. 

'■>  Storiu  A)il.  ifil  Mr.t.stcu,  torn,  i.,  pp.  *i2-('i. 


532 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Boturini  was  a  most  indefatigable  collector,  his  accu- 
mulation in  eight  yeai's  amounting  to  over  five  hun- 
dred specimens,  some  of  them  probably  ante -dating 
the  S})ani«h  conijuest.  He  published  a  catalogue  of 
his  treasures,  which  were  for  the  most  part  confiscated 
by  the  government  and  deposited  in  the  })alace  of  the 
viceroy,  where  many  of  the  documents  are  said  to 
have  l)een  destroyed  or  damaged  l)y  damj^ness  and 
want  of  care.  Those  retained  bv  the  collector  were 
even  more  unfortunate,  since  the  vessel  on  which  they 
were  sent  to  Europe  was  taken  by  an  English  pirate, 
and  the  papers  have  never  since  l)een  heard  of.  Only 
a  few  fragments  from  the  Boturini  collection  have 
ever  been  published,  the  most  imjwrtant  of  which,  a 
history  of  the  Aztec  migration,  has  been  often  re- 
produced, and  will  be  given  »n  this  chapter.  The 
original  was  seen  by  HumlK)ldt  in  tl»*!  palace  of  the 
vicerov,  and  is  now  in  the  Mexican  Museum.'" 

The  confiscated  documents  pHJ*t*ed  by  order  of  the 
Spanish  government  hito  the  hands  of  \'»vtia.  or  at 
least  lie  was  permitted  to  use  them  in  tin-  preparation 
of  his  history,"  and  after  his  death  ar*d  tti*  cf/rnple- 
tion  of  his  work  by  Ortega,  they  passt/J,  mA  without 
a  lawsuit,  into  the  j)ossession  of  f^'on  y  Oama,  the 
astronomer."  ( )ii  tlio  death  of  (iama  a  part  of  his 
mamiscripts  were  K<»ld  to  Humboldt  to  ft)rm  the  Ber- 
lin collection  published  by  KingslM)rougb;'^  the  rest 


n  Botiiriiti.  CaMlogo,  in  /</.,  /r/ru,  Aiihiii,  in  Rv(is»fiir  dr  Jiourhourg, 
Ili-it.  Nut.  dr.,  toMi.  i..  pp.  xxxiii.;  frrnroff'/i  Mrj;.,  v«»l.  i.,  pp.  I.'»*-4I0; 
HinnhnMt,  Vtirn,  ttini.  i.,  pp  KW  3,  'Z-ilfr-A;  ('l>n-i/firv,  Storia  Aiif.  drl  \tf»- 
ulri,,  toiii.  !.,  pp.  '15-17,  '.'3-.');  <riit/<i(ni,  in  Aiaer.  Klhno.  So<:,  Tranxurt , 
vol.  i.,  pp.  I'20-I;  I'fi/fin,  Hist.  Ant.  Mr/.,  toni.  i.,  p.  xxi.,  et  scq.,  p.  1 1« 
'I'iuit  portion  of  tiic  rcMlt'X  M<MHlo/.a  jfivon  in  Vortfn,  Hist.  N.  En/mrin,  »«« 
fiMMi  II  rops  ii'  till*  llotnrini  colU'.-tion.  Tliv  n)anuHcript  ilcHcriliiii};  tli*> 
Aztec  hii;;rati<>ii  wtin  piihliMlii-il  in  KinptlM>rnu};li,  Srli«Milcmft,  I'rcscott. 
(MfX.  IH4(ll,  lliinilMildt  M  .l^/f(.v,  Dcliilii'lirH  Antiq.  Amir.,  (ianlii  v  Culms' 
A  tins,  anil  I  liavo  in  ni\  lihrury  two  copiuH  on  long  tttripH  of  ]>u|)(;r  fol<ic(l  in 
tiie  ori;.'inul  form. 

'•  Ortc;;a,  in  I'ruti/i.  Hist.  j\  *.  Mrj.,  toni.  I.,  pp.  xxii-xxiv.,  Ha\«  thi'V 
wiTo  not  jfiviMi  to  Vcvtia  iIm  Hotnrini  a  executor,  but  winiply  entruHteU  to 
him  for  \\*v  in  liis  work,  and  aftfrwanJM  ri<tnrne<l  to  the  areliivuH. 

'*  (iomlra.  in  I'irsi-off.  /fist,  t'otiq.  Ulrjr.  (M«;x.,  1840),  toHi.  iii.,  p.  ii.,  H4iyH 
that  ( ianni  waH  Si)r(keny.a'H  heir. 

ii  Humboldt,  luut,  toni.  i.,  pp.  IC).  ■i.'M  1. 


hip:roglyphic  development. 


533 


came  into  the  hands  of  Pichardo,  (Jrama's  executor, 
who  spent  his  j)rivate  fortune  in  iniprovinji^  his  collec- 
tion, described  by  Humboldt  as  the  richest  in  Mexico. 
Many  of  Pichardo's  papers  were  scattered  durin«;  the 
revolution,  and  the  remainder  descended  throuufli  his 
executor  Sanchez  to  the  Museum."  It  is  not  unlikely 
either  that  the  French  intervention  in  later  years  was 
also  the  means  of  sendinj^  some  picture- writ! n«^s  to 
Europe.  Of  the  documents  removed  from  the  Mexi- 
can collections  on  difterent  occasions  and  under  ditfer- 
ent  T>retexts,  M.  Aubin  claims  to  have  secured  the 
larffer  part,  which  are  now  in  his  collection  in  J^aris, 
with  co])ies  of  such  maimscripts  as  he  has  l)een  unable 
to  cbtain  in  the  orijfinal  form." 


In  order  to  form  a  clear  idea  of  the  Aztec  system 
of  picture-writinjjc,  it  will  be  well  to  consider  first  the 
-'eneral  principles  of  hiero«)flyphic  development,  which 
ire  remarkably  uniform  and  simple,  and  which  may 
l)eHt  f*-  illustrated  l>y  our  own  langua*»'e,  supposin*^  it, 
f<f»r  C(Mivenience,  to  be  only  a  spoken  timyue. 

ft  is  ♦•vidt'iit  that  the  first  attempt  at  expressing? 
Wi«'as  with  the  brush,  [)encil,  or  knife,  would  be  the 
reprcs»rritatioti  of  visible  objects  by  j)ictures  as  accti- 
rately  <irawn  .'is  jK)ssible;  a  house,  man,  bird,  or  Hower 
are  Jravvn  true  to  the  life  in  all  their  details.  But 
very  s<M»n,  if  a  frecjuent  repetition  of  the  pictures  were 
needed,  a  desire  to  save  labor  would  prompt  the  artist 
to  simplify  his  drawing,  makiiiLj  only  the  liiu^s  neces- 
mi4f  to  show  that  a  lnHiwe,  man,  etc.,  were  meant,  -a 
rt!<f'>yfnide  movement  artisti<ally  considerel.  but  intel- 
lectually the  first  step  towaids  an  Ml]>iiabet.  The 
rej»resentation  of  action.^  aiul  conditions,  such  as  a 
house  on  fire,  a  dead  man,  a  flvini>-  bird,  or  a  red  flower 
Would  naturally  follow. 

'*  /hmtfiinfinfr,  in  Leon  y  damn,  Ikm  PifArax,  pt  i.,  pp.  ii-iii.    ~_- 

'■*  St'c  li»t  of  part  iif  M.  AuUin'-  iiiniiii'U'riptH  in  lirnssrurih'  RouftioHrr/, 
Ilixt,  S'lif.  f '//'.,  toMi.  i.,  |ip.  Ivvxi  lxx^iil  ;  uIho  a  very  ••Diiiplt'to  acrdimt  of 
llic  ilirt'tTfiit  oillcriiiiiiM  of  A/tcM-  pii-liiiV'Wriliii;>N  '  ill  tiic  iiitnxlurtory 
••hapti'r  of  l){jin€ii'ih,  Atnuiuint  J'oloyruj)/ii<jU(. 


534 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  three  j^rades  of  cleveh)pment  mentioned  helong 
to  what  may  he  tenned  representative  picture-writiiiju^. 
It  is  tt)  he  noted  that  this  writing  has  no  rehition  to 
hin<;uaufe;  that  is,  the  signs  re})resent  only  visihle  oh- 
jects  and  actions  Avithout  reference  to  tlie  words  l)y 
which  the  oiyects  are  named  or  the  actions  expressed 
in  our  hinguage.  The  pictures  would  have  the  same 
meaning  to  a  Frenchman  or  Cjermanas  to  the  painter. 

The  next  higher  phase  of  the  art  is  known  as  svm- 
bolic  picture-writing.  It  springs  from  the  need  that 
would  soon  he  experienced  of  some  method  hy  which 
to  express  abstract  (pialities  or  invisible  oiyects.  The 
symbolic  system  is  closely  analogous  in  its  earlier 
stages  to  the  represiiutative,  as  when  the  act  of  swim- 
ming is  symbolized  by  a  fish,  a  journey  by  a  succes- 
sion of  f<K>tprints,  night  by  a  black  s<|uare,  light  by 
an  eye,  power  by  a  hand,  the  connection  between  the 
picture  anil  the  idea  to  be  expressed  being  more  or  less 
obvious,  Such  a  comiection,  real  or  imaginary,  must 
always  be  supposed  to  have  existed  originally,  since  it 
is  not  likely  that  purely  arbitrary  symbols  would  be 
adopted,  but  nearly  all  the  symbols  would  be  practi- 
cally arbitrary  and  meaningless  to  a  would-be  inter- 
preter ignorant  of  the  circumstances  which  originated 
their  signification. 

We  have  seen  that  the  symbolic  and  representative 
stages  of  development  are  in  many  res])ects  very  like 
one  to  the  other,  and  there*  are  many  hieroglyphic 
metluKls  between  the  two,  which  it  is  verv  difiicult  to 
assign  altogether  to  eitlier.  For  instance,  when  a 
large  j>ainted  heart  expresses  the  name  of  a  chief 
'Big  Heart;'  or  when  a  j>eculiarly  formed  nose  is 
painted  to  rej)resent  the  man  to  whom  it  belongs;  or 
when  tbe  outlines  of  the  house,  man,  bird,  or  fiower 
already  mentioned  are  so  very  much  simplified  as  to 
lose  all  their  a]>parent  resemblance  to  the  objects 
represents!,  ft  is  also  to  be  noted  that  the  symbolic 
writing,  as  well  as  the  re})resentative,  is  entirely  in- 
dependent of  language. 


HHPItESENTATIVE  AND  SYMBOLIC  WUITING. 


&35 


Pictiire-writinjr  of  the  two  classes  descrilHjd  has  l)eeii 
praeti(;ed  uiore  or  less,  i)robal)ly,  hy  every  savajje 
tribe.  By  its  aid  records  of  events,  such  as  tribal 
inij>rations,  and  tlie  warlike  achievements  of  noted 
chiefs,  may  be  anil  doubtless  have  been  made  intelli- 
gible to  those  for  wluwe  ]»erusal  they  wtjre  intended. 
But  the  key  to  such  hierojLflyphics  is  the  actual  ac- 
(juaintance  of  the  nation  with  eacli  chara<*ter  and 
symbol,  and  it  cannot  loni»'  survive  the  practice  of  the 
art.  Jn  only  two  ways  can  the  meanin*.^  <'f  >^i>*h 
records  be  i>reserved, — the  study  of  the  art  while 
actually  in  use  by  a  peo]>le  of  superior  culture,  or  its 
devel<)pment  into  a  hierojflypbic  system  of  a  liiyher 
jjfrade.  Neither  of  these  conditions  were  fulfilled  in 
the  case  of  our  Wild  Tribes,  but  both  were  so  to  some 
extent,  as  we  shall  see,  in  the  case  of  the  C'ivili/ed 
Nations.  Throughout  the  Pacific  States  rock-carvinii^s 
and  painted  devices  will  be  noted  in  a  subseipient  vol- 
ume of  this  work ;  most  of  them  doubtless  bad  a  me.in- 
ui^  to  their  authors,  althouoch  many  may  be  attributed 
to  the  characteristic  common  to  savau^es  and  iliildren 
of  whilinj^  away  time  by  tracinjjc  unmeaniniif  sketches 
from  fancy.  All  are  meaninucless  now  and  must  evi  i- 
remain  so.  Full  of  meaniiii^  to  the  ^feneration  whose 
work  they  were,  they  served  t«)  keep  alive  in  the  tol- 
lowinif  ^feneration  the  memory  <»f  some  distinuiiished 
warrior,  or  some  element  of  aboriti'inal  worship,  but 
to  the  third  <jeneration  thev  became  nt)t]iinL:-  but  ob- 
jects  of  superstitious  wonder.  Kven  after  cominif 
into  contact  with  h^:>"opeans  the  siiva<;e  often  indicates 
by  an  arrow  and  otluT  fiLTures  cjirved  on  a  forest-tree 
the  number  of  an  enemy  and  the  dire<tion  tluy  have 
taken,  or  leaves  some  other  e<|ually  simple  representa- 
tive record. 

The  next  and  most  important  step  in  hierooly]»hic 
develojtnient  is  taktii  when  a  phonetic  element  is  in- 
troduced; wJien  the  pictures  come  into  a  ndation,  not 
bef«»ir  attaininl,  with  sounds  or  spoken  liin;4ii!ii^e ; 
when    a    pictui*e  of   thr   luunaii   form    sinrnifies    ntai:, 


636 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


not  homme  or  hombre;  a  painted  house,  house,  not 
caxa  or  maison.  Of  this  phonetic  picture-writing 
in  its  simplest  form,  the  illustrated  rebuses — chil- 
dren's hieroglyphics — present  a  familiar  example;  as 
when  charity  is  written  by  drawing  in  succession  a 
chair,  an  eye,  and  a  chest  ef  tea,  *  chair-eye-tea.'  In 
pronouncing  the  whole  word  thus  written,  the  sounds 
of  the  words  represented  by  the  pictures  are  used 
without  the  slightest  reference  to  their  meaning.  To 
the  Frenchman  the  same  pictures  'chaise -ceil -the' 
would  have  no  meaning. 

In  the  example  given  the  whole  name  of  each  word 
pictured  is  pronounced,  but  the  number  of  Mords  that 
could  be  produced  by  such  combinations  is  limited, 
and  the  first  improvement  of  the  system  would  per- 
haps be  to  pronounce  only  the  leading  syllable  or 
sound  of  the  pictured  word,  and  then  charity  might 
be  painted  'cha  (pel)-ri  (ng)-tee  (th).'  By  this  sys- 
tem the  same  word  might  he  written  in  a  great  many 
ways,  and  tlu3  next  natural  improvement  would  l)e 
the  conventional  adoption  of  certain  easily  pictured 
words  to  represent  certain  sounds,  as  *hat,'  'hand,'  or 
'ham,'  for  the  sound  ha,  or  simply  the  aspirated  h. 
The  next  development  would  be  effected  by  simplify- 
ing the  outlines  of  the  numerous  pictures  employed, 
which  have  now  become  too  complicated  and  bulky 
for  rapid  writing.  For  a  time  this  process  of  siiii])li- 
fit'ation  would  still  leave  a  rude  resemblance  to  the 
original  picture;  but  at  last  the  resemblance  would 
become  very  faint,  or  only  imaginary,  and  j)erha|»s 
some  arbitrary  signs  would  be  added — in  other  words, 
a  phonetic  alphal)et  would  be  invented,  the  highest 
degree  of  perfection  yet  aciiieved  in  this  direction. 

To  recapitulate  bricHy:  picture-writing  may  be  di- 
vided, according  to  the  successive  stages  of  its  devel- 
opment, into  three  classes,  re[)resentative,  symbolic, 
and  phonetic,  \h  -mw  of  which  except  the  last  in  its 
highest  or  alphabetic,  and  the  first  in  its  rudest,  state, 
would  be  used  alone  by  any  people,  but  rather  all 


HIEROGLYPHIC  WRITING. 


687 


would  be  employed  together.  In  the  representative 
stage  a  ^  might  express  a  human  hand,  or  as  the 
system  is  perfected,  a  large,  small,  closed,  black,  or 
red  hand;  and  finally  'Big  Hand,'  an  Indian  chief; 
and  all  this  would  be  equally  intelligible  to  American 
or  Asiatic,  savage  or  civilized,  without  respect  to 
language. 

Symbolic  picture-writing  indicates  invisible  or  ab- 
stract objects,  actions,  or  conditions,  by  the  use  of 
pictures  sui)posed  to  be  suggestive  of  them ;  the  sym- 
bols are  originally  in  a  manner  representative,  and 
rarely,  if  ever,  arbitrarily  adupted.  As  a  symbol  the 
{j  might  express  power,  a  blow,  murder,  the  number 
one  or  five.  These  symbols  are  also  independent  of 
language. 

Phonetic  picture-writing  represents  not  objects,  but 
sounds  by  the  picture  of  objects  in  whose  names  the 
sound  occurs;  first  words,  then  syllables,  then  ele- 
mentary sounds,  and  last  —  by  modification  of  the 
pictures  or  the  substitution  of  simpler  ones — letters 
and  an  alphui»et.  According  to  this  system  the  ^ 
siirnifies  successivelv  the  word  'hand,'  the  svlial)le 
'hand'  in  handsome,  the  sound  'ha'  in  happy,  the 
aspiration  'h'  in  head,  and  finally,  by  simpHfying  its 
form  «r  writing  it  rsipidly,  the  ^  becomes  h,  and  then 
the  'h   of  the  alphabet. 

The  process  of  development  which  I  have  attempted 
to  explain  by  iniaginarv  exiimples  and  iiiustrations  in 
our  own  language,  is  probably  applicable  to  a  greater 
or  less  extent  to  all  hieroglyphic  systems;  vt-t  such 
hierogly|)hics  as  have  been  preserved  are  of  a  mixed 
class,  uniting  in  one  word,  or  senterno,  or  d<K'unu!ut, 
iill  the  forms,  representative,  symlK»liv,  an<l  phonetic; 
the  Egyptians  first  sj>elled  a  wtuxi  phonetieally  aM<l 
then,  to  make  the  meaning  clear,  re[)resente(l  the 
word  by  a  picture  or  sviuIh)!  ;  the  Chinese  characters 
were  originally  j)ictures  of  visible  objects,  though 
they  would  m^  now  be  recognize<i  Jis  such,  if  the 
originals  were  not  in  existence.     What  j)roj)ortion  of 


588 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


the  letters  in  modern  alphabets  are  simplified  pictures, 
or  roj)re8entative  characters,  and  what  arbitrary,  it  is 
of  course  iini)()HHible  to  determine;  many  of  them, 
however,  are  known  to  be  of  the  former  class." 

In  the  Aztec  picture-writings  all  the  grades  or 
classes  of  pictures  are  found,  except  the  last  and  high- 
est— the  al|)habet.  A  very  large  pait  of  the  charac- 
ters employed  were  representative ;  many  conventional 
syml)ols  are  known;  and  the  Aztecs  undoubtedly  em- 
ployed plionetic  paintings,  though  perhaps  not  very 
extensively  in  the  higher  grades  of  development. 

The  plate  on  the  opj)08ite  page  is  a  reproduction  of 
a  part  of  the  Codex  Mendoza  from  Kingsborough's 
work.  Its  four  grouj)s  describe  the  education  of  the 
Aztec  child  under  the  care  of  its  parents.  In  the  first 
group  the  father  (fig.  .'{)  is  punishing  his  son  by  hold- 
ing him  over  the  fumes  of  burning  chile  (fig.  5);  while 
the  mother  threatens  her  daughter  with  the  same 
punishment.  Figures  2  and  8  represent,  like  11,1  (>, 
20,  24,  30  and  34  in  the  other  groups,  the  child's  al- 
lowan<'e  of  tortillas  at  each  meal.  In  the  secitiid 
group  the  son  is  punished  by  being  stretched  naked 
on  the  wet  ground,  having  his  luunls  tied,  while  the 
girl  is  foncd  to  swee|),  or,  as  she  has  no  tear  in  her 
eye,  jierhaps  is  merely  being  taught  to  sweep  instead 
of  being  })ui)i.shed.  In  the  third  grouj)  the  father  em- 
ploys his  boys  in  luinging  wo«)d  (fig.  21)  or  reeds 
either  on  the  back  or  in  a  can»)e;  and  the  mother 
tea<;hes  her  daughter  to  make  tortillas  (fig.  27)  and 
the  use  of  the  metate  and  other  household  utensils 
(figs.  23,  25,  26,  28).  In  the  last  group  the  son  learns 
the  art  of  fishing,  and  the  daughter  that  of  weaving. 


'6  In  the  Egyptian  development,  ft  i)ict.iiretl  mouth  first  Rignificd  the 
word  rn,  then  the  syUahle  ro,  and  tinally  the  h'tter  or  Hound  r,  ultlioii^di  it 
Ih  thMil>tful  if  thev  nuu\i'  much  use  of  tlie  third  t<ta!.'e,  except  in  writiii}.' 
Home  foreijfn  wonU.  Many  of  the  Ciiiiiese  ])icturcM  are  douhie,  one  iM-in;^ 
determinative  of  sound,  tlic  otiier  of  HcuHe;  as  if  in  Knglish  >ve  shouhl  e.\- 
iirews  tiie  xound  jmir  hy  a  picture  of  the  fruit  of  that  name,  the  fruit  jxar 
liy  (lie  same  picture  nccomiianied  by  a  tree,  tlie  wtuii  jmrr  hy  the  name  pic- 
ture and  a  knife,  the  word  i«»/>  hy  the  jiicture  and  two  points,  ete.  Hum- 
boldt, Viiex,  toni.  ).,  pp.  17<-'.»;  Tj/lor's  ilinninhr.i,  pp.  OS-IOl. 


SPECIMEN  FKOM  CUDEX  MENUOZA. 


'"GO 
COOQO 
00000 


coooo    f^ 
coooo 


Education  of  Aztec  CItildrcn. 


Thus  far  all  the  pictures  are  purely  representative; 
the  remainder  are  more  or  less  symbolic.  Tlie  small 
circles  (H<,^  1,  10,  H),  29)  are  numerals,  as  explained 
in  a  juecedini^  chai)ter,  and  indicate  the  aye  of  the 


640 


THE  N AH  II A  NATIONS. 


children,  eleven,  twelve,  thirteen,  and  fourteen  years 
respectively;  the  character  isHuin^  from  the  mouth  of 
the  parents  is  the  8yml)ol  of  siK'ech,  and  indicates  that 
the  person  to  whom  it  is  attached  is  speakinjir;  the 
tears  in  the  children's  eyes,  are  symlnils  of  the  weep- 
inir  naturally  caused  by  the  punishment  inflicted;  and 
fiffure  14  is  interpreted  to  be  a  syml>ol  of  nijjht,  indi- 
cating that  the  child  was  forced  to  sweep  at  nijjfht." 

Many  of  the  Aztec  symbols  are  of  clearly  repre- 
sentative ori»^in,  as  foot-prints,  symb<ilw  of  travelmjf; 
tongues,  of  speech;  a  man  sitting  on  the  ground,  of 
an  earth(}uake ;  painted  drops,  of  water;  and  other  signs 
for  day,  night,  air,  movement,  etc.,  which  are  more  or 
less  clear.  But  of  others,  as  the  serpent,  symbol  of 
time,  the  origin  is  not  affirmed.  To  define  the  extent 
to  which  the  symbolic  writing  prevailed  is  very  ditticult, 
Injcause  many  of  the  characters  which  were,  originally 
at  least,  representative,  would  appear  to  the  unini- 
tiated purely  arbitrary ;  and  it  is  not  improbable  that 
many  signs  may  have  had  a  double  meanuig  according 
to  tiio  connection  in  which  they  were  employed.  The 
system  is  ca)»able  of  indefinite  expansion  in  the  hands 
of  the  [)riesthood  for  purpiises  of  religious  mystifica- 
tion; and  the  fact  that  the  religious  and  astrologic 
documents  seem  to  contain  but  few  of  the  representa- 
tive and  phonetic  signs  by  which  other  paintings  are 
interpreted,  lends  some  probability  to  the  theory  that 
the  priests  had  a  partially  distinct  symbolic  system  of 
their  own.  The  Abbe  Brasseur  goes  so  far  as  to  say 
that  all  the  historical  documents  had  a  double  mean- 
ing, one  for  the  initiated,  another  for  the  masses. 
The  use  of  symbols  doubtless  accounts  for  the  difii- 
cultv  experienced  in  tlie  inteqirotation  of  the  j)icturo- 
writings  which  have  been  j)reserved,  and  for  the 
variety  of  extravagant  theories  that  have  been  founded 
on  them. 

The   intermediate   method    already   mentioned   as 

"  Codtx  Mcndozn,  in  Kiiiffiihoruiii//i\i  .l/lx.  Autiq.,  vol.  i.,  pi.  Ixi.     Ex- 
planation, vol.  v.,  pp.  9tt-7.     See  p.  '1\\  of  tliiH  voliiiiie. 


AZTEC  PHONETIC  WRITING. 


541 


coming  between  the  purely  representative  and  the 
8ynil)olic,  was  very  extensively  employed  by  the  Az- 
tecs in  writing  the  names  uf  ])laces  and  persons, 
nearly  all  of  which  were  derived  from  natural  objects. 
Examples  of  this  method  are:  Itzcoatl,  'stone  (or  ob- 
sidian) serpent;'  Chapultepec,  'hill  of  the  grasshop- 
per;' Tz«>mpanco,  'place  of  skulls;'  ChimaljKipoca, 
'smoking  shield;'  Acamapitzin,  'hand  holding  reeds;' 
Macuilxochitl,  'five  flowers;'  Quauhtinchan,  'house  of 
the  eagle;'  all  written  by  the  simple  pictures  of  the 
objects  named.  The  picture  expressing  a  person's 
name  was  attached  by  a  fine  line  to  his  head. 

The  use  of  the  phonetic  element  by  the  Aztecs  was 
first  noticed  by  the  early  missionaries  in  their  efforts 
to  teach  Church  forms.  The  natives,  eager  or  obliged 
to  learn  the  words  so  essential  to  their  salvation  but 
so  new  to  their  ear,  aided  their  memory  by  writing 
phonetically  in  a  rude  way  the  strange  words.  Amen 
was  ex[»ressed  by  the  symbol  of  water,  att,  joined  to 
a  maguey,  tncfl,  forming  the  sounds  atl-metl  or  a-m^, 
sufficiently  accurate  for  their  purpose.  Pater  noster 
was  likewise  written  with  a  flag,  ptintli,  and  a  prickly 
pear,  nm'htli;  or  sometimes  a  stone,  tetl^  was  intro- 
duced before  and  after  the  prickly  pear,  the  whole 
reiuling  pa  (ntfi)  •  te  (tl)  -  noch  (tli)  -  te  (tl).  Here  it 
will  be  observed  that  the  sound  only  of  the  objects 
employed  is  considered,  with  no  reference  to  their 
meaning.  The  name  Teocaltitlan  is  an  excellent 
specimen  of  the  syllabic -phonetic  writing.  It  is 
written  in  one  of  the  manuscripts  of  the  Boturini 
collection  by  a  pictured  pair  of  li{)H,  tentU,  for  the 
syllable  te;  footste|)s,  syml>olic  of  a  road,  otli,  for  o;  a 
house,  <•«///,  f<jr  cnl;  and  teeth,  tlantli,  for  thin,  ti  being 
a  common  connective  syllable.  The  termination  coatl 
is  a  very  frecpient  one  in  Aztec  words,  and  is  often 
written  phonetically  by  a  'pot,'  comitl,  surmounted  by 
the  symbol  of  water,  att,  co-atl;  but  coatl  means 
'serpent'  and  is  also  written  representatively  by  a 
simple  picture  of  that  reptile.     Matlatlan  'net-place,' 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


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Photographic 

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33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

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542 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


is  written  by  pictured  teeth,  tlantli,  phonetic,  and  a 
net,  matia,  representative.  Mixcoatl,  'cloudy  ser- 
pent,' is  expressed  by  the  representative  sio;n  of  a 
cloud,  mixtli,  and  by  the  word  coatl  phonetically  writ- 
ten as  before  explained.  These  examples  suffice  to 
illustrate  the  system.  There  is  no  evidence  that  the 
Aztecs  ever  reached  the  highest  or  alphabetic  stage 
of  hieroglyphics,  and  so  far  as  is  known  they  only 
used  the  syllabic  method  in  writing  names,  and  for- 
eign words  after  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards.  Still 
there  is  some  reason  to  suspect  that  the  phonetic  ele- 
ment was  much  more  in  use  than  has  been  supposed, 
and  that  many  characters  which,  hitherto  considered 
by  students  as  representative  and  symbolic  signs,  have 
yielded  no  meaning,  may  yet  prove  to  be  phonetic, 
and  may  throw  much  light  on  a  complex  and  myste- 
rious subject.^* 


•8  'Oil  trouve  ini^ine  cliez  les  Mexicaiiis  des  vestiges  de  ce  genre  d'liiero- 
glyphes  que  Ton  aitpelle  ])lioiictii[iies,  et  qui  nniioiive  des  rapports,  iioii  avee 
meiiose,  iiiais  avec  la  laiigue  parlee.'  Humboldt,  Vuc.ti,  torn,  i.,  p.  191,  also 
pp.  l(>'2-'202.  '  IJut,  alt'Tougli  the  Aztecs  were  instructed  in  all  tlie  varieties  of 
iiieroglypliical  n'liiitiiig,  tliey  cliierty  resorted  to  tiie  clumsy  nietliod  of  direct 
representation.  I'lrsr.olfs  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  p.  97,  also  i)p.  88-107.  'It  is  to  M. 
Aubin,  of  Paris,  a  most  zealous  student  of  Mexican  antiquities,  that  we  owe 
our  first  clear  knowledge  of  a  piieuomenon  of  great  scientiKc  interest  in  the 
liisto\v  of  writing.  This  is  a  well-defined  system  of  ]>hoiietic  characters, 
which  Ciavigero  and  Humlioldt  do  not  seem  to  have  been  aware  of.'  Ti/lor\t 
Bciicarrhes,  p.  95,  also  pp.  89-I0().  'Dans  les  compositions  grossihres,  dont 
les  auteurs  se  sont  jiresmie  e.\clusiveinent  occuptJs  jusqu'ici,  elle  (I'ecriture 
Azt^que)  est  fort  senibialile  au.v  rebus  que  I'enfance  inC'le  ii  ses  jenx.  Coiii- 
inc  ces  rebus  elle  est  gcneraleiiient  phonutique,  niais  souvent  aiissi  coiifus^- 
nieiit  ideograpliique  et  syiubolique.  Tels  sont  les  noiiis  de  villcs  et  de  rois, 
cites  liar  Ciavigero,  d'aprbs  Purchaa  ct  Lorenzaiia  et  d'apres  Ciavigero,  par 
line  foule  d'auteurs.'  Aiduii,  in  Brasseitr  dc  Bourlmurq,  Hist.Nnt.  Civ., 
torn.  '  ,  pp.  xliv.,  <xx-lxxiv.  See  also  on  Aztec  hieroglyphics  and  their 
explanation:  ISiixrhinunn,  Ortxuamen,  toni.  i.,  ]q).  37-48;  uoiidm,  in  Ptrs- 
coff,  Hist.  Com/.  Mcx.,  (Mex.  1841)),  totn.  iii. ;  Lmn  y  Gamu,  Dos  I'iedras, 
pt  ii.,  pp.  29-45;  Ell  hank,  in  Srhoolcrnft'.i  Arrh.,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  453-«);  ^h•ll^ 
dozn,  in  Sor.  M''X.  (frotf.,  Bofctin,2t\n  6yn>ci\.,  toni.  i.,  jqi.  89(!-9()4;  Rinnirez, 
in  Id.,  toni.  iii..  pp.  ()9-70;  lioturini.  Idea,  jip.  5,  77-87,  9(').  ll'J-13;  CUiriqcm, 
Ston'a  Aiif..  del  Mc.i.siro,  toin.  ii.,  ]>i).  187-94;  I'imnitii,  M'ni.  sohrcla  Miiza 
Indiiji'iKi,  pj(.  49-50;  Carbtijn/.  fH.iriirso,  p.  5;  Klemm,  Ciiltiir-Gfse/iii'./ite, 
toni.  v.,  pp.  131-7;  Vhei'itlir'r,  M  .r.  Aiiricn.  ct  Mod.,  \\\>.  37-8,58;  Hmiiholdt, 
Ksmi  Pol.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  77,  93;  Foster's  Pre-Hist.  Rnres,  p.  322;  Gidlatiii, 
in  Anier.  Ethno.  Sac,,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  12(i,  l()5-08;  Ramirez,  Proccso  dc 
Resld.;  Lenoir,  PiiralUle,m\  1.3-16;  Luhhoek's  Pre- Hist.  7Vwr.«,  p.  279;  N. 
Amvr.  Rerieir,  1839,  vol.  xlviii.,  p.  '289,  1831,  vol.  xxxii.,  pp.  98-107;  ..4«ic;-. 
Quart.  Review,  June  1827,  vol.  i.,  p.  438. 


RECORD  OF  AN  AZTEC  MIGRATION. 


543 


On  the  two  following  pages  is  a  copy  of  tlie  paint- 
ing already  referred  to  as  having  been  published  by 
Genielli  Careri,  Humboldt,  Kingsborough,  Prescott, 
and  others,  and  which  1  take  from  the  work  of  iia- 
mirez  as  being  probably  the  most  reliable  source.*" 
This  painting,  preserved  in  the  National  Museum,  is 
about  twenty  by  twenty-seven  inches,  on  maguey 
paper  of  the  finest  (juality,  now  mounted  on  linen. 
I  do  not  propose  to  attempt  in  this  chapter  any  inter- 
pretation of  the  painting,  to  discuss  the  interpreta- 
tions of  others,  or  to  invest  gate  its  historical  import- 
ance. I  simply  present  the  document  as  an  illustra- 
tion of  the  Aztec  picture-writing,  with  interpretations 
of  some  of  the  figures  as  given  by  Senor  Ramirez, 
leaving  to  another  volume  all  consideration  of  the  old 
absurd  theory  that  a  part  of  the  painting  (fig.  1-G) 
pictures  the  flood,  the  preservation  of  Coxcox,  the  Az- 
tec Noah,  and  the  confusion  of  tongues. 

The  winding  parallel  lines,  with  frequent  foot-prints, 
by  which  the  different  groups  of  figures  are  united, 
are  symbols  of  a  journey,  and  there  is  little  doubt 
that  the  whole  [)ainting  describes  the  migrations  or 
wanderings  of  the  Aztec  people.  The  square  at  the 
right  represents  the  place  from  which  they  started. 
Fig.  1,  2,  perhaps  express  phonetically  its  name,  but 
their  interpretation  is  doubtful.  It  was  evidently  a 
water}'  region,  probably  a  lake  island  in  the  valley  of 
Mexico.  Fig.  3  is  a  xii(limo/pill{,  'bundle  of  grass,' 
symbol  of  the  Aztec  cycle  of  fifty-two  years;  fig.  4 
is  a  'curved  mountain,'  or  the  city  of  Culhuacan,  on 
the  borders  of  the  lake;  fig.  5  is  a  bird  speaking  to 
the  people  (fig.  0),  the  tongues  issuhig  from  its  njouth 
l)eing,  as  I  have  said,  the  usual  symbols  of  speech. 
It  was  a  popular  tradition  among  the  Aztecs  that  the 
voice  of  a  bird  started  them  on  their  wanderings. 
The  fifteen  human  forms  (fig.  7,  12,)  are  the  chiefs  of 
the  migrating  tribes,  whose  names  are  hieroglyphically 


'*  In  Gnrcia  y  Ciihas,  Atlat,  with  an  interpretation. 


544 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  Altec  Migration. 


PICTURE-WRITING  FROM  GEMELLI  CARERI.  645 


A'-t»-.^ 


Vol.  II.   £6 


The  Aztec  Migration. 


Hi 


I  I 


i 


516 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


expressed  by  the  figures  connected  with  their  heads. 
At  their  first  stopping-place  they  completed  another 
'sheaf  of  fifty-two  years  (fig.  8),  and  perhaps  built  a 
temple  (fig.  11).  The  stay  at  Cincotlan  (fig.  15)  was 
ten  years  as  indicated  by  the  ten  circles;  fig.  17  is 
interpreted  by  Gemelli  Careri  Tocolco,  'humiliation,' 
and  fig.  18,  Oztotlan,  'place  of  caves.'  At  the  next 
stopping-place  fig.  20  represents  a  body  wrapped  in 
the  Mexican  manner  for  burial ;  his  name  as  shown  by 
the  character  over  his  head  is  that  of  the  central 
figure  in  the  group  shown  in  fig.  7.  As  this  name 
does  not  appear  again,  the  meaning  is  perhaps  that 
one  of  the  tribes  here  became  extinct.  Fig.  25  is 
Tetzapotlan,  'place  of  the  tree  tetzapotl.'  The  gen- 
eric name  of  the  tree  is  tzapotl  (modern  zapote),  but  a 
particular  species  is  tetzapotl,  and  the  prefix  te  is  pho- 
netically expressed  by  the  stone,  tetl,  at  the  base  of 
the  tree.  Fig.  28  is  Tzompanco,  'place  of  skulls,' 
representing  supposably  a  skull  impaled  on  a  stick ; 
fig.  29  is  Apazco,  'earthen  vase;'  fig.  31,  Quauhtitlan 
'place  of  the  eagle,'  and  here  one  of  the  chiefs  of 
tribes,  the  right  hand  figure  of  group  7,  separates 
from  the  rest  to  form  a  settlement  at  fig.  33.  The 
time  of  stopping  at  each  place  and  the  completion  of 
each  fifty-two  years  are  clearly  indicated  and  need  not 
be  mentioned  here.  Fig.  34  is  Azcapuzalco,  'The  ant- 
hill;' fig.  83  is  Chalco,  'the  chalchiuite-stone;'  fig.  36, 
Tlecohuatl,  tletl-cohuatl,  or  'fire-serpent;'  fig.  39,  Chi- 
comoztoc,  'chicome-oztotl,'  'seven  caves;'  the  lower 
part  of  fig.  47  is  the  symbol  of  water;  fig.  48,  Teozo- 
maco,  'the  monkey  of  stone.'  Fig.  50  is  Chapultepec, 
'hill  of  the  locust  or  grasshopper.'  After  the  arrival 
at  Chapultepec  a  great  variety  of  events,  most  of 
which  can  be  identified  with  traditional  occurrences  in 
the  early  history  of  the  Aztecs,  are  pictured.  I  shall 
not  attempt  to  ibllow  them.  The  route  seems  to  con- 
tinue towards  fig.  80,  Tlatelolco;  but  five  tribes  (fig. 
53),  all  but  one  identical  with  those  of  the  group  in  fig. 
7,  12,  return  as  fugitives  or  prisoners  (fig.  51)  to  Cul- 


CHRONOLOGIC  RECORD. 


547 


huacan  (fig.  54),  the  original  starting-point.  Fig.  61, 
and  one  of  the  characters  of  fig.  65,  are  tlie  symbols 
of  combat  or  war.  Fig.  67  is  Inixiuhcan,  'birth- 
place,' the  picture  representing  a  woman  who  has  just 
given  birth  to  a  child.  Fig.  74  is  Tenochtitlan,  'place 
of  tenochtli,'  the  tenochtli  being  a  species  of  nopal 
represented  in  the  figure,  and  being  also  the  sign  of 
the  name  of  Tenoch,  one  of  the  original  chiefs  of  the 
group  in  fig.  12,  and  also  seen  in  the  group  in  fig.  81. 
Six  of  the  original  tribes  seem  to  have  reached  Te- 
nochtitlan, afterwards  Mexico,  with  the  tribe  that 
joined  them  at  Chapultepec;  nine  having  perished  or 
been  scattered  on  the  wr.y,  which  agrees  with  the  his- 
torical tradition.  The  preceding  brief  sketch  will  give 
an  idea  of  a  document  whose  full  description  and  in- 
terpretation, even  if  possible,  would  require  much 
space  and  would  not  be  appropriately  included  here. 
The  picture-writing  shown  on  the  following  pages 
is  the  one  already  mentioned  as  having  formed  part 
of  the  Boturini  collection,  is  equally  important  with 
the  one  already  described,  and  is  preserved  like  the 
former  in  the  National  Museum.  This  painting,  like 
the  other,  describes  a  migration,  indicated  by  the  line 
of  foot-prints.  Starting  from  an  island,  a  passage  by 
boat  is  indicated  to  Culhuacan,  'the  curved  mountain,' 
on  the  mainland.  In  this  painting  we  hav^  not  only 
the  number  of  years  spent  in  the  migration,  and  at 
each  stopping-place,  but  the  years  are  named  accord- 
ing to  the  system  described  in  the  last  chapter,  .and 
the  migration  began  in  the  year  Ce  Tecpatl.  The 
character  within  that  of  Culhuacan  is  the  name  of 
Huitzilopochtli,  the  great  Aztec  god.  Next  we 
have  in  a  vertical  line  the  names  of  the  eight  tribes, 
hieroglyphically  written,  who  started  on  the  mi- 
gration, the  Chalcas,  Matlaltzincas,  Tepanecs,  etc., 
agreeing  with  the  tradition,  except  tliree  which  can- 
not be  accurately  interpreted.  The  first  stopping- 
place  after  Culhuacan  was  Coatlicamac,  the  first  fig- 
ure in  the  lower  column  of  the  first  page.     Here 


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THE  NAHUA  NATIONS, 


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THE  AZTEC  MIGRATION. 


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THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


they  remained  twenty-eight  years  from  Oine  Calli  to 
Yey  Tecpatl  as  indicated  by  tlie  squares  connected  by 
a  line.  The  last  but  one  of  these  years  completed  the 
cycle  and  is  represented  by  a  picture  showing  the 
process  of  kindling  fire  by  friction,  instead  of  the 
bundle  of  grass  as  before.  Between  the  groups  of 
small  squares  are  the  hieroglyphic  names  of  the  stop- 
ping-places, which  are  in  the  following  order,  begin- 
ning with  the  second  column  of  the  first  page,  Coatli- 
camac,  Tollan,  Atlicalaquiam,  Tlemaco,  Atotonilco, 
Apazco,  Tzompanco,  Xaltocan,  Acolhuacan,  Eheca- 
tepec,  Tolpetlac,  Coatitlan  (where  they  first  cultivated 
the  maguey),  Huixachtitlan  (where  they  made  pulque 
from  the  maguey),  Tecpayocan,  Pantitlan,  'place  of 
the  flag,'  Amalinalpan,  Azcapuzalco,  Pantitlan,  Acol- 

nahuac,  Popotla, ,  Atlacuihuayan  (Tacubaya), 

Chapultepec,  Acocolco,  and  Culhuacan  (as  prisoners). 
The  migration  is  not  brought  down  to  the  arrival  in 
Tenochtitlan,  but  the  chronology  is  perfectly  recorded. 
Several  of  the  names  of  places  are  indicated  by  tlie 
same  hieroglyphic  signs  as  in  the  other  painting.  It 
will  be  observed  that  there  is  nothing  to  locate  the 
starting-place  in  the  north-west.  It  was  probably 
either  on  the  lakes  of  Andhuac,  or  in  the  south  be- 
yond what  is  now  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  Both 
oT  these  paintings  will  be  noticed  in  the  historical  in- 
vestigations to  be  given  in  volume  V.  of  this  work. 

The  hieroglyphic  paintings  afford  no  test  of  the 
Aztec  painter's  skill;  in  an  artistic  point  of  view  the 
picture-writing  had  probably  been  nearly  stationary 
for  a  long  time  before  the  conquest.  The  pictures 
were  in  most  cases  conventionally  distorted;  indeed, 
to  permit  different  painters  to  exercise  their  skill  and 
fancy  in  depicting  the  various  objects  required  would 
have  destroyed  the  value  of  the  paintings  as  records. 
The  first  progressional  steps  had  taught  the  native 
scribes  to  paint  only  so  much  of  representative  and 
symbolic  objects  as  was  necessary  to  their  being  un- 
derstood; convenience  and  custom  would  naturally 


THE  NEPOHUALTZITZIN. 


561 


tend  to  fix  the  forms  at  an  early  period.  Bold  out- 
lines, and  bright  contrasted  colors  were  the  desiderata; 
elegance  was  not  aimed  at.  Hence  no  argument  re- 
specting the  Aztec  civilization  can  be  drawn  from  the 
rude  mechanical  execution  of  these  painted  charac- 
ters. 

The  American  hieroglyphics  contain  no  element  to 
prove  their  foreign  origin,  and  there  is  no  reason  to 
look  upon  them  as  other  than  the  result  of  original 
native  development.  Whether  enough  of  the  painted 
records  have  been  preserved  to  throw  nmch  additional 
light  on  aboriginal  history,  may  well  be  doubted;  but 
it  is  certain  that  great  progress  will  be  made  in  the 
art  of  interpreting  such  as  have  been  saved,  when  able 
men  shall  devote  their  lives  to  a  faithful  study  of  this 
indigenous  American  literature  as  they  have  to  the 
study  of  old-world  hieroglyphics.** 

I  will  in  conclusion  call  attention  to  Boturini's 
statement  that  knotted  cords,  similar  to  the  aboriginal 
Peruvian  quipus,  but  called  in  Aztec  nepohualtzitzin, 
were  also  employed  to  record  events  in  early  times, 
but  had  gone  out  of  use  probably  before  the  Aztec 
supremacy.  This  author  even  claims  to  have  found 
one  of  these  knotted  records  in  a  very  dilapidated  con- 
dition in  Tlascala.  His  statement  is  repeated  by 
many  writers;  if  any  information  on  the  subject  is 


20  '  On  distingue  dans  les  peintures  mexicaines  des  t6tes  d'une  grandeur 
<5norme,  un  corps  excessivement  court,  et  des  pieds  qui,  par  la  longueur  des 

doigts,  ressemblent  h  des  griffes  d'oiseau Tout  ceci  indiquc  I'enfance  de 

I'art;  mais  il  ne  faut  pas  onblier  que  des  pcuples  qui  cxprinient  leurs  idees 

par  des  peintures attachent  aussi  peu  d'lniportanec  a  peindre  correcte- 

nient  que  les  savans  d'Europe  h  employer  une  belle  ecnture  dans  leurs 
nianuscrits."  Humboldt,  Vites,  torn,  i.,  pp.  198-200;  Brasseur  de  Bourbovrg, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  653-4.  Valades  in  1579  gave  an  American 
phonetic  alphabet,  representing  each  letter  by  an  object  of  whose  name  it 
was  the  initial  in  some  language  not  the  Aztec.  Nothing  is  known  of  it. 
Id.,  torn,  i.,  p.  Ixx.  Borunda  gives  a  Clave  General  de  GerogUJicos  Ameri- 
canos, in  Voz  de  la  Patria,  1830,  torn,  iv..  No.  iii. — an  extract  in  Leon  y 
Gama,  Dos  Piedras,  pt  ii.,  p.  33.  Sr  Eufemio  Mendoza,  in  Soe.  Mex.  Geog., 
Boletin,  2da  6poca,  tom.  i.,  p.  899,  attaches  some  importance  to  Bonmda's 
efforts.  On  the  difficulty  of  interpretation  see  Boturitii,  Idea,  p.  1 16;  Kinga' 
borough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  vi.,  p.  87;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind,,  tom.  i., 
p.  149;  Ixtlilxochill,  Hist,  Ghich.,  in  KingsborottgKs  Mex,  Antiq,,  vol.  ix,, 
p.  201;  Preacott's  Mex,,  vol.  i.,  p.  107. 


6B2 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


contained  in  the  old  authorities,  it  has  escaped  my 
notice.** 

*>  Boturini,  Idea,  pp.  85-7;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  i.,  p.  6;  Cla- 
viaero,  Storia  Ant.  del  JHe»Hico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  104;  Carhajal  Epinosa,  Hi»t. 
Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  6fi6.  Home  additional  reforcnceson  liicroglypliicH  are:  Id., 
pp.  244,  5»l-2,  650-6,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  86;  Noritmn's  RnmhU«  in  Yuc,  pp.  293- 
6;  Domenech's  Desertfi,  vol.  i.,  pp.  407-8;  Soden,  Spanier  in  Peru,  toni.  ii., 
pp.  27-8;  Huiuierre,  V Empire  Mex.,  pp.  175-6;  Montnn%ts,  Nieuwe  Wee- 
reld,  pp.  206-7;  Dappir,  Neue  Welt,  p.  300;  Dela field's  Antiq.  Anur.,  p. 
42;  Bonnyeastle's  Span.  Amer.,  vol.  i.,  p.  62. 


CHAPTER  XVI IT. 


ARCHITECTURE    AND    DWELLINGS    OF    THE    NAHUAS. 

Architecture  of  the  .^.ncient  Nations  —  General  Featurks  of 
Nahl'a  Architl^i  .  ii— The  Arch  —  Exterior  and  Interior 
Decorations— Method  of  Building— Inclined  Planes— Scaf- 
folds—'iiu.  USE  OF  the  Plummet— BuiLDiNG-MATtaiALS— Posi- 
tion AND  Fortification  ok  Towns— Mexico  Tenochtitlan— 
The  Great  Causeways— Quarters  and  Wards  of  Mexico- 
Tub  Market-Place— Fountains  and  Aqueducts— Light-houhics 
AND  Street- work— City  of  Tezcuco— Dwellings— Aztec  Gar- 
dens—Temple OF  HuiTziLorocHTLi— Temple  of  Mexico— Other 
Temples— Teoc A LLi  at  Cholula  and  Tezcuco. 


I  shall  describe  in  this  chapter  the  cities,  towns, 
temples,  palaces,  dwellinj^s,  roads,  bridges,  aqueducts, 
and  other  products  of  Nahua  architectural  and  con- 
structive art,  as  they  were  found  and  described  by  the 
Spaniards  in  the  sixteenth  century.  Monuments  of 
this  branch  of  Nahua  art  chiefly  in  the  form  of  ruined 
temples,  or  teocallis,  are  still  standing  and  have  been 
examined  in  detail  by  modern  travelers.  The  results 
of  these  later  observations  will  be  given  in  Volume  IV. 
of  this  work,  and  I  have  therefore  thought  it  best  to 
omit  them  altogether  here.  In  order  to  fully  com- 
prehend the  subject  the  reader  will  find  it  advantage- 
ous to  study  and  compare  the  two  views  taken  from 
different  standpoints.  It  is  for  a  general  i  ^d  doubt- 
less exaggerated  account  of  the  grandeur  and  extent 
of  the  Nahua  structures,  rather  than  any  details  o\ 

(S.'>3) 


554 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


their  construction  that  we  must  look  to  the  Spanish 
chronicles ;  and  it  is  also  to  be  noted  that  the  descrip- 
tions by  the  conquerors  are  confined  almost  entirely  to 
the  lake  region  of  Andhuac,  the  buildings  of  other 
regions  being  dismissed  with  a  mere  mention.  In 
this  connection,  therefore,  the  supplementary  view  in 
another  volume  will  be  of  great  value,  since  the  grand- 
est relics  of  Nahua  antiquity  have  been  found  outside 
of  Andhu.'ic  proper,  while  the  oft-mentioned  magnifi- 
cent temples  and  palaces  of  the  lake  cities  have  left 
no  traces  of  their  original  splendor. 

The  Oliuecs,  Totonacs,  and  others  of  the  earlier 
Nahua  nations  are  credited  by  tradition  with  the  erec- 
tion of  grand  edifices,  but  the  Toltecs,  in  this  as  in  all 
other  arts,  far  surpassed  their  pVedecessors,  and  even 
the  nations  that  succeeded  them.  I  have  in  a  preced- 
ing chapter  sufficiently  explained  the  process  by  which 
this  ancient  people  has  been  credited  with  all  that  is 
wonderful  in  the  past,  and  it  will  be  readily  under- 
stood how  a  magnifying  veneration  for  past  glories, 
handed  down  from  father  to  son  with  ever  accumulat- 
ing exaggeration,  has  transformed  the  Toltec  build- 
ings into  the  most  exquisite  fairy  structures,  incom- 
parably superior  to  anything  that  met  the  Spanish 
gaze.  With  architectural  as  with  other  traditions, 
however,  I  have  little  or  nothing  to  do  in  this  chapter, 
but  pass  on  to  a  consideration  of  this  branch  of  art  in 
later  times. 

Respect  for  the  gods  made  it  necessary  that  the 
temples  should  be  raised  above  the  ordinary  build- 
ings, besides  which  their  height  made  them  more 
conspicuous  to  the  immense  multitudes  which  fre- 
quently gathered  about  them  on  feast-days,  render- 
ing them  also  more  secure  from  desecration  and 
easier  of  defence  when  used  as  citadels  of  refuge, 
as  they  often  were.  But  as  the  primitive  ideas  of 
engineering  possessed  by  the  Aztecs  and  their  insuf- 
ficient tools  did  not  permit  them  to  combine  strength 
with  slightness,  the  only  way  the  required  elevation 


NAHUA  ARCHITECTURE 


656 


could  be  attained  was  by  placing  the  building  proper 
upon  a  raised,  solid,  pyramidal  substructure.  The 
prevalence  of  earthquakes  may  also  have  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  this  solid  form  of  construction.  In 
the  vicinity  of  the  lake  of  Mexico,  the  swampy  na- 
ture of  the  soil  called  for  a  broad,  secure  foundation ; 
here,  then,  the  substructure  was  not  confined  to  the 
temples,  but  was  used  in  building  public  edifices, 
palaces,  and  private  dwellings. 

Another  general  feature  of  Nahua  architecture  was 
the  small  elevation  of  the  buildings  proper,  compared 
with  their  extent  and  solidity.  These  rarely  exceeded 
one  story  in  height,  except  some  of  the  chapels,  which 
had  two  or  even  three  stories,  but  in  these  cases  the 
upper  floors  were  invariably  of  wcxjd. 

Whether  the  Aztecs  were  acquainted  with  our  arch, 
with  a  vertical  key-stone,  is  a  mooted  point.  Clavi- 
gero  gives  plates  of  a  semi-spherical  estufa  constructed 
in  this  manner,  and  asserts,  further,  thai  an  arch  of 
this  description  was  found  among  the  Tezcucan  ruins, 
but  I  find  no  authority  for  either  picture  or  assertion. 
The  relics  that  have  been  examined  in  modern  times, 
moreover,  seem  to  show  conclusively  that  key-stone 
arches  were  unknown  in  America  before  the  advent 
of  the  Europeans,  though  arches  made  of  overlapping 
stones  were  often  cut  in  such  a  manner  as  to  resem- 
ble them.  The  chaplain  Diaz,  who  accompanied 
Grijalva,  mentions  an  'arc  antique'  on  the  east  coast, 
but  gives  no  description  of  it.  Nevertheless,  as  the 
'antique'  would  in  this  connection  imj)ly  a  peculiar,  if 
not  a  primitive,  construction,  it  is  not  probable  that 
the  arch  he  saw  had  a  key-stone.* 

As  decorations,  we  find  balconies  and  galleries  sup- 
ported by  square  or  round  pillars,  which  were  often 
monoliths;  but  as  they  were  adorned  with  neitlier  caj)- 
ital  nor  base  the  effect  must  have  been  rather  bare. 


'  Clangero,  Storia  Ant.  drl  Mcssico,  toin.  iv.,  p.  212;  Dinz,  Itiniraire, 
,  ill  TinKitije-Vompans,  Voy.,  serie  i.,  toin.  x.,  p.  27;  Braaaeur  de  liourbourg, 
JlUt.  Nat.  Civ,,  torn,  iii.,  p.  6R8. 


I 


6K6 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Battlements  and  turrets,  doubtless  first  used  as  means 
of  defense,  became  later  incorporated  with  decorative 
art.  The  bareness  of  *he  walls  was  relieved  by  cornices 
and  stucco-work  of  various  designs,  the  favorite  fig- 
ures being  coiled  snakes,  executed  in  low  relief,  which 
probably  had  a  religious  meaning.  Sometimes  they 
were  placed  in  groups,  as  upon  the  temple  walls  at 
Mexico,  at  other  times  one  serpent  twined  and  twisted 
round  every  door  and  window  of  an  apartment  until 
head  and  tail  met.  Carved  lintels  and  doorposts  were 
common,  and  statues  frequently  adorned  the  court  and 
approaches.  Glossy  surfaces  seem  to  have  had  a  spe- 
cial attraction  for  the  Nahuas,  and  they  made  floors, 
walls,  and  even  streets,  extremely  smooth.  The  walls 
and  floors  were  first  coated  with  lime,  gypsum,  or 
ochre,  and  then  polished. 

No  clear  accounts  are  given  of  the  method  of 
erecting  houses.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  thinks  that 
because  the  natives  of  Vera  Paz  were  seen  by  him 
to  use  scaffolds  like  ours,  that  these  were  also 
employed  in  Mexico  in  former  times,  and  that  stones 
were  raised  on  inclined  beams  passing  from  scaffold 
to  scaffold,  which  is  not  very  satisfactory  reasoning.' 

However  this  may  be,  we  are  told  by  Torque- 
mada  that  the  Aztecs  used  derricks  to  hoist  heavy 
timbers  with,'  Others,  again,  say  that  walls  were 
erected  by  piling  earth  on  both  sides,  which  served 
both  as  scaffolds  and  as  inclined  planes  up  which 
heavy  masses  might  be  drawn  or  rolled,*  but  al- 
though this  was  undoubtedly  the  method  adopted  by 
the  Miztecs,  it  was  too  laborious  and  primitive  to  have 
been  general,"  and  certainly  could  not  have  been  em- 

*  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Jlisf.  Nat.  Cir.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  658. 

'  Torqticmada,  Monnrq.  Iiid.,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  274.  Sahagun,  in  describing 
how  the  people  miscd  a  nitutt  to  the  god  of  fire,  says:  'AtAbanle  diez  nia- 

romas  por  la  mitad  de  61 y  como  fe  iban  levantando,  {mnianle  inios  ma- 

deros  atados  dc  dos  en  dos,  y  unos  puntales  sobre  que  descanzase.'  Hist. 
Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p.  143. 

*  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  (Translation,  Lond.  1726),  vol.  iii.,  p.  280. 

*  Cnrhajnl  Esf>inosa,  Hist.  3fex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  663;  Clacigero,  Storia  Ant, 
del  Mcssico,  torn,  li.,  pp.  201-2. 


BUILDING  MATERIAL. 


557 


ployed  in  building  the  three-story  chapels  upon  Huit- 
zilopochtli's  pyramid.  The  perfectly  straight  walls 
built  by  the  Nahuas  would  seem  to  indicate  the  use 
of  the  plummet,  and  we  are  told  that  the  line  was 
used  in  making  roads."  Trees  were  felled  with  copper 
and  flint  axes,  and  drawn  upon  rollers  to  their  destina- 
tion,'' a  mode  of  transport  used,  no  doubt,  with  other 
cumbrous  material.  The  implements  used  to  cut 
stone  blocks  seem  to  have  been  entirely  of  flint.* 

The  wood  for  roofs,  turrets,  and  posts,  was  either 
white  or  yellow  cedar,  palm,  pine,  cypress,  or  oyametl, 
of  which  beams  and  fine  boards  were  made.  Nails 
they  had  none ;  the  smaller  pieces  must  therefore  have 
been  secured  by  notches,  lapping,  or  pressure."  The 
different  kinds  of  stone  used  in  building  were  granite, 
alabaster,  jasper,  porphyry,  certain  'black,  shining 
stones,'  and  a  red,  light,  porous,  yet  hard  stone,  of 
which  rich  quarries  were  discovered  near  Mexico  in 
Ahuitzotl's  reign.*"  After  the  overflow  of  the  lake, 
which  happened  at  this  time,  the  king  gave  orders 
that  this  should  be  used  ever  after  for  buildings  in 
the  city."  Tecali,  a  transparent  stone  resembling 
alabaster,  was  sometimes  used  in  the  temples  for  win- 
dow-glass." Adobes,  or  sun-dried  bricks,  were  chiefly 
used  in  the  dwellings  of  the  poorer  classes,  but  burnt 
bricks  and  tiles  are  mentioned  as  being  sold  in  the 

^  Motolinia,  Ilist.  Indios,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  63; 
Clavigero,  Storia  Aiit.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  201. 

T  '  With  their  Copier  Hutchcts,  and  Axes  cunnyngly  tempered,  they  fell 
those  trees,  and  hcwc  thcni  smooth. ..  .and  boiirinir  a  hole  in  one  of  the 

edges  of  the  beame,  they  fasten  the  roiie,  then  MCttc  their  slaues  vnto  it 

putting  round  blocivs  vnder  tiie  timber.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  x. ; 
Sahaffttn,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p.  141. 

«  Clavigero,  Sforia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  205;  Gomara,  Conq. 
Mex.,  fol.  .318. 

»  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  x.,  states  that  they  bored  holes  in  l)canis. 
They  may  thereiore  have  known  the  use  of  wooden  bolts,  but  ttiis  is  doubt- 
ful. 

'"  'Le  Tctzontli  (pierre  de  cheveux),  espbcc  d'amygdaloidc  poreuse,  fort 
dure,  CMt  une  lave  refroidie.  On  la  trouve  en  grandc  uuuntittS  aupr^s  do  la 
petite  ville  de  San-Agostin  Tlalpan,  ou  de  las  Cuovas,  a  4  1.  S.  de  Mexico.' 
Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  381. 

"  Clamgrro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  202;  Carbajal  Espi- 
nosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p|>.  fiG.3-4. 

^*  Brasseur  de  Bourbotirg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  8. 


658 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


markets.*'  Roofs  were  covered  with  clay,  straw,  and 
pahn-leaves.  Lime  was  used  for  mortar,  which  was 
so  skillfully  used,  say  the  old  writers,  that  the  joints 
were  scarcely  perceptible,"  but  probably  this  was 
partly  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  walls  were  almost 
always  either  white-washed,  or  covered  with  ochre, 
gypsum,  or  other  substances. 

Frequent  wars  and  the  generally  unsettled  state 
of  the  country,  made  it  desirable  that  the  towns 
should  be  situated  near  enough  each  other  to  afford 
mutual  protection,  which  accounts  for  the  great  num- 
ber of  towns  scattered  over  the  plateau.  The  same 
causes  made  a  defensible  position  the  primary  obiect 
in  the  choice  of  a  site.  Thus  we  find  them  situated 
on  rocks  accessible  only  by  a  difficult  and  narrow 
pathway,  raised  on  piles  over  the  water,  or  sur- 
rounded by  strong  walls,  palisades,  earth-works  and 
ditches."  Although  they  fully  understood  the  neces- 
sity of  settling  near  lakes  and  rivers  to  facilitate  in- 
tercourse, yet  the  ^^owns  on  the  sea-coast  were  usually 
a  league  or  two  from  the  shore,  and,  as  they  had  no 
maritime  trade,  harbors  were  not  sought  for.^® 

The  towns  extended  over  a  comparatively  large  sur- 
face, owing  to  the  houses  being  low  and  detached,  and 
each  provided  with  a  court  and  garden.  The  larger 
cities  seem  to  have  been  layed  out  on  a  regular  plan, 
especially  in  the  centre,  but  the  streets  were  narrow, 
indeed  there  was  no  need  of  wider  ones  as  all  trans- 


' 


^  Clm'iffcro,  Storia  Ant  del  Mcssico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  205.  Cortes  mentions 
a  'siielo  ladrillado'  at  Ixtu]*ala|Nin,  Vartas,  p.  83,  and  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen., 
(lee.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  xii.,  both  adobes  and  ladrillos  in  speaking  of  building- 
material. 

'*  IMi'ila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Mex.,  p.  75;  Cnrbajal  Espinosa,  Hist. 
Mcx.,  torn,  i.,  p.  6(53.  'L'ignorante  Kicercatore  ncga  a'  Messicani  la  cog- 
nizionc,  c  rnso  della  calcina;  ma  consta  per  la  teHtimonianza  di  tiitti  gii 
Storici  del  Mcssico,  per  la  matricola  de'  tribiiti,  e  soiwatutto  jier  gli  cdinzj 
auticlii  finora  sussistenti,  die  tutte  ({uellc  Nacioni  taccaiio  dclla  calcina  il 
mcdccimo  use,  che  fanno  gli  Etiropex.'  Clnvigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mcssico, 
t  im.  ii.,  p.  205,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  212-1.3.  Both  dortiJs,  Cartas,  p.  GO,  and  Her- 
rera, Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  (in.  vi.,  cap.  iv.,  mention  walls  of  dry  stone,  which 
would  show  that  mortar  was  sometimes  dispensed  with,  in  heavy  structures; 
b'.it  Kernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  43,  contradicts  this  instance. 

'^  .\t  Sienchimalcn.  Vortis,  Cartas,  p.  57. 

"'  Hnisseur  dc  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Cir.,  toni.  iv.,  pp.  89-90. 


MEXICO  TENOCHTITLAN. 


569 


portation  was  done  by  carriers,  and  there  were.no  ve- 
hicles. At  intervals  a  market-place  with  a  fountain 
in  the  centre,  a  square  filled  with  temples,  or  a  line  of 
shady  trees  relieved  the  monotony  of  the  long  rows 
"»f  low  houses. 

The  largest  and  most  celebrated  of  the  Nahua  cities 
was  Mexico  Tenoehtitlan."  It  seems  that  about  the 
year  1325  the  Aztecs,  weary  of  their  unsettled  condi- 
tion and  hard  pressed  by  the  Culhuas,  sought  the 
marshy  western  shore  of  the  lake  of  Mexico.  Here, 
on  the  swamp  of  Tlalcocomocco,  they  came  upon  a 
stone,  upon  which  it  was  said  a  Mexican  priest  had 
forty  years  before  sacrificed  a  certain  prince  Copil. 
From  this  stone  had  8i)rung  a  nopal,  upon  which,  at 
the  time  it  was  seen  by  the  Mexican  advance  guard, 
sat  an  eagle,  holding  in  his  beak  a  serpent.  Impelled 
by  a  divine  power,  a  priest  dived  into  a  pool  near  the 

"  Mexico  is  generally  taken  to  be  derived  from  Mexitl,  or  Mexi,  the 
other  name  of  Huitzilopochtii,  the  favorite  god  and  leader  of  the  Aztecs; 
many,  however,  think  that  it  comes  from  vwxico,  springs,  which  were  plen- 
tiful in  the  neighborhood.  Tenoehtitlan  comes  from  tconochtli,  divine  noch- 
tli,  the  fruit  of  the  nopal,  a  species  of  wild  cactus,  and  titlan,  composed  of 
tetl,  stone  or  rock,  and  an,  an  affix  to  denote  a  place,  a  derivation  which  is 
officially  accepted,  as  may  l>e  seen  from  the  arms  of  the  city.  Others  say 
that  it  IS  taken  from  Teiiiich,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Aztecs,  who  settled 
upon  the  small  island  of  Pantitlan,  both  of  which  names  would  together 
form  the  wor.l.     '  Ce  nom,  qui  veut  dire  Villc  de  la  Tuna. . .  .Le  fruit  de  cet 

arhre  est  appcle  norhtli  en  mexicain,  car  le  nom  de  tuna est  tire  de  la 

langue  des  insulaires  de  I'ile  de  Cuba On  a  aussi  prdtendu  que  le  veri- 
table nom  dc  Mexico  dtait  Quauhnochtitlan,  ce  (^ui  veut  dire  Fir/uicr  de 
VAigle. . .  .D'autres,  enfin,  prdtcndent  que  ce  figuier  d'Inde  n'otait  pus  un 
» ocA//t  propremcnt  dit,  mais  d'une  espfece  sauvage  qu'on  appelle  fcnorhtli, 
ou  de  celle  que  les  naturels  nommcnt  tconochtli  ou  figue  divine.'  'Elle 
avait  nris  du  dieu  Mcxix  celui  dc  Mexico.'  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in 
Nomrlks  Annales  dr.s  Vo;/.,  1843,  tom.  xcix.,  i)p.  174-5.  'Los  Indios, 
dcziun;  y  dizen  oy  Mexico  Tcnuchtitluu;  y  assi  se  pone  en  las  Proui- 
siones  lleales."  Ihrrc'-a,  Hist.  Gcii.,  dec  li.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.xiv.  'Tenox- 
titlan,  que  si;  ,  i'uual  en  picdra.'  Acosta,  Hist,  dc  las  Ynd.,  p. 
466.  The  nati  »■?»  ui  llaman  Mexico,  sino  Tcnuchtitlan.'  Torquemada, 
Monani.  Iiid.,  tom.  i.,  p.  29.3.  'Tcnuchtitlan,  que  significa  fruta  do 
piedra,  'Tambien  dizen  algunos,  que  tuuo  esta  ciudad  nonibre  de  su 
j>rimer  fundador,  que  fue  Tenuch,  hijo  scgundo  dc  Iztacmixcopti,  cuyos 
nijos  y  dccendientes  poblaron. .  .esta  tierra. .  .Tampoco  falta  quien  ])iense 
que  se  dixo  de  la  grana,  que  llaman  N'.ichiztli,  la  qual  sale  de'  mcsmo  car- 
ditn  nopal  y  fruta  nuuhtii. . .  .Tambien  afirnian  otros  que  sc  llama  Mexico 
dc  ios  prinieros  fundadorcs  que  se  dixeron  Mexiti.'  uomara,  Conq.  Mex., 
fol.  Il.'i-l.');  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Ir.azhalceta,  Col.  dc  Doc,  torn,  i., 

f».  180;  Vlnrigcro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  i.,  pp.   168-9.     'Tenoch- 
Ulan,  c'est-fi-dire,  a'lprfes  des  nopals  du  rocher.'     'Ti-tlau  est  pris  pour  le 
lieu.'  lirasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  44(5-9. 


560 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I  : 


stone^  and  there  had  an  interview  with  Tlaloc,  god  of 
waters,"  who  gave  his  permission  to  the  people  to  set- 
tle on  the  spot.*'  Another  legend  relates  that  Huit- 
zilopochtli  appeared  to  a  priest  in  a  dream,  and  told 
him  to  search  for  a  nopal  growing  out  of  a  stone  in 
the  lake  with  an  eagle  and  serpent  upon  it,  and  there 
found  a  city.* 

The  temple,  at  first  a  mere  hut,  was  the  first  build- 
ing erected,  and  by  trading  fish  and  fowl  for  stone, 
they  were  soon  enabled  to  form  a  considerable  town 
about  it.  Piles  were  driven  into  the  soft  bottom  of 
the  lake,  and  the  intermediate  spaces  filled  with  stones, 
branches,  and  earth,  to  serve  as  a  foundation  for 
houses. '^^ 

Each  succeeding  ruler  took  pains  to  extend  and 
beautify  the  city.  Later  on,  Tlatelulco,**  which  had 
early  separated  from  Mexico  Tenochtitlan,  was  re- 
united to  it  by  king  Axayacatl,  which  greatly  increased 
the  size  of  the  latter  city.  Tezcuco  is  said  to  have 
exceeded  it  in  size  and  in  the  culture  of  its  people, 
but  from  its  important  position,  imposing  architecture, 
and  general  renown,  Mexico  Tenochtitlan  stood  pre- 
eminent. A  number  of  surrounding  towns  and  vil- 
lages formed  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  as  Aztacalco, 
Acatlan,  Malcuitlapilco,  Atenco,  Iztacalco,  Zanco- 
pinco,  Huitznahuac,  Xocotitlan  or  Xocotlan,  Coltonco, 
Necatitlan,  Huitzitlan,  etc.'^  The  circumference  of 
the  city  has  been  estimated  at  about  twelve  miles,  and 
the  number  of  houses  at  sixty  thousand,  which  would 


18  He  is  also  termed  god  of  the  earth  in  the  fable. 

•9  Torqueinada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  91-4,  289-91;  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  443-9. 

*•  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  pp.  465-7.  See  also  Clavigcro,  Storia  Ant. 
del  Messico,  torn,  i.,  pp.  167-8.  Nearly  all  the  authors  give  the  whole  of 
the  above  meanings,  without  deciding  upon  any  one. 

«•  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn.  L,  p.  313;  Heredia  y  Sarmiento, 
Sermon,  p.  95. 

**  It  means  islet,  from  tlatelli,  island.  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib. 
vii.,  cap.  xiv.  Veytia  says  it  is  a  corruption  of  xalteloleo,  sandy  ground. 
Hist.  Ant.  Mei.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  141;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.   115. 

w  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  218;  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg, Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iv.,  p.  5. 


CITIES  OF  ANAHUAC. 


661 


(r- 


give  a  population  of  three  liundred  thousand.'**  It 
was  situated  in  the  salty  part  of  the  lake  of  Mexico, 
fifteen  miles  west  of  its  celebrated  rival  Tezcuco, 
about  one  mile  from  the  eastern  shore,  and  close  to  the 
channel  throu'::;h  which  the  volumes  of  the  sweet  water 
lake  pour  into  the  briny  waters  of  the  lake  of  Mex- 
ico, washinnf,  in  their  outward  flow,  the  southern  and 
western  parts  of  the  city.  The  waters  have,  however, 
evaporated  considerably  since  the  time  of  the  Aztecs, 
and  left  the  modern  Mexico  some  distance  from  the 
beach.'"' 

Fifty  other  towns,  many  of  them  consisting  of  over 
three  thousand  dwellings,  were  scattered  on  and 
around  the  lake,  the  shallow  waters  of  which  were 
skimmed  by  two  hundred  thousand  canoes.^  Four 
grand  avenues,  paved  with  a  smooth,  hard  crust  of 
cement,^^  ran  east,  west,  north,  and  south,  crosswise, 
forming  the  boundary  lines  of  four  quarters;  at  the 
meeting-point  of  these  was  the  grand  temple-court. 
Three  of  these  roads  connected  in  a  straight  line  with 
large  causeways  leading  from  the  city  to  the  lake 
shores;  constructed  by  driving  in  piles,  filling  up  the 
intervening  spaces  witli  earth,  branches,  and  stones, 
and  covering  the  surface  with  stone  secured  by  mor- 

'*  The  Anonymous  Conqueror  says  two  and  a  half  to  three  leagues  in  cir- 
cumference, winch  is  accepted  by  most  autliors.  Relatione  fattd  per  %m(f en- 
tiVhuomo  del  Signor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Raniusio,  Nariijationi,  toin.  iii., 
fol.  309.  But  as  tlie  cnibanlvment  whicli  formed  a  semi-circle  round  the 
town  was  three  leagues  in  length,  the  circumference  of  the  city  would  not 
have  been  less.  Brasscur  de  Boiirboiivfj,  Hist.  Nat.  C'io.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  4. 
Cortds  says  that  it  was  as  large  as  Seville  or  Cordovi-,  Cartas,  p.  KKS.  Ay- 
Ion,  in  Id.,  p.  4,S,  j)laces  the  nuniber  of  houses  as  low  as  ,30,000.  Las 
Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  I.,  who  is  usually  so  extravagant  in  his 
descriptions,  confines  himself  to  'mas  dc  cinquenta  mil  casas.'  (ioniara, 
Conq.  Mcv.,  fol.  ll.S,  f)0,(M)0,  each  of  which  contained  two  to  ten  occu- 
pants. Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toni.i.,  p.  "201,  places  the  number  as 
liigh  OS  120,000,  which  may  include  outlying  8\iburbs.  The  size  and  busi- 
ness of  the  nmrkcts,  the  remains  of  ruins  to  be  seen  round  modern  Mexico, 
and  its  fame,  sustain  the  idea  of  a  very  large  po])ulation. 

^■>  Hvii  Carbajal  E-ifiinosd,  Hist.  Mex.,  toni.  li.,  pp.  216-17,  on  former 
aiul  present  surroundings.  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  li.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xiv. ; 
Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  10.S. 

**  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  115. 

^  'Erano di  terra  come  mattonata.'    Relatione  fatta  per  ?•«  gentif 

huomo  del  Siijnor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Ramusio,  Navigationi,  torn,  iii., 
fol.  309j  PreseotVs  Mex.,  vol.  ii.,  p.   110. 
Vol.  II.    3« 


I  i 


ill 


I 


562 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


tar.  They  were  broad  enough  to  allow  ten  horse- 
men to  ride  abreast  with  ease,  and  were  defended  by 
drawbridj^es  and  breastworks. *" 

The  southern  road,  two  leagues  in  length,  com- 
menced half  a  league  from  Iztapalapan,  and  was 
bordered  on  one  side  by  Mexicaltzinco,  a  town  of 
about  four  thousand  houses,  and  on  the  other,  first  by 
Coyuhuacan  with  six  thousand,  and  further  on  by 
Huitzilopochco  with  five  thousand  dwellings.  Half 
a  league  before  reaching  the  city  this  causeway  was 
joined  by  the  Xoloc  road,  coming  from  Xochimilco, 
the  point  of  junction  being  defended  by  a  fort  named 
Acachinanco,  which  consisted  of  two  turrets  sur- 
rounded by  a  battlemented  v.  all,  eleven  or  twelve  feet 
high,  and  was  provided  with  two  gates,  through  which 
the  road  passed.^  The  northern  road  led  from  Tepey- 
acac,  about  a  league  off;  the  western,  from  Tlacopan, 
half  a  league  distant;  this  road  was  bordered  with 
houses  as  far  as  the  shore.*     A  fourth  causeway  from 


28  'Fueron  hechas  k  mano,  de  Tierra,  y  Cespedes,  y  mui  qiiajadus  de 
Piedra;  son  anchas,  que  pucden  pasar  por  cada  vna  de  cllas,  trcs  Oarretas 
juntas,  b  dicz  Honibres  h,  Caballo.'  Torqttemada,  Motiarq.  Ind.,  toni.  i.,  j». 
292;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apoloqetica,  Mb.,  cap.  1.;  Prescotfs  Mex.,  vol.  ii., 

S.  69;  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  li.,  p.  217.  'Tan  ancha  conio 
08  lanzas  jmetas.  Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  103.  He  mentions  four  causeways 
or  entrances,  but  this  must  include  either  the  branch  which  joins  the  south- 
ern road,  or  the  aqueduct.  'Pueden  ir  por  toda  ello  echo  de  caballo  & 
la  par.'  Id.,  p.  8,3.  The  view  of  Mexico  published  in  the  Luxemburg  edi- 
tion of  Cortis,  Cartas,  points  to  four  causeways  besides  the  aqueduct,  but 
little  reliance  can  be  placed  on  these  fanciful  cuts.  Helps  thinks,  however, 
that  there  must  have  been  more  causeways  than  are  mentioned  by  the 
conqtierors.  Span.  Conq.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  Aata,  4l12.  'Entrano  in  essa  per  tre 
strade  alte  di  pictra&  ai  terra,  ciascuna  largatrenta  ptissi.'  Relatione  fatta 
per  I'll  ffcntir/moino  del  Sigiior  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Jiamiisio,  Natugationi, 
tom.  iii.,  fol.  309.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iv.,  p.  4. 
'Las  puentes  que  teniau  hechas  de  trecho  &  trccho.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Conq.,  fol.  70. 

»  'Dos  uuertas,  una  por  do  entran  y  otra  por  do  salen.'  Cortis,  Cartas, 
84,  which  means,  no  doubt,  that  passengers  nad  to  pass  through  the  fort. 
e  calls  the  second  town  along  the  road  Niciaca,  and  the  third  Huchilo- 
huchico.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  states  that  within  the  fort  was  a  teocalli 
dedicated  to  Toci,  on  which  a  l)eacon  blazed  all  night  to  guide  travelers. 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  209-10.  But  this  is  a  mistake,  for  Tezozo- 
nioc.  Hist.  Mex.,  pt  ii.,  p.  l84,  his  authority  for  this,  says  that  the  beacon 
was  at  a  hill  'avant  d'arriver  h,  Acuchinanco.' 

M  Torqiiemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  i.,  p.  292;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apolo- 
gitira,  MS.,  cap.  1.;  Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  84.  The  Anonymous  Conqueror 
calls  them  two  leagues,  one  league  and  a  half,  and  a  quarter  of  a  league 


& 


QUARTERS  AND  WARDS  OF  MEXICO. 


C63 


Chapultepec  served   to  support   the  aqueduct  which 
suj)plied  the  city  with  water.'* 

The  names  of  the  four  quarters  of  the  city,  which 
were  thus  disposed  according  to  divine  command,  were 
Thiquechiuhcan,  Cuecopan,  or  Quepopan,  now  Santa 
Maria,  lying  between  the  northern  and  western  ave- 
nues; Atzacualco,  now  San  Sebastian,  between  the 
eastern  and  northern;  Teopan,  now  San  Pablo,  be- 
tween the  eastern  and  southern;  and  Moyotlan,  or 
Mayotla,  now  San  Juan,  between  the  western  and 
southern;  these,  again,  were  divided  into  a  number 
of  wards.**  Owing  to  the  position  of  the  city  in 
the  midst  of  the  lake,  traffic  was  chiefly  conducted 
by  means  of  canals,  which  led  into  almost  every 
ward,  and  had  on  one  or  both  sides  quays  for  the 
reception  and  landing  of  goods  and  })assengers.  Many 
of  these  were  provided  with  basins  and  locks  to 
retain  the  water  within  them  ;^  while  at  the  mouth 
were  small  buildings  which  served  as  offices  for  the 
custom-house  officials.  Bridges,  many  of  which  were 
upwards  of  thirty  feet  wide,  and  could  be  drawn  up 
so  as  to  cut  off^  communication  between  the  different 
parts,  connected  the  numerous  cross-streets  and  lanes, 
some  of  which  were  mere  dry  and  paved  canals.^ 

long  respectively.  Relatione  fatta  per  vn  gentiVhttomo  del  Signor  Fernando 
Cortcsc,  ill  Eamtmo,  Navigatioui,  toni.  iii.,  fol.  309;  Brasscurde  Bourbourg, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  4,  makes  the  shortest  a  league. 

31  'Habia  otra  algo  mas  estrecha  para  losdos  acueductos.'  Carbajal  Enpi- 
nosa.  Hist.  Mex.,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  217. 

^*  In  Tezcuco  the  wards  were  each  occupied  by  a  distinct  class  of  trades- 
people, and  this  was  doubtless  the  case  in  Alexico  also,  to  a  certain  extent. 
'Cada  Oticio  se  vsasc  en  Barrios  dc  porsl;  de  suerte,  que  losoue  cran  Plate- 
ros  dc  Oro,  avian  de  estkr  juntos,  y  todos  los  de  aquel  Barrio,  lo  avian  de  ser, 
y  no  se  avian  de  niczclar  utros  con  ellos;  y  los  de  Plata,  en  otro  Barrio,'  etc. 
Torqucmada,  Monarq.  Ltd.,  torn,  i.,  p.  147;  lirasscur  de  Bourbnnrg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  3;  Curhaiat  Espinosn,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  218. 

33  'AI  rededor  de  la  ciudad  habia  muclios  ditpies  y  esclusas  para  conte- 
ner  las  aguascn  caso  necesario. . .  .no  pocas  que  tenian  en  medio  una  ace- 
quia  eiitre  dos  terraplenes.'  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  tom.  ii.,  pp. 
218-19. 

3*  'Hay  BUS  puentes  de  muy  anchas  y  miiv  grandes  vigas  juntas  y 
recias  y  bicn  labradas;  y  tales,  que  por  inucha»  dellas  pueden  pasar  dicz  de 
caballo  juntos  k  la  par.  In  case  of  necessity  '  qiiitatlas  las  puentes  de  las 
entradas  y  salidas.'  With  this  facility  for  cutting  off  retreat,  Cortes  found 
it  best  to  construct  brigantines.  Cartas,  j).  103;  Alotolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in 
Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  187;  Denial  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  73. 


664 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  chief  resort  of  the  people  was  the  levee  which 
stretched  in  a  semi-circle  round  the  southern  part  of 
the  city,  forming  a  harbor  from  half  to  three  quarters 
of  a  leatjue  in  breadth.  Here  during  the  day  the 
merchants  bustled  about  the  cargoes  and  the  custom- 
houses, while  at  night  the  promenaders  resorted 
there  to  enjoy  the  fresh  breezes  from  tiie  lake.  The 
construction  of  this  embankment  was  owing  to  an  in- 
undation which  did  serious  harm  during  the  reign  of 
Montezuma  1.  This  energetic  monarch  at  once  took 
steps  to  i)revent  a  recurrence  of  the  catastroj)he,  and 
called  u[)on  the  neighboring  towns  to  assist  with  peo- 
ple and  material  in  the  construction  of  an  outer  wall, 
to  check  and  turn  aside  the  waters  of  the  fresh  lake, 
which,  after  the  heavy  rains  of  winter,  rushed  in  vol- 
umes upon  the  city  as  they  sought  the  lower  salt  lake. 
The  length  of  the  levee  was  about  three  leagues,  and 
its  breadth  thirty  feet.  In  141)8,  fifty -two  years  after 
its  construction,  it  was  further  strengthened  and  en- 
larged. ** 

Although  the  Spaniards  met  with  no  very  impos- 
ing edifices  as  they  nassed  along  to  the  central  part  of 
the  city  where  the  temple  stood,  yet  they  must  have 
found  enough  to  admire  in  the  fine  smooth  streets, 
the  neat  though  low  stone  buildings  surmounted  by 
parapets  which  but  half  concealed  the  flowers  behind 
them,  the  elegantly  arranged  gardens,  gorgeous  with 
the  flora  of  the  tropics,  the  broad  squares,  the  lofty 
tem]»les,  and  the  canals  teeming  with  canoes. 

Among  the  public  edifices,  the  markets  are  espe- 
cially worthy  of  note.     The  largest  in  Mexico  Tenoch- 

'Otra  Calle  avia. . .  .miii  angosta,  y  tanto,  que  apenas  podian  ir  dos  Perso- 
iiaa  juntas,  sou  iinahncntc  vnos  Callejones  nuii  cstredius.'  Torqucmadn, 
Moiiarq.  Ind.,  toin.  i.,  p.  2!)1;  Relatione  fatta  pcrvii  tfriitil'/iuoino  del  Sifftior 
Fernando  C'ortesc,  in  Jtmntisio,  Navigationi,  toni.  iii.,  fol.  309;  Herrera, 
Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xiii. 

35  Torquemadn,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  157-8.  It  is  here  said  to  be 
four  fathoniH  broad.  Brasseur  de  Boiirbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp. 
231-2;   Klcmm,   Cidtiir-Genrhirhte,   toni.  v.,  p.  32;  Muhlenpfordt,  Mej'iro, 

toni.  ii.,  pt  ii.,  p.  255,  says:  'Ueste  des gegen  39,400  Fuss  langenau(lC5 

Fuss  breiten  Daniines  aus  Steincu  in  Lehni,  zu  beiden  Seiteu  init  Pallisa- 
den  verbranit.' 


FOUNTAINS  AND  AQUEDUCTS. 


665 


titlan,  was  twice  as  large  as  the  sauare  of  Salamanca, 
says  Cortds,  and  was  surrounded  oy  porticoes,  in  and 
about  which  from  sixty  thousand  to  one  hundred 
thousand  buyers  and  sellers  found  room.*"  The  mar- 
ket-place at  Tlatelulco  was  still  lari^er,  and  in  the 
midst  of  it  was  a  square  stone  terrace,  fifteen  feet 
high  and  thirty  feet  long,  which  served  as  a  theatre.*' 
The  numerous  fountains  which  adorned  the  city 
were  fed  by  the  aqueduct  which  brought  water  from 
the  hill  of  Cha])ultepec,  about  two  miles  oft',  and  was 
constructed  upon  a  causeway  of  solid  masonry  five  feet 
high  and  five  feet  broad,  running  parallel  to  the  Tla- 
copan  road.**  This  aqueduct  consisted  of  two  pipes 
of  masonry,  each  carrying  a  volume  of  water  equal 
in  bulk  to  a  man's  body,**  which  was  conducted  by 
branch  pipes  to  different  parts  of  the  town  to  supply 
fountains,  tanks,  ponds,  and  baths.  At  the  different 
canal -bridges  there  were  reservoirs,  into  which  the 
pipes  emptied  on  their  course,  and  here  the  boatmen 
who  made  it  a  business  to  supply  the  inhai)itants 
with  water  received  their  cargoes  on  the  payment  of 
a  fixed  price.  A  vigilant  police  watched  over  the 
distribution  of  the  water  and  the  care  of  the  })ipes, 
only  one  of  which  was  in  use  at  a  time,  while  the 
other  was  cleansed.*"     The  supply  was  obtained  from 


36  Cortis,  Cartas,  p.  103;  Gonmra,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  116;  Oviedo,  Hist. 
Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  299;  Carbajal  E.iptnom,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  ]>.  008. 

3'  'Cosi  graiide  come  sarebbe  tre  volte  lu  piazzn  cli  Salamanca.'  Rela- 
tione fatta  per  vn  fjentiriiuomo  del  Signor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Hamusio, 
Nafir/ationi,  torn,  lii.,  fol.  309;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazhalcefn, 
Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  181. 

'8  The  Anonymous  Conqueror  states  that  this  road  carried  the  aqueduct 
wliicli  was  three  quarters  of  a  league  in  length.  Relatione  fatta  jier  vn 
qcntiVhnomo  del  iiiffnor  Fernando  Cortege,  in  Ramusio,  Nai-ig-dioni,  torn, 
lii.,  fol.  309;  Cortis,  Cartas,  p.  108;  lirasscur  de  Bourbonrg,  Hist.  Nat.  Cie., 
toiu.  iv.,  p.  4;  Torqueniada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  207;  Prcseoft's  Mex., 
vol.  ii.,  p.  114. 

39  '  Los  cailos,  que  eran  de  madera  y  de  cal  y  canto.'  Cortes,  Cartas,  pp. 
209,  108;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  .S04.  Other  writers  make  the 
pipes  larger.  *Tan  gordos  como  vn  buey  cada  vno.'  Goniara,  Conq.  Mex., 
fol.  113.  'Tan  anchas  como  tres  hombres  juntos  y  mas.'  Las  Casus,  Hist. 
Apologitica,  MS. ,  cap.  1. 

*'  Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  108,  says  '  echan  la  duloe  por  unas  canales  tan  gnie- 
sas  como  un  buey,  que  son  de  la  longura  de  las  dichas  puentes.'  Torqtte- 
viada,  Monarq.  Ina.,  torn,  i.,  p.  207;  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS., 


506 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


n 


a  fine  spring  on  the  summit  of  Mount  Chapultepec, 
which  was  guarded  by  two  fit^ures  cut  in  the  sohd 
stone,  representing;  Montezuma  and  his  father,  armed 
with  lances  and  shields.*'  The  present  aqueduct  was 
partly  reconstructed  by  Montezuma  II.  on  the  old 
one  erected  by  the  first  kin«if  of  that  name.  Its  in- 
aujufu ration  was  attended  by  imposing  ceremonies, 
otfurinj^s  of  quails,  and  burning  of  incense." 

During  Ahuitzotl's  reign,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
bring  water  into  the  city  from  an  immense  spring  at 
Coyuhuacan.  The  lord  of  that  place  consented,  as 
became  a  loyal  vassal,  to  let  the  water  go,  but  pre- 
dicted disastrous  consequences  to  the  city  from  the 
overHow  which  would  be  sure  to  follow  if  the  water 
were  taken  there.  This  warning,  however,  so  enraged 
the  king  that  he  ordered  the  execution  of  the  noble, 
and  inmiediately  levied  men  and  material  from  the 
neighboring  towns  to  build  the  aqueduct.  The  ma- 
sons and  laborers  swarmed  like  ants  and  soon  finished 
the  work.  When  everything  was  ready,  a  grand  pro- 
cession of  priests,  princes,  nobles,  and  plebeians 
marched  forth  to  open  the  gates  of  the  aqueduct  and 
receive  the  waters  into  the  city.  Speeches  were  made, 
slaves  and  children  were  sacrificed,  the  wealthy  cast 
precious  articles  into  the  rolling  waters  with  words  of 
thanks  and  welcome.  But  the  hour  of  sorrow  was  at 
hand.  The  prediction  of  the  dead  lord  was  fulfilled; 
the  waters,  once  loosed,  could  not  be  fettered  again; 
a  great  part  of  the  city  was  inundated  and  n.  ich  dam- 
SLiXe  was  done.     Then  the  dist  "acted  king  called  once 

•  •  • 

more  upon  the  neighboring  to  ms  to  furnish  men,  but 
this  time  to  tear  down  insteac'   >f  to  build  up.*' 

Among  the  arrangements  "  the  convenience  of 
the  public  may  be  mentioned  li^    thouses  to  guide  the 

cap.  1.;  Prescotfs  Mex.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  114;  Ca.  ij'al  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex., 
toil),  i.,  p.  664. 

*i  Goinara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  113;  Herrera,  Hat.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii., 
cap.  xiii. 

^'^  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Viiff.,  pp.  500-1;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind., 
torn.  i. ,  p.  207;  Brasseur  de  lioiirbonrif.  Hist.  Nnt.  Cii>.,  toni.  iv.,  p.  4. 

43  Duraii,  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  torn,  ii.,  cap.  xlviii.,  xlix. 


LI(;HTH0U8K8  and  STIlEETWOnK. 


667 


canoes  which  brouj^ht  supplies  to  the  great  metropolis. 
These  were  erected  at  (liferent  points  upon  towers 
and  heights;  the  principal  one  seems  to  have  been  on 
Mount  Tocitlan,  where  a  wooden  turret  was  erected 
to  hold  the  Haming  beacon."  The  streets  were  also 
lighted  by  burning  braziers  placed  at  convenient  inter- 
vals, which  were  tended  by  the  night  j>atrol.  A  force 
of  over  a  thousand  men  kept  the  canals  in  order,  swept 
the  streets  and  sprinkled  them  several  times  a  day.*" 
Public  closets  were  placed  at  distances  along  the 
canals.*"  The  care  of  buildings  also  received  tlie  at- 
tention of  the  government,  and  every  eleventh  month 
was  devoted  to  repairing  and  cleaning  the  tem})les, 
public  edifices,  and  roads  generally.*^  A  number  of 
towns  on  the  lake  were  built  on  piles,  in  imitation  of 
Mexico,  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  security.  Thus,  Izta- 
palapan  stood  half  on  land,  half  over  the  water,  and 

<*  Bransoir  rlc  lioHrhotirfi,  JTi.sl.  Nnt.  Civ.,  toin.  iii.,  i».  4'J7,  toin.  iv.,  pp. 
209-10;  Tczuzomor,  Hint.  Mex.,  toiii.  ii.,  jt.  184. 

**  Ortena,  in  Veyliu,  Jiisf,  Ant.  Mej.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  319,  Torquemada, 
Monarq.  Ind.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  206,  4(50. 

*^  Brasaeur  de  Bourooiirg,  Hint.  Nnt.  Civ.,  torn.  iv. ,  p.  7.  'En  Union 
loH  ciiininos  qne  tcninn  heclios  de  cuniiH,  it  pnja,  it  ycrvus,  ]M>rquc  no  Ium 
vicssen  Ioh  que  piiH8aH<:n  por  ellos,  y  iilli  hc  nietiun.  Hi  teniiui  ^anu  du  piir- 
»ar  loa  vicntrcH,  ]M)rquo  no  su  lea  pcrdicsHC  u<iiiullu  8ucicdad.'  Bcrnat  Diaz, 
llist.  Coiiq.,  fol.  70. 

<T  Torquemada,  Afonarq.  Ind.,  toni.  ii..  p.  298.  The  authoritieH  for  the 
description  of  the  city  ure:  Relatione  futta  per  vn  (fentiVhuomo  del  Sionor 
Fernando  Cortene,  in  Eainnsia,  Naeigationi,  toni.  iii.,  fol.  309,  and  in  le.uz- 
Ixdceta,  Col.  de  Doe.,  toni.  i.,  p.  390-2,  with  ])hins;  Cortt'n,  Vartns,  pp. 
43,  83-4,  102-9,  209;  Id.,  Despatches,  t».  333,  plan;  Ikrnal  Diaz,  Htst. 
Con(i.,  fol.  70-3;  Ton/ncmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  91-4,  147,  ir)7-8, 
200-7,  288-98,  306  7,  460;  Acosta,  Hint,  de  las  Ynd.,  pp.  46.')-8,  500-1; 
Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Ivazhalecfa,  Col.  de  Doc.,  toin.  i.,  pp.  180-3, 187- 
8;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologdica,  MS.,  cap.  1.;  Gomara,  Conn.  Mex.,  fol. 
113-16;  Ovicdo,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  28.3-4,  29J»,  SO.'i;  Vei/tia,  Hist. 
Ant.  Mej.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  141;  Ortega,  in  Id.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  319;  Herrera,  Hist. 
Gen.,  due.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xiii.,  xiv.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  .\i.;  Id., 
(Translation,  Lond.  1725),  vol.  ii.,  p.  372,  vol.  iii.,  p.  194,  view  and  plan; 
Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  No'vellcs  Annalrs  des  Voy.,  1843,  toni.  xcix., 
pp.  174-5;  Clavigero,  Sforia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toni.,  i.,  pp.  168-9;  Hercdia 
y  Sarmiento,  Sermon,  pp.  95-6;  Tezozomor,  Hist.  Mex.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  184; 
Montanns,  Niemcc  Weereld,  pp.  81,  238-9;  lirasscur  de  liourhourg.  Hist. 
Nut.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  pj).  443-9,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  231-2,  427,  toin.  iv.,  pp.  3-7, 
209-10;  Carhajal  Espinoaa,  Hist.  Mex.,inm.  i.,  pp.  310-14,  664,  torn,  ii., 
pp.  216-28,  with  plan;  Pre.scotVa  Mix.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  16-17,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  69, 
76-86;  Miihlenpfordt,  Mejico,  toni.  ii.,  pt  ii.,  p.  255;  Alaman,  Ihserta- 
eiones,  toni.  i.,  i).  184-8;  Ilelps'  Span.  Conq.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  310-14,  456,  471- 
2,  490-1,  with  plans;  Carli,  Cartas,  pt  i.,  pp.  33-6;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v., 
lib.  X. 


568 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS, 


i  ■! 


; 


\i 


Ayotzinco  was   founded   entirely  on  piles,  and  had 
canals  instead  of  streets.*^ 

Other  towns  had  recourse  to  strong  walls  and  deep 
ditches  to  secure  their  protection.  Tlascala  especially 
was  well  defended  from  its  ancient  Aztec  enemy,  by 
a  wall  of  stone  and  mortar**  which  stretched  for  six 
miles  across  a  valley,  from  mountain  to  mountain, 
and  formed  the  boundary  line  of  the  republic.  This 
wall  was  nine  feet  high,  twenty  feet  broad,*"  and  sur- 
mounted by  a  breastwork  a  foot  and  a  htrlf  in  thick- 
ness, behind  which  the  defenders  could  stand  while 
figliting.  The  only  entrance  was  in  the  centre,  wliere 
the  walls  did  not  meet,  but  described  a  semi-circle, 
one  overlapping  the  other,  with  a  space  ten  paces 
wide  and  forty  long  between  them."  The  other  side 
also  was  defended  by  breastworks  and  ditches. '^^  The 
city  itself  stood  upon  four  hills,  and  was  crossed  by 
narrow  streets/^  the  houses  being  scattered  in  irregu- 
lar groups.  In  size  it  was  even  larger  than  Granada, 
says  Cortes,  which  is  not  unlikely,  for  the  market  had 
accommodation  for  thirty  thousand  people,  and  in  one 
of  the  temples  four  hundred  Spaniards  with  their  at- 
tendants found  ample  room."  At  Huejutla  tliere 
was  a  curious  wall  of  masonry,  the  outside  of  wliich 
was  faced  witli  small  blocks  of  tetzontli,  each  about 
nine  inches  in  diameter  on  the  face,  which  was  round- 
ed ;  the  end  of  each  block  was  pointed,  and  inserted  in 
the  wall.'" 

<*  Cnrbttjal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mcx.,  torn,  ii.,  p,  197;  PrescotCt  Mix.,  vol. 

*9  ("orti's  says  'niedra  seca.'  Cartas,  p.  fi((,  hut  tliis  is  cniitradicttMl  1>y 
Heriiul  Diaz,  wliolouiul  it  to  he  of  stoni'  and  mortar.  Hist.  l'oiiq.,UA.  43. 
'Sill  iiiezcia  de  cal  iii  harro.'  Urrvera,  Hist,  (int.,  dec.  ii. ,  lil>.  vi.,  fap.  iv. 

M  C/ariifrro,  Stnria  Aiit.  ilrl  ^^r.1siM,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  l.")0,  give  the  measure- 
ment at  ei;;iit  feet  in  hei;;ht  and  ei;rhteeu  in  widtii. 

51  Cortrs,  Cartas,  p.  GO;  Jkriial  JJias,  Hist.  Vono.,  fol.  4.1;  M'e.it-In(fi.ir/ie 
Spir-jhrl,  pp.  2'25-<j.  Vlarigcro,  Utoria  Ant.  del  Messico,  toin.  ii.,  i>.  150, 
with  a  e:it. 

52  Klriiim,  Ciiltiir-(Tf.srhir/itc,  torn,  v.,  p.  180. 

53  Delapurte  says  that  streets  met  on  the  hills,  lirisen,  toui.  x.,  p.  2.">(i. 

5*  C'«r/«'.«,  Cartas,  ]).  (i~;  ]l-''ttionc  fatta  jirr  rii  iji'iitiVhiainiii  ilrl  Sitjnor 
Frraundo  Curtcsr,  in  Jiaiiiiisio,  Xaviijationi,  toni.  iii.,  fol.  3(IS;  Hrnrrn, 
Hist,  (icii.,  dee.  ii.,  lilt,  vi.,  cap.  xii. 

"  Cortis,  Cartas,  p.  171.     See  iVanlen,  Rechcrchcs,  pp.  C7-8,  on  fortiti- 


THE  CITY  OF  TEZCUCO. 


669 


The  city  next  in  fame  and  rank  to  Mexico  Te- 
nochtitlan  was  Tezcuco,®"  which  Torquemada  affirms 
contained  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand  houses 
within  a  circumference  of  from  three  to  four  leagues." 
It  was  divided  into  six  divisions,  and  crossed  by  a 
series  of  fine  straight  streets  lined  with  elegant  build- 
ings. The  old  palace  stood  on  the  border  of  the  lake 
ui)on  a  triple  terrace,  guarding  the  town,  as  it  were; 
the  newer  structure,  in  the  construction  of  which 
two  hundred  thousand  men  had  been  employed,  stood 
at  the  northern  end;  it  was  a  magnificent  building 
and  contained  three  hundred  rooms.  This  city  was 
the  seat  of  refinement  and  elegance,  and  occupied 
relatively  the  same  position  in  Mexico  as  Paris  does 
in  Europe.** 

The  style  of  architecture  for  houses  did  not  exhibit 
much  variety;  the  difierence  between  one  house  and 
another  being  chiefiy  in  extent  and  material.""     The 

oatitins.  In  Miclionran,  Hoino  towns  had  wjills  of  planks  two  futlionis  high 
and  one  broad,  llcnrra,  Jlixt.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  lii.,  eajt.  iii. 

i"  Meaning  place  of  detention,  Iweanse  here  the  ininiigrating  trilnss  used 
to  halt,  while  deciding  ujwn  their  .settlement.  Ixtlilxochill,  Hint.  Chick.,  in 
Kia<isboronffh\i  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  214. 

•"  Las  C'asas,  Hist.  Apolog^fieci,  MS.,  cap.  xlix.,  says  that  it  was  nearly 
as  large  as  Mexico.  Gomara,  C'oiiq.  MfX.,  fol.  115.  Motcdinia,  Ili.if.  Indios, 
in  Iruzhtdvvta,  Col.  tic  Doc,  toni.  i.,  p.  182,  gives  it  a  league  in  width  and 
six  in  lengtii.  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  viii.,  lib.  iv.,  gives  it  20,()0()  houses. 
(Sarltajal  Kspinosa,  Ifist.  Mrx.,  toni.  i..  pp.  87-8,  estinwites  it  at  30,00() 
hiiiises,  and  thinks  that  Tormicniuda  niU!4  nave  included  the  three  outlying 
towns  to  attain  his  figure.   Toivitcnindu,  Moiittn/.  Iiid.,  toni.  i.,  p.  ,S()4. 

M  lii-dSKi'iivdc  BourboHr<i,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toai.  iv.,  pp.  89-iH),  .S()3-4;  Car- 
lirniil  Kspinosa,  Hi.it.  Mex.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  87-8;  Ixtlilxoe/iitl,  Hist.  Cliicli.,  in 
hiiitf.ilioroiiijh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  242-4.  For  further  references  to 
Mexican  towns,  foils,  etc.,  see:  Cartas,  Carta,i.  \m.  24,  57-<'>t),  07-8,  74-.5, 
'J2-.S,  ir»3,  171,  186,  19();  Bernal Diaz,  Hist.  Coii'f.,  fol.  43;  Relafonrfatta  per 
VII  gentiVhiwmo  del  Siijiior  Fernando  Corte.ir,  in  lianiusio,  Xarii/nfioni, 
toin.  iii.,  fol.  308;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  Kinifstmro Hi/It's  Mcx.  Antiq., 
toni.  ix. ,  pp.  214,  242,  251-2,  2.57;  Las  Casas,  Uist.  Apolot/cfica,  M.S.,  cap. 
xlix.;  Torqncniada,  Moiiarq.  fnd.,  torn.  i..  pp.  251-2,  .104,  44i>-.50;  Gomara, 
Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  2(i,51,  115;  Ih'crcra,  Hist,  (leu.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  viii., 
lii>.  vi.,  caji.  iv.,  xii..  xvi.,  lilt,  vii.,  civp.  iv.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  iii.;  Clari- 
ifcro,  Storta  Ant.  del  M'ssico,  toni.  ii.,  |>.  1.50,  with  cut;  I'ctcr  Martyr,  dec. 
IV.,  lib.  iv.,  vii.,  dec.  viii.,  lib.  iv.;  Ociedo,  Utst.  Gen.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  283; 
Wcit-Indischc  Spieijhel,  pp.  221,  225-();  lioloi/nc,  in  Tcrnanx-Coniinnm, 
Vol/.,  serie  i.,  toin.  x.,  p.  212i  Montanits,  Nieiinr  Weereld,  j).  23(1;  Klcinni, 
Cnltur-Geschichte,  toni.  v.,  p.  186;  Dclaparte,  Ilciscn,  toin.  x.,  j).  2.56;  Car- 
liajnl  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mcx.,  toin.  i.,  pp.  87-8,  2.5!»,  6*53,  toni.  ii.,  pp.  51,  161; 
narden,  Recherches,  m\.  (57-8;  Prcseott's  Mcx.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  65;  Helps'  Span. 
Conq.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  2%;  liii-isierrc,  U Empire  Mex.,  pp.  2 JO,  2J3. 

^  Lus  Cusas  states  that  when  u  warrior  distinguished  himself  abroad 


570 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


In 


dwellings  of  the  nobles  were  situated  upon  terraces 
of  various  heights,  which  in  swampy  j)laces  like 
Mexico,  rested  upon  tiera  of  heavy  piles.*  They  were 
usually  a  group  of  buildings  in  the  form  of  a  paral- 
lelogram, built  of  stone  or  in  Mexico  of  tetzontli, 
joined  with  fine  cement,  and  finely  polished  and  white- 
washed." Every  house  stood  by  itself,  separated  from 
its  neighbor  by  narrow  lanes,  and  enclosed  one  or 
more  courts  which  extended  over  a  large  space  of 
ground."^  One  story  was  the  most  common  form,  and 
there  are  no  accounts  of  any  palaces  or  private  houses 
exceeding  two  stories."*  Broad  steps  led  up  the  ter- 
race to  two  gates  which  gave  entrance  to  the  courts; 
one  opening  upon  the  main  street,  the  other  upon  the 
back  lane,  or  canal,  that  often  lay  beneath  it.  The 
terrace  platform  of  the  houses  of  chiefs  often  had  a 
wide  walk  round  it  and  was  especially  spacious  in  front, 
where  there  was  occasionally  a  small  oratorio  facing 
the  entrance.  This  style  was  particularly  noticed  on 
the  east  coast."*  The  court  was  surrounded  by  numerous 

he  was  allowed  to  Imild  his  house  in  the  style  used  hy  the  enemy,  a  privi- 
lege allowed  to  none  else.  Hist.  Apologi'tiaf,  MS.,  cap.  Ixvi. 

6*  '  1  fondauicnti  delle  case  grandi  della  Capitale  si  gettavano  a  eagione 
della  poca  sodezza  di  quel  tcrreno  sopra  un  piano  di  grosse  stanghe  di  codro 
ficcate  in  terra.'  Clavigcro,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mcssico,  toni.  ii.,  p.  'HYl.  'I'or- 
que  la  huniedad  no  lea  causase  enferniedad,  alzahan  los  aposentos  iiast^i  uu 
estado  poco  mas  6  inenos,  y  asi  qncdahan  comu  eiitresuelos.'  Mrm/icta, 
Hist.  Erics.,  p.  121.  Speaking  of  Cenipoalla,  Peter  Martyr  says:  'Vnto 
these  hou.ses  or  hahitations  they  ascend  hy  10.  or  12.  steppes  or  stayres.' 
Dec.  iv..  lih.  vii.  The  floor  of  the  palace  at  Mitla  consisted  of  slahs  of  stone 
three  feet  tli'ck,  which  rested  on  ten  feet  piles.  Brtisseiir  ilc  lioiirlwiira, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  2(>.  Houses  with  elevated  terraces  were  only 
allowed  to  chiefs.  Tczozoiiior,  I  fist.  Mex.,  toni.  i.,  p.  188. 

61  Las  Ca.ias,  Hist.  A/ioloifctim,  MS.,  cap.  xli.x.  This  mode  of  white- 
washing the  walls  and  ])olishing  them  with  gypsum  seems  to  have  hccn  very 
common  in  all  parts  of  Mexico,  for  we  repeatedly  meet  with  mentions  of 
the  dazzling  white  walls,  like  silver,  which  the  Spaniards  noticed  all  through 
their  nnirch.  Torqiianniht,  Moiiarq.  IiiiL,  torn,  i.,  p.  251;  Clavigcro,  Stvvia 
Ant.  <M  Mfssiro,  toui.  ii.,  p.  202. 

**  In  Cenipoalla,  says  Peter  Martyr,  'none  nuvy  charge  his  neighliourswall 
with  l>eames  or  rafter.^.  All  the  houses  arc  seperatcd  the  distance  of  3. 
paces  asunder.'  Dec.  iv.,  lih.  7.  Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  24,  mentions  as  many 
as  five  courts. 

63  Torqiiemnda,  Moitarq.  Ltd.,  tom.  i.,  p.  291;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  A/tohi- 
gftica,  MS.,  cap.  1.;  Prescotfs  Mex.,  v<d.  ii.,  pp.  70-7;  t'/tertdiei;  Mr.r. 
Anrien  et  Mod.,  p.  173.  ' N'avaient  gnere  qu'un  etage,  ix  cause  de  la  frJ- 
(luence  des  tremhlement  de  terre.'  Jiussierrc,  VEmpirc  Mex.,  p.  173. 

«<  Corti's,  Cartas,  p.  24. 


DWELLINGS  OF  THE  RICHEU  CLASSES. 


671 


porticos  decorated  with  porphyry,  jasper,  and  alabas- 
ter ornaments,  which,  again,  led  to  various  chambers, 
and  halls,  lighted  by  large  windows.  Two  great  halls 
and  several  reception-rooms  were  situated  in  front ;  the 
sleeping-chambers,  kitchen,  baths,  and  store-rooms 
weie  in  the  rear,  forming  at  times  quite  a  complicated 
labyrinth."'  The  court  was  paved  with  flags  of  stone, 
tesselated  marble,  or  hard  cement,  polished  with  ochre 
or  gypsum,^  and  usually  contained  a  sparkling  fount- 
ain ;  occasionally  there  was  a  flower-garden,  in  which 
a  pyramidal  altar  gave  an  air  of  sanctity  to  the  place."^ 
The  stairway  which  led  to  the  second  stoiy  or  to  the 
roof,  was  often  on  the  outside  of  the  house,  and  by  its 
grand  proportions  and  graceful  form  contributed  not  a 
little  to  the  good  appearance  of  the  house."*  The  roof 
Avas  a  flat  terrace  of  beams,  with  a  slight  slope  towards 
the  back,*®  covered  with  a  coat  of  cement  or  clay,™  and 
surrounded  by  a  battlemented  parapet,  surmounted  at 
times  by  small  turrets."  There  were  generally  flow- 
ers in  pots  upon  the  roofs,  or  even  a  small  garden; 
and  here  the  members  of  the  household  assembled  in 


^'>  Chares,  Rapporl,  in  Tfrnanx-Conipanx,  Vo;/.,  sdrie  ii.,  toin.  v.,  p. 
328.  Tlie  palace  at  TecptMjuo,  savH  Las  Casas,  was  a  very  la))yriiith,  ni 
which  visitors  were  liaUle  to  lose  theinselves  without  a  guide.  In  the  pul> 
ape  allotted  to  Cortes  at  Mexico  he  found  conifortaUle  quarters  for  40()  of 
his  own  men,  20I)U  allies,  and  a  number  of  attendants.  Hist.  Apologctku, 
MS.,  caj().  lii.,  I.  'Ania  salas  con  sus  caniuras,  ijuc  cahia  cada  vn(»  en  su 
cama,  cientoy  cincuentaCastellanos.'  Ucnrm,  Itisf.  t'rcii.,  dec.  ii.,  lili.  vii., 
en]).  V.  '  Intorno  d'una  j?rau  corti  fosscro  ]>rima  j^randissime  sale  &  stantie, 
ncro'  v'cra  vna  sala  cosi  ;!;rande  die  vi  poteano  star  dentro  senza  dar  Tun 
tastidio  all'altro  pin  di  tre  mila  persone.  Relatione  fnttu  per  rn.  geiitiVhtio- 
mo  del  Siffiior  Fcriiaiulo  Cortese,  in  Ramusio,  Navigatioui,  torn,  iii.,  fol. 
.309. 

66  Clarigrro,  Storin  Ant.  <fel Mes-sico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  2()0,  202;  Torqitemada, 
Monarq.  Iiid.,  tom.  i.,  p.  251. 

^  Tezozomoc,  J  list.  Me.r.,  ton»  i.,  j).  188,  says  that  chiefs  were  permitted 
to  erect  towers  i>ierced  with  arrows  in  tlio  coiirtyaril.  Prrseotfs  Mex.,  vol. 
ii.,  J).  120.  The  houses  wert  often  quite  sunonnded  with  trees.  West-Iii- 
t/isfhc  Spieghel,  p.  220. 

6*  lirasseiir  dc  liourbourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  056. 

69  Tiflor's  Annhiifir,  pp.  i:i5-(5. 

'O  'lorqucmada,  Moiuirq.  Iiid.,  tom.  i.,  p.  291.  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apoln- 
(ji'lica,  MS.,  cap.  1.,  savs:  '  Kucalados  por  encima,  que  no  se  pueden  Hover.' 
'Conered  with  reede,  tnatcli,  or  marish  sedjje:  yet  numy  of  them  are  couered 
with  slate,  or  shiii<;le  stone.'  I'eter  Martyr,  dec.  iv,,  lili.  vii.,  dec.  v.,  lih.x. 

''^  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.,  lih.  iv.,  dec.  v.,  lib.  x. ;  Cathajul  Espinoaa, 
Hist.  Mex.,  tom.  ii.,  p,  219. 


572 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


the  cool  of  the  evening  to  enjoy  the  fresh  air  and 
charming  prospect."  Some  houses  had  galleries, 
which,  like  most  work  added  to  the  main  structure, 
were  of  wood,'^  though  supported  upon  columns  of 
marble,  porphyry,  or  alabaster.  These  pillars  were 
either  round  or  square,  and  were  generally  monoliths; 
they  were  without  base  or  capital,  though  ornamented 
with  fiofures  cut  in  low  relief  Buildinifs  were  further 
adorned  with  elegant  cornices  and  stucco  desijjfns  of 
flowers  and  animals,  which  were  often  painted  with 
brilliant  colors.  Prominent  among  these  figures  was 
the  coiling  serpent  before  mentioned.  Lintels  and 
door-posts  were  also  elaborately  carved.''* 

The  interior  displayed  the  same  rude  magnificence. 
The  floors  were  covered  with  hard,  smooth  cement 
like  the  courtyard  and  streets,  rubbed  with  ochre  or 
gypsum,  and  polished.^'  The  glossy  walls  were 
painted  and  hung  with  cotton  or  feather  tapestry,  to 
which  Las  Casas  adds  silver  plating  and  jewels.  The 
furniture  was  scanty.  It  consisted  chiefly  of  soft 
mats  and  cushions  of  palm-leaves  or  fur,  low  tables, 
and  small  stools  with  palm-leaf  backs.  The  beds 
were  mats  piled  one  upon  another,  with  a  block  or  a 
palm-leaf  or  cotton  cushion  for  a  pillow;  occasionally 
they  were  furnished  with  coverlets  and  canopies  of 


'8  Helps'  Span.  Conq.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  314. 

73  Brasscur  dc  Itaurbonrff,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  658. 

'<  Vlarigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  toin.  ii.,  pp.  2(KM2;  Bussierre, 
VEmpirc  Mex.,  pp.  17.  -4;  Vurbujal  Enpiiiosa,  Hist.  Me.i:.,  toin.  i.,  pp. 
(562  3,  665. 

'i  '  Emu  los  Patios,  y  Siielos  de  ellos,  de  argamasa,  y  desi)ucs  de  eiica- 
IndoR,  ciibrian  la  supcrfieie,  y  liaz,  con  Alnia^rre,  y  despues  briiniaiiios,  eoii 
vnoH  guijarroH,  y  ]iicdras  miii  lisas,  y  quedtu>aii  con  tan  buena  ti;z,  y  tan 
liennosaniente  brunidoM,  mic  no  {lodia  estarlo  mas  vn  IMato  du  Phita;  piics 
coino  fuese  de  nianana,  y  el  Sol  couien^ase  t\  derraniar,  y  CNparoir  la  Lunibre 
de  Hiis  UaioM,  y  I'ouieni^asen  h  reberverar  en  los  Suelos,  eni'endianios  de 
nianera,  que  h  quien  llcvaba  tan  buen  deseo,  y  ansia  de  lialier  (,)ro,  y  I'lata, 
le  jMido  parecer,  que  era  Oro  el  Suelo;  y  cs  nuii  cierto,  que  los  sucloa  de  las 
t'asas,  y  de  los  I'ation  (en  especial,  de  los  Tcniplns,  y  de  los  Sefiores,  y  IVr- 
Konas  I'rincipalcs)  se  hacian,  y  aderc^'abau,  en  a<iucllos  Tienipos,  talcs,  quo 
eran  niui  de  v^r,  y  algunos  de  cstos  hcnios  visto  tan  lisos,  y  lininios,  que  sin 
asco  se  podia  comer  en  ellos,  sin  Mantelcs,  qualquicrMamar.'  Tovquemada, 
Monarq.  lad.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  251-2;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apoioijetica,  mH.,  cap. 
xlix. 


HOUSES  OF  THE  LOWER  CLASSES. 


673 


cotton  or  feather-work.'^  Vases  filled  with  smolder- 
ing incense  diffused  their  peifume  through  the  cham- 
bers. The  rooms  which  were  used  in  winter  were 
provided  with  hearths  and  fire-screens,  and  were 
lighted  by  torches."  There  Avere  no  doors,  properly 
called  such,  to  the  houses,  but  where  privacy  was  re- 
quired, a  bamboo  or  wicker-work  screen  was  sus- 
pended across  the  entrance,  and  secured  at  night  with 
a  bar.  To  this  was  attached  a  string  of  shells,  which 
the  visitor  rattled  to  call  the  host  or  his  attendants  to 
the  entrance.  The  interior  rooms  were  separated  by 
hangings,  which  probably  also  served  to  cover  the 
windows  of  ordinary  dwellings,''^  although  the  trans- 
parent tecali  stone,  as  before  stated,  answered  the 
purpose  of  window-glass  in  certain  parts  of  some  of 
the  temples.™ 

The  houses  of  the  poorer  classes  were  built  of 
adobe,  wood,  cane,  or  reeds  and  stones,  mixed  with 
mud,  well  plastered  and  polished,*^  and,  in  Mexico, 
raised  on  stone  foundations,  to  prevent  dami)ness,** 
though  the  elevation  was  less  than  that  of  the  houses 
of  the  richer  people.  They  were  generally  of  an 
oblong  shape,  were  divided  into  several  apartments, 
and  occasionally  had  a  gallery  in  front.  They  could 
not  aflford  a  central  court,  but  had  instead  a  flower  or 
vegetable  garden  wherever  space  permitted.  Terrace 
roofs  were  not  unconnuon  in  the  towns,  but  more 
generally    the    houses   of    the    poorer    people   were 


7«  'Toldillos  cncinia.'  licnml  Dim,  Hint.  Conq.,  fol.  66. 
''^  Las  Cttxii.1,  Hist.  Apoloiji'ticn,  AIS.,  wip.  1.;  Gomarn,  Coiiq.  Mrx.,  fol. 
:U8;  Jicrtinl  Diaz,   Jlist.   C'oiitj.,  fol.  66,  68;  llerrrra.   Hist.  <lcn.,  dec.  ii., 


lib.  viL,  flip,  v.,  vii.;  Jiussicirc,  VEmpiic  Mex.,  pp.  174-5;  Corle.t,  Cartas, 
pp.  79,  174-5.  Klciiiin,  Vitltitr-Gesmichtc,  toiii.  v.,  pp.  lii-U*,  ineiitiuiis 
stools  of  cane  niid  reed;  and  tirehujpt  which  were  u.sed  for  li};htt>. 


1^  Torque mndn,  Moiiarq.  Diil.,  totn.  ii.,  p.  .381;  Clari(jcro,  Storia  Ant. 
del  Mi'ssiro,  toin.  ii.,  p.  201;  Vurhajal  Espiiiosa,  Hist.  Max.,  toiii.  i.,  p.  6t)'i. 
'Xo  ay  piiertas  iii  ventaiiaH  que  cerrar,  todo  C8  abierto.'  Gosnura,  Conq. 
Mex.,  fol.  318. 

'9  lirasseur  de  Dourbourq,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  8. 

"«  Hcrrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  xii.;  I'rft-r  Martyr,  dec.  v., 
lib.  X.;  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apoloqitica,  MS.,  cap.  xli.\-l.;  PrcscotCs  Mex., 
Mil.  ii.,  ]>.  70. 

I*!  I'cttr  Marti/r,  dec.  v.,  lib.  x. 


S74 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


thatched  with  a  kind  of  long  thijk  grass,  or  with 
overlapping  maguey-leaves." 

Besides  the  oratory  and  store-house  with  which 
most  houses  were  prdvided,  a  temazcalli,  or  bath,  was 
generally  added  to  the  dwelling.  This,  according  to 
Clavigero,  consisted  of  a  hemisphere  of  adobe,  having 
a  slightly  convex  paved  floor  sunk  a  little  below  the 
level  of  the  surrounding  ground.  The  entrance  was 
a  small  hole  just  large  enough  to  admit  a  man.  On 
the  outside  of  the  bath-house,  and  on  the  opposite  side 
to  the  entrance,  was  a  furnace  made  of  stone  or  brick, 
separated  from  the  interior  by  a  thin  slab  of  tetzontli, 
or  other  porous  stone,  through  which  the  heat  was 
communicated.  On  entering,  the  door  was  closed, 
and  the  suffocating  vapors  were  allowed  to  escape 
slowly  through  a  small  opening  in  the  top.  Tho 
largest  bath-houses  were  eight  feet  in  diameter,  and 
six  feet  i"^.  height.  Some  were  mere  square  chambers 
without  a  furnace,  and  were  doubtless  heated  and  the 
fire  raked  out  before  the  bather  entered." 

The  storehouses  and  granaries  which  were  attached 
to  farms,  temples,  and  palaces,  were  usually  square 
buildings  of  oxametl-wood,  with  thatched  roofs.  The 
logs  had  notches  near  the  ends  to  give  them  a  secure 
hold.  Two  windows,  or  doors,  one  above  the  other, 
gave  access  to  the  interior,  which  was  often  large 
enough  to  contain  many  thousand  bushels  of  grain.^ 

M  Motolinia,  Hist  Indios,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  199; 
Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  200;  Gomara,  Cong.  Mex., 
fol.  SiS;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Ctv.,  toin.  iii.,  p.  657;  Carbajal 
Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  661-2. 

85  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  214-15,  with  cut; 
Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  662,  v]\-2,  with  cut  The 
poorer  had  tioubtless  resort  to  public  baths;  they  certainly  existed  in  Tlas- 
caio.  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  xvi.;  Bussierre,  L' Empire 
Mex.,jp.  240. 

8*  Clavigero,  Storia. Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  165;  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bonrg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  636;  Torqttemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn, 
ii.,  p.  564.  For  description  of  houses,  see:  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind., 
torn,  i.,  pp.  251-2,  291,  torn,  ii.,  ^p.  381,  564;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec. 
ii.,  lib.  VI.,  cap.  xii.,  xvi.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  v.;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del 
Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  156,  200-2,  214-15,  with  cut;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apolo- 
g'tiea,  MS.,  cap.  xlix-lii;  Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  24;  Relatione  fatta  jter  vn 
gtntirhuomo  del  Signor  Fernatido  Cortese,  in  Bamvmo,  Navigationi,  torn. 


AZTEC  GARDENS. 


676 


Love  of  flowers  was  a  passion  with  the  Aztecs,  and 
they  bestowed  great  care  upon  the  cultivation  of  gar- 
dens. The  finest  and  largest  of  these  were  at  Izta- 
palapan  and  Huastepec.  The  garden  at  Iztapalapan 
was  divided  into  four  squares,  each  traversed  by 
shaded  walks,  meandering  among  fruit-trees,  blossom- 
ing hedges,  and  borders  of  sweet  herbs."  In  the  centre 
of  the  garden  was  an  immense  reservoir  of  hewn 
stone,  four  hundred  paces  square,  and  fed  by  naviga- 
ble canals.  A  tiled  pavement,"  wide  enough  for  four 
persons  walking  abreast,  surrounded  the  reservoir,  and 
at  intervals  steps  led  down  to  the  water,  upon  the 
surface  of  which  innumerable  water-fowl  sported.  A 
large  pavilion,  with  halls  and  corridors,  overlooked 
the  grounds.*' 

The  Huastepec  garden  was  two  leagues  in  circuit, 
and  was  situated  on  a  stream;  it  contained  an  im- 
mense variety  of  plants  and  trees,  to  which  additions 
were  continually  made."  The  chinampas,  or  floating 
gardens,  have  been  described  elsewhere." 

The  Mexicans  required  no  solid  roads  for  heavy 
traffic,  since  goods  were  carried  upon  the  shouldere  of 
slaves,  but  a  number  of  pathways  crossed  the  country 
in  various  directions,  which  underwent  repair  every 
year  on  the  cessation  of  the  rains.     Here  and  there 


M 


iii.,  fol.  309;  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  66,  68;  Gomara,  Cong.  Mex., 
fol.  318;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Iiidios,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i., 
p.  199;  Mendiela,  Hist.  Ecles.,  \t.  121;  Tezozomoe,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p. 
188;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  iv.,  vii.,  dec  v.,  cap.  x. ;  Chaves,  Haftport, 
in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s^rie ii.,  torn,  v., p.  328;  West-Indischc  Spteghel, 
p.  2:21;  Brasseur  de  Bourbovrq,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  26,  222,  636, 
656-8,  iv.,  p.  8;  Prescotfs  Jitex.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  76-7,  120;  chevalier,  Mex., 
Ancien  et  Mod.,  p.  31;  Bussierre,  V Empire  Mex.,  pp.  173-5,  240;  Gar- 
bajul  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  661-3,  671-2,  with  cut,  toni.  ii.,  p. 
219;  Tutor's  Anahutic,  pp.  135-6;  Klemm,  Cultur-Geschichte,  torn,  v.,  pp. 
15-16. 

^  'El  anden,  hdcia  la  pared  de  la  huerta,  va  todo  labrado  de  cafias  con 
Unas  vergas.'  Cortis,  Cartas,  p.  83. 

*  'Un  anden  de  muy  buen  suelo  ladrillado.'  Covtts,  Cartas,  p.  83. 

^  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  283;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  636;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messieo,  torn,  ii.,  p. 
166. 

«*  Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  196;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messieo,  torn,  ii.,  p. 
157. 

»  See  this  vol.,  p.  345. 


576 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


country  roads  crossed  streams  by  means  of  suspen- 
sion-bridges, or  fixed  structures  mostly  of  wood,  but 
sometimes  of  stone,  with  small  spans.  The  suspen- 
sion-bridges were  made  of  ropes,  twisted  canes,  or 
tough  branches,  attached  to  trees  and  connected  by 
a  netting.  The  Spaniards  were  rather  fearful  of  cross- 
ing them,  on  account  of  their  i^winging  motion  when 
stepped  upon  and  the  gaping  rents  in  them."* 

Almost  the  only  specimen  of  Nahua  architecture 
which  has  withstood  the  ravasfes  of  time  until  our 
day  is  the  temple  structure,  teocalli,  'house  of  God,' 
or  teopan,  'place  of  God,'  of  which  Torquemada  asserts 
there  were  at  least  forty  thousand  ii.  Mexico.  Clavi- 
gero  regards  this  as  a  good  deal  below  the  real  num- 
ber, and  if  we  consider  the  extremely  religious  charac- 
ter of  the  people,  and  accept  the  statements  of  the 
early  chroniclers,  who  say  that  at  distances  of  from  a 
quarter  to  half  a  league,  in  every  town  and  village, 
were  open  places  containing  one  or  more  temples,®^ 
and  on  every  isolated  rock  or  hill,  along  the  country 
roads,  even  in  the  fields,  were  substantial  structures 
devoted  to  some  idol,  then  Clavigero's  assertion  may 
be  correct.*" 

The  larger  temples  were  usually  built  upon  pyrami- 
dal parallelograms,  square,  or  oblong,  and  consisted  of 
a  series  of  super-imposed  terraces  with  perpendicular 
or  sloping  sides."^     The  celebrated  temple  at  Mexico 

00  '  Hay  sus  puentes  cle  muy  anchas  y  muv  grandcs  vigas  juntas  y  recias 
V  bien  labradtis;  y  tales,  que  por  muchas  dellas  pueden  pasar  diez  de  ca- 
Wllo  juntos  &  la  par.'  Cortes,  Cartas,  p  103.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  632,  says  that  stone  bridges  were  most  coniinon, 
which  is  doubtless  a  mistake.  Speaking  of  swinging  bridges,  Kleniin  says: 
'Manche  waren  so  fest  angespannt,  dasa  sie  gar  kcine  schwankende  Bewe- 
gung  batten.'  Cttltur-Geschichte,  torn,  v.,  p.  75;  Clavigero,  Storiu  Ant.  del 
Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  169. 

91  'En  los  niismos  patios  de  los  pueblos  principales  habiaotros  cadadoce 
6  quince  teocallis  harto  grandes,  unos  mayores  que  otros.'  Motolinia,  Hist. 
Iiuiios,  in  Icazbalceta,  Vol.  de  Doc,  toni.  L,  p.  64.  'Entre  nmitro,  6  einco 
barrios  tenian  vn  Adoratorio,  y  sus  idolos.'  Bernul  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol. 
7-2. 

9*  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  pp.  84-6,  Torqwmada,  Moiiarq.  Ind.,  torn, 
ii.,  p.  141;  Las  Casus,  Hiit.  Ajioloff^tica,  MS.,  cap.  cxxiv. :  Clavigero,  Sto- 
ria  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  35. 

93  Clavi'jero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  26,  34,  cuts;  Her.'.ra, 
Hist.  Oen.',  (Translation,  Loud.  1725),  vol.  ii.,  pp.  372,  378,  cuts. 


TEMPLE  OF  HUITZILOPOCHTLI. 


677 


forms  a  fair  type  of  the  latter  kind  and  its  detailed 
description  will  give  the  best  idea  of  this  class  of  edi- 
fices. 

When  the  Aztecs  halted  on  the  site  of  Mexico  after 
their  long  wanderings,  the  first  care  was  to  erect  an 
abode  for  their  chief  divinity  Huitzilopochtli.  The 
spot  chosen  for  the  humble  structure,  which  at  first 
consisted  of  a  mere  hut,  was  over  the  stone  whereon 
the  sacred  nochtli  grew  that  had  been  pointed  out  by 
the  oracle.  A  building  more  worthy  of  the  god  was 
soon  erected,  and,  later  on,  Ahuitzotl  constructed  the 
edifice  from  whose  summit  Cortds  looked  down  upon 
the  scenes  of  his  conquest.  The  labor  bestowed  upon 
it  was  immense,  and  notwithstanding  that  the  mate- 
rial had  to  be  brought  from  a  distance  of  three  or  four 
leagues — a  serious  matter  to  a  people  who  were  sup- 
plied with  no  adequate  means  of  transport — the  tem- 
ple was  completed  in  two  years.**  The  inauguration 
tdok  place  in  148G,  in  the  presence  of  the  chief  princes 
and  an  immense  concourse  of  people  from  all  quarters, 
and  72,344  captives,  arranged  in  two  long  files,  were 
sacrificed  during  the  four  days  of  its  duration."  The 
site  of  the  building  was  indeed  worthy  of  its  charac- 
ter, standing  as  it  did  in  an  immense  square  forming 
the  centre  of  the  town,  from  which  radiated  the  four 
chief  thoroughfares."  The  idea  of  thus  keeping  the 
god  before  the  people  at  all  times  had,  doubtless,  as 
much  to  do  with  this  arrangement  as  that  of  giving 
him  the  place  of  honor.     A  square  walP  about  four 


adoce 
Hist. 
cinco 

(.,  fol. 

torn. 
»,  Sto- 


•*  Tezozomop,,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  151-3. 

^  Torqiicmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  186;  Vetanevrt,  Teatro  Mex., 
pt.  ii.,  p.  .37.  Other  authors  tpvc  the  number  at  60,460,  and  the  attend- 
ance at  6,000,000.  Claingero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  i.,  p.  257. 

^  'Uecihia  dentro  do  su  hueco  todo  el  Huelo  en  que  aora  estk  edificada 
la  Iglesia  Maior,  Casos  del  Marques  del  Valle,  Casos  Kealcs,  y  Casaa  Ar^o- 
bispales,  con  mucha  parte  de  lo  que  aora  es  Pla^a,  que  parece  cosa  incre- 
ible.'  Sahagun,  quoted  in  Torquenuida,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  146. 
To-day  the  Cathedral  stands  upon  the  Plaza,  and  many  liouaeH  occupy  the 
spot;  see  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  226-7,  2.33-5.  Oppo- 
site the  south  gate  was  the  market  and  '  en  face  du  grand  temple  se  trou- 
vait  lo  italais.'  Tezozomoc,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  152. 

9'  '  Dos  cercas  al  rededor  de  cal,  y  canto.'  Sernal  Diaz,  Hitt.  C'onq.,  fol. 
70-1. 

Vol.  II.   37 


I 


578 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


thousand  eight  hundred  feet  in  circumference,  from 
eight  to  nine  feet  in  height  and  of  great  thickness, 
with  its  sides  facing  the  cardinal  points,  formed  the 
courtyard  of  the  temple.**  It  was  built  of  stone  and 
lime,  plastered  and  polished,"*  crowned  with  battle- 
ments in  the  form  of  snails,  and  turreted  and  adorned 
with  many  stone  serpents, — a  very  common  ornament 
on-  edifices  in  Egypt  as  well  as  Andhuac — for  which 
reason  it  was  called  coatepantli,  'wall  of  snakes.'*** 
At  the  centre  of  each  wall  stood  a  large  two-story 
building,  divided  into  a  number  of  rooms,  in  which  the 
military  stores  and  weapons  were  kept.  These  faced 
the  four  chief  thoroughfares  of  the  town,  and  their 
lower  stories  formed  the  portals  of  the  gateways  which 
gave  entrance  to  the  courtyard."*  This  was  partly 
paved  with  large  smooth  flag -stones,   partly   with 

w  'Mayores  que  la  pla^a  que  ay  en  Salamanca.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Conq.,  fol.  70.  Cort^a,  Cartas,  p.  106,  states  that  a  town  of  500  houses 
could  be  located  within  its  compass.  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii., 
p.  144,  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  119,  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Aftologttica,  MS., 
cap.  Ii.,  and  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xvii.,  agree  upon  a 
length  to  each  side  of  one  cross-bow  or  musket  shot,  and  this,  according  to 
Las  Cosas,  cap.  cxxxii.,  is  750  paces;  in  the  same  places  he  gives  the  length 
at  four  shots,  or  3000  paces,  an  evident  mistake,  unless  bv  this  is  meant  the 
circumference.  Hernandez  estimates  it  at  about  86  percnes,  or  1,420  feet. 
Sahogun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  i. ,  lib.  ii.,  p.  197,  who  seems  to  have  investigated 
the  matter  more  closely,  places  it  at  200  fathoms,  which  cannot  be  too  nigh, 
when  we  consider  that  the  court  enclosed  77  or  more  edifice),  besides  the 
great  temple.  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  tom.  IL,  p.  226,  gives  a 
length  of  250  varas. 

>*  'Eratodo  cercado  de  piedra  de  manposterla  mui  bien  labrado.'  Tor- 
quemada, Moiiari.  Ind.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  144.  'Estaban  mui  bien  encaladas, 
blancas,  y  bruaidas.'  Id.,  p.  141. 

■oo  Ctamgero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  ii.,  p.  27;  Brasaeur  de  Hour- 
hourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  661;  Prescotts  Mex.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  142. 
' Era  labroda  depiedros  grandcs  a  manera  de  culebras  asidas  las  vnas  a  las 
otras.'  Aeosta,  Hist,  delas  Ynd.,  p.  333;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icaz- 
balceta.  Col.  de  Doc.,  tom.  i.,  p.  63. 

■01  Aeosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  333,  says  an  idol  stood  over  each  gate, 
facing  the  road.  It  is  not  statea  by  any  author  that  tlie  arsenals  formed 
the  gatewav,  but  as  they  rose  over  the  entrance,  and  nearly  all  mention 
upper  and  lower  rooms,  and  as  buildings  of  this  size  could  not  have  rested 
upon  the  walls  alone,  it  follows  that  the  lower  story  must  have  formed  the 
sides  of  the  entrance.  'A  cada  parte  y  puerta  de  las  cuatro  del  patio  del 
templo  grande  ya  dicho  habia  una  gran  sala  con  muy  buenos  aposentos  altos 
ybajoB  en  rededor.'  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  Ii.;  Torque- 
mada, Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  146;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  120.  Te- 
zozomoc.  Hist.  Mex.,  tom.  i.,  p.  152,  mentions  three  (^tes.  'A  I'orient  et  k 
I'occident  d'une  petite  porte  et  d'une  grande  vis-ii-vis  de  Tescalier  mdridi- 
onaL' 


THE  GREAT  TEMPLE  OF  MEXICO. 


B79 


>ioo 


cement,  plastered  and  polished,  and  so  slippery  that 
the  horses  of  the  Spaniards  could  scarcely  keep  their 
footing.'"*  In  the  centre  stood  the  great  temple,  an 
oblong,  parallelogramic  pyramid,  about  three  hundred 
and  seventy-five  feet  long  and  three  hundred  feet 
broad  at  the  base,  three  hundred  and  twenty-five  by 
two  hundred  and  fifty  at  the  summit,  and  rising  in 
five  superimposed,  perpendicular  terraces  to  the  height 
of  eighty-six   feet.**®      The  terraces  were   of  equal 

101  'Y  el  misino  patio,  y  sitio  todo  empedrado  de  piednw  grandes  de  losaa 
blancos,  y  inuy  lisas:  y  adonde  no  auia  de  aquellas  piedras,  cstaua  encalado, 
yhrnUHlo,'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  70.  The  white  stones  had  no 
doubt  received  that  coler  from  plaster.  'Los  patios  y  suelos  eran  teiiidoB 
de  Almagre  bruflido,  y  incorporado  con  la  niisma  cal.'  Torquemada,  Mo^ 
narq.  Iiut.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  141;  Laa  Casaa,  Hist.  Apologttica,  \i8.,  cap.  xlix. 
The  dimensions  given  by  the  diihrent  authors  are  extremely  varied;  the 
Anonymous  Conqueror,  as  the  only  eye-witness  who  has  given  any  measure- 
ments, certainly  deserves  credit  for  those  that  appear  reasonable,  namely 
the  length  and  width;  the  height  seems  out  of  proportion. 

IDS  'Cento  &  cin^uanta  ]iiis.si,  6  poco  piu  di  lunghezza,  &  cento  quindici, 
b  cento  &  venti  di  largliezza.'  Relatione  fatta  per  vn  gentiPhuomo  del 
Signor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Bammio,  Sfavigationi,  torn,  iii.,  fol.  307. 
This  would  give  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  base  in  the  text,  assuming 
two  and  a  half  feet  to  the  pace.  With  a  decrease  of  two  good  paces  for 
each  of  the  four  ledges  which  surround  the  pyramid,  the  summit  measure- 
ment is  arrived  at.  The  terraces  are  stated  by  the  same  author  to  be  two 
men's  stature  in  height,  but  this  scarcely  agrees  with  the  height  indicated 
by  the  120  or  30  steps  given.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  70,  counted  114 
steps,  and  as  most  authors  estimate  each  of  these  at  a  span,  or  nine  inches  in 
height,  this  would  give  an  altitude  of  86  feet.  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del 
Messico,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  28-9,  gives  about  .50  fathoms  (perches,  he  calls  them) 
by  43  to  the  base,  and,  allowing  a  perch  to  the  ledges,  he  places  the 
summit  dimensions  at  43  by  34  fatnoma.  The  height  he  estimates  at 
19  fathoms,  giving  the  height  of  each  step  as  one  foot  To  prove  that 
he  has  not  over-estimated  tlic  summit  dimensions,  at  least,  he  refers  to 
the  statements  of  Cortes,  who  affirms  that  he  fought  500  Mexicans  on 
the  top  platform,  and  of  Diaz,  who  says  that  over  4,000  men  garrisoned 
the  temple.  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  144-5,  who  fol- 
lows Sanagim,  states  it  to  be  360  feet  square  at  the  base,  and  over  70 
at  the  top;  the  steps  he  says  are  'vna  tercia,  y  mas'  in  height,  which 
closely  approaciics  a  foot.  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologttica,  MS.,  cap.  Ii.,  says: 
'Una  torre  triangular  6  de  trcs  esquinas  de  tierra  y  piedra  maciza;  y  ancha 

de  esquina  &  esquina  de  ciento  y  viente  pasos  6  cuasi con  un  llano  6 

plaza  de  obra  de  setenta  pies.'  In  cap.  cxxxii.  he  calls  it  100  men's  stature 
in  height.  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  119,  says  50  fathoms  square  at  the 
Imse  and  18  at  the  top.  IxtlilxochitI,  Hist.  Chic.h.,  in  Kingsborough's 
Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  245,  d<>8cribes  a  temple  which  seems  to  be  that  of 
Mexico,  and  states  it  to  be  80  fathoms  square,  with  a  height  of  27  men's 
stature.  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xvii.,  places  the  dimen- 
sions as  low  as  30  varas  square  at  the  Imsc  and  from  12  to  15  at  the  top.  Of 
modem  authors  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iiL,  p.  659, 
gives  the  dimensions  at  300  by  250  feet  for  the  base,  and  60  feet  tor  the 
summit,  after  allowing  from  5  to  6  feet  for  the  ledges,  a  rather  extraordinary 
computation;  unless,  indeed,  we  assume  that  the  terraces  were  sloping,  but 


580 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


height,'**  the  lowest,  according  to  Tezozomoc,  having 
a  foundation  a  fathom  or  more  in  depth,  and  each  re- 
ceded about  six  feet  from  the  edge  of  the  one  beneath 
it,  leaving  a  flat  ledge  round  its  base.'*''  At  the 
north-west  corner  the  ledges  were  graded  to  form  a 
series  of  steps,  one  hundred  and  fourteen  in  all,  and 
each  about  nine  inches  high,  which  led  from  terrace  to 
terrace,  so  that  it  was  necessary  to  walk  completely 
round  the  ediHce  to  gain  the  succeeding  flight. *'"  This 
style  of  building  was  probably  devised  for  show  as 
well  as  for  defence,  for  by  this  means  the  gorgeously 
dressed  procession  of  priests  was  obliged  to  pass  in 
sight  of  the  entire  multitude  gathered  on  all  sides  of 
the  temple,  winding  at  a  solemn  pace  round  each  ter- 
race. The  structure  was  composed  of  well-rammed 
earth,  stones,  and  clay,  covered  with  a  layer  of  large 

there  is  no  reliable  cut  or  description  to  confirm  ouch  a  supposition. 
Humboldt,  Eumi  Pol.,  torn,  i.,  pj>.  lGO-71),  bas  07  metres  for  the  scjuare, 
and  37  fur  the  iieight.  Orteua,  in  Vcijtia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  pp. 
280-82,  is  positive  that  the  heit{ht  was  certainly  no  less  than  38  varas. 
Prescott,  Mex.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  144,  remarks  that  there  is  no  authority  for 
describing  the  tem^e  as  oblong,  except  the  contemptible  cut  of  the  Anony- 
mous Conqueror.  This  may  be  just  enough  as  regards  the  cut,  but  if  he 
had  exammed  the  description  attached  to  it  it,  he  would  have  found  the 
dimensions  of  an  obloufj  structure  given.  We  must  consider  that  the 
Anonymous  Conqueror  is  the  only  eye-witness  who  gives  any  measure- 
ment, and,  further,  that  as  two  chapels  were  situated  at  one  end  of  the 
platform  the  structure  ought  to  have  oeen  oblong  to  give  the  space  in  front 
a  fair  outline. 

iM  'Alto  come  due  stature  dVn  huomo.'  Relatione  fatta  per  vnqentiVhuo- 
mo  del  Sii/iior  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Ramusio,  Navigationi,  torn,  iii.,  fol.  307. 

loi  'I^ciano  vna  strada  di  largbezza  di  duo  passi.'  Relatione  fatta  per 
vn  gentifhuoino  del  Signor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Ramtuio,  Navigationi, 
torn,  iii.,  fol.  307.  See  note  87;  Motolinia,  Hif(.  Indiot,  in  Icazbalceta, 
Col.  de  Doc.,  tom.  i.,  p.  64. 

116 The  Anonymous  Conqueror,  Relatione,  etc,  \)bi  supriL  Las  Casas, 
Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  cxxiv.,  Gomara,  donq.  Mex.,  fol.  119,  and 
Torquemada,  Monar<f.  Itut.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  14^,  nV  say  that  there  was  no 
ledge  on  the  west  side,  merely  steps,  but  thi>i  is,  doubtless,  a  careless 
expression,  for  23  steps  allotted  to  each  terrace  would  scarcely  have  ex- 
tended over  a  length  of  about  300  feet,  the  breadth  of  the  pyramid.  Near- 
ly all  agree  upon  the  number  of  the  steps,  namely  1 14.  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist. 
Ohich.,  in  Kingxhorotigh'a  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  245,  however,  gives  ICO 
steps;  Oviedo,*ii««<.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  502-3,  60  steps;  and  Acosta,  Hist, 
de  Ins  Ynd. ,  p.  333,  30  steps,  30  fathoms  wide,  but  the  latter  author  ha.s 
evidently  mixed  up  the  accounts  of  two  ditt'erent  temples.  Tezozomoc, 
Hist.  Itfrx.,  tom.  i.,  p.  152,  states  that  the  temple  had  three  stairways, 
with  360  steps  in  all,  one  for  every  day  in  the  Mexican  year.  According 
to  Klemm,  Cidtur-GescAichte,  tom.  v.,  p.  155,  the  stejis  are  on  the  soutli 
comer,  but  there  is  no  authority  for  this  statement;  in  the  cuts  they  ap- 
pear on  the  north. 


THE  GREAT  TEMPLE  OP  MEXICO. 


Ml 


square  pieces  of  tetzontli,  all  of  equal  size,  hewn 
smooth  and  joined  with  a  fine  cement,  which  scarcely 
left  a  mark  to  be  seen ;  it  was  besides  covered  with  a 
polished  coating  of  lime,  or  gypsum.""  The  steps 
were  of  solid  stone  and  the  platform  of  the  same  slip- 
pery character  as  the  court.*"  At  its  eastern  end 
stood  two  three-story  towers,  fifty-six  feet  in  height,** 
separated  from  the  edjy^e  by  a  walk  barely  wide  enough 
for  one  person.  The  lower  story  was  of  masonry  with 
the  floor  raised  a  few  feet  above  the  platform  and  an 
entrance  on  the  west;  the  two  upj)er  stories  were  of 
wood,  with  windows,  to  which  access  was  had  by  mov- 
able ladders.**"     A  wooden  cupola  well  painted  and 

ic^  'De  tierra  y  piedra,  me^olida  con  cal  muy  macizAila.'  Hfrrera,  Hi»t. 
Om.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  ciin.  xvii.  'Purlu  parte  do  fuera  i^a  »a  imred  de 
piedra:  lo  de  dentro  hciiuiiiaiilu  de  piedra  todo,  6  de  barro  y  adolie;  otrosde 
tierra  bien  taniada.'  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  leuzhalceta,  Col.  de  Doe., 
torn.  i..  pp.  63-4.  '  Heclia  de  inanpoHtoria.'  TorqiKinada,  Monarq.  Ind., 
torn,  ii.,  p.  144.  The  pyramid  of  Teutihuacan,  which,  according  to  some 
authors,  has  been  a  nio.lel  for  othent,  is  built  of  clay  mixed  with  small 
stones,  covered  by  a  heavy  wall  of  tetzoutli,  which  is  coated  with  lime. 
Humbolut,  EssaiPol.,  turn,  i.,  p.  187.  'Todus  las  piedras  estauan  assen- 
tadas  de  tal  suerte,  que  la  mezcla  casi  no  parecia,  sino  todas  las  piedras 
vna.'  Ddvila  Padilla,  Ilist.  Fond.  Mex.,  p.  75.  The  whitewash  may,  how- 
ever, have  given  it  this  solid  api>carance.  '  Todos  aquellus  Tcniplos,  y  Salas; 
y  tmlas  sus  paredes  que  los  cercaban,  estaban  mui  bien  encalauas,  blancas, 
y  bruuidas.'  Torqiteiitada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  141;  The  mortar  was 
mixed  with  precious  stones  and  gold-dust.  Tezozomoc,  Cronica  Mex.,  in 
KingsborougKa  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  60. 

'w  Brasseurde  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  659,  states  that 
three  sides  of  the  platform  were  protected  bv  a  balustrade  of  sculptured 
stone,  and  this  is  not  unlikely  when  we  consider  the  slippery  nature  of  the 
floor  and  the  dizzy  height.  See  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  ii.,  p. 
141,  Las  Casas,  I'liat.  Ajwioqilica,  MS.,  cap.  xlix.,  cxxiv,  and  note  76  on 
polished  floors.  Carbajal  lilspinosa.  Hist,  mex.,  tom.  i.,  p.  664,  states  that 
the  summit  was  paved  with  nu'rble. 

""  'In alto  dieci,  6  dodeci  stature  d'huomo.*  Relatione  fattapervn  gen- 
tiPhitomo  del  Sipnor  Fernando  Cortege,  in  Ramusio,  Navigationi,  tom.  iii., 
fol.  307.  This  is  followed  bv  Olavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Meisico,  tom.  ii., 
p.  29,  who  says  56  feet,  or  aooiit  9  perches.  No  other  dimensions  are  men- 
tiouf^d  by  the  old  chroniclers;  Brasseurde  Bourbourg,  however,  gives  thsm  a 
base  of  20  feet  square.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  659-60,  but  this  becomes 
absurd  when  we  consider  the  height  of  the  buildings,  and  the  accommoda- 
tion required  for  the  gigantic  idols  thev  contained.  This  author  hazards  the 
opinion  that  the  chapels  were  placed  close  to  the  edge,  to  enable  the  people 
to  see  the  ido!-*  from  below,  but  there  is  no  mention  of  any  doors  on 
the  east  side,  and  it  is  stated  that  the  chapels  were  placed  at  this  end  so  that 
the  people  in  praying  might  face  the  rising  sun.  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol. 
119;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologttiea,  MS.,  cap.  Ii. 

110  <  Que  se  maud--  ban  por  la  parte  de  adentro,  por  unas  escaleras  de  ma- 
dera  movedizns. '  Ixtlilxochitl.  Hist.  Chich.,  in  Kingsboro ugh' s  Mex.  Antiq., 
vol.  ix.,  p.  245.    Acosta  states  that  the  towers  were  ascended  by  120  steps. 


682 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


adorned  formed  the  roof.*"  The  sanctuaries  were  in 
the  lower  storv,  the  one  on  the  ri<A\t  hand  dedicated 
to  Huitzilopochtli  with  his  partner  and  lieutenant,  the 
other  to  Tezcatlipoca.*"  The  gicjantic  images  of  these 
gods  rested  upon  large  stone  altars  three  to  four  feet 
high,"'  their  monstrous  grandeur  shielded  from  the 
vulgar  gaze  of  the  multitude  by  rich  curtains  hung 
with  tassels  and  golden  pellets  like  bells,  which  rattled 
as  the  hangings  moved.  Before  the  altar  stood  the 
terrible  stone  of  sacrifice,  a  green  block  about  five  feet 
in  length,  and  three  in  breadth  and  height,  rising  in 
a  ridge  on  the  top  so  as  to  bend  the  body  of  the  vic- 
tim upwards  and  allow  the  easy  extraction  of  the 
heart."*  The  walls  and  ceilings  were  painted  with 
monstrous  figures,  and  ornamented  with   stucco  and 

Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  334.  The  towers  were  miide  of  'artesones.'  Gowam, 
Gonq.  Mex.,  fol.  119.  Brasseur  de  ]iourl)oiirg  Htates  that  the  outside  of  the 
walls  was  painted  with  various  fi<;ures  and  monsters,  but  this  seems  to  Ijc  a 
misinterpretation  of  Goniara,  who  places  tlic  paintings  on  the  inside.  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  6G0.  Bernal  Diaz  says,  besides,  that  the  towers  were 
'todas  blanqueando.    Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  70. 

'"  The  eaves  or  the  domes  of  the  temples  were  decorated  with  fine  red 
and  white  pillars,  set  with  jet  black  stones  and  holding  two  figures  of  stone 
with  torches  in  their  hands,  which  supported  a  battlement  in  fonn  of  spiral 
shells;  the  torches  were  adorned  with  yellow  and  green  feathers  and  fringes. 
Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Yiid.,  p.  333?  Montaniis,  Nieuwe  Weercld,  p.  242. 

'1'  Most  of  the  old  authors  say  that  Tlaloc  occupied  the  second  chapel, 
but  as  the  next  largest  temple  in  the  court  is  dedicated  to  this  god,  I  am 
inclined  to  think,  with  Clavigero,  that  TezcatliiMica  shared  the  chief  pyra- 
mid with  Huitzilopochtli.  Another  reason  for  this  1>clief  is  that  Tezcatli- 
poca  was  held  to  oe  the  half-brother  of  Huitzilopochtli,  and  their  feasts 
were  sometimes  attended  with  similar  ceremonies.  Tezcatlipoca  was  also  one 
of  the  highest  if  not  the  highest  god,  and,  accordingly,  entitled  to  the  place  of 
honor  by  the  side  of  *'•  j  favorite  god  of  the  Aztecs.  Tlaloc,  on  the  other 
hand,  had  nothing  in  common  with  Huitzilo|xichtIi,  and  the  only  possible 
ground  that  can  be  found  for  his  promotion  to  the  chief  pyramid  is  to  be 
seen  in  the  fable  of  the  foundation  of  Mexico,  in  which  Tluloc,  a.8  the  lord 
of  the  site,  gives  the  Aztecs  permission  fo  settle  there.  We  have,  besides, 
the  testimony  of  Bernal  Diaz,  who  saw  Tezcatlipoca,  adorned  with  the 
tezcatl,  or  mirror  ornament,  seated  in  the  left  hand  temple.  Hist.  Conq.,  fol. 
71;  Ortega,  in  Vcytin,  Hist.  Ant.  MeJ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  281.  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  660,  thinks  it  possible  that  the  second 
temiHe  was  occupied  by  different  idols,  in  turn,  according  to  the  festival. 

113  'No  eran  mas  altos  que  cinco  palmos.'  Goniara,  Conq.  Mix.,  fol.  11'.). 
Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mcssico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  2ft. 

•'♦  Clavigero  thinks  that  the  stone  was  of  jasper.  Storia  A  nt.  del  Mcssico, 
tom.  ii.,  p.  46,  with  cut.  It  is  difficult  to  define  the  ixtsition of  this  stone;  some 
place  it  Defore  the  idol  within  the  cha|iel,  others  at  the  western  extremity 
of  the  platform.  Uefcrring  to  the  idols  in  the  chapel,  Sahagun  says:  'Dc- 
lante  de  cada  una  de  estas  estaba  una  piedra  redonda  il  manera  de  tajon 
que  llamau  texcatl,  donde  matabau  los  que  sacriticabuu  &  houra  de  aquel 


THE  SACRIFICIAL  STONE. 


688 


carved  wood-work,  and,  according  to  Las  Casas,  the 
gold  and  jewel-decked  interior  exceeded  even  Thebe's 
^famed  temple  in  beauty;""  but  the  venerable  bishop 
was  evidently  led  away  by  his  well-known  enthusiasm 
for  whatever  concerned  the  natives,  for  Bernal  Diaz 
and  others  state  that  the  floors  and  walls  were  steeped 
with  blood,  diffusing  a  fetid  odor  which  made  the 
visitors  glad  to  escape  to  the  fresh  air."®  The  upper 
stories  were  used  as  receptacles  for  the  ashes  of  de- 
ceased kings  and  lords,"''  and  for  the  instruments  con- 
nected with  the  service  of  the  temple,  but  Diaz  also 
noticed  idols,  half  human  half  monstrous  in  form,  and 
found  the  rooms  blood-stained  like  the  lower  apart- 
ment."® Before  each  chapel  stood  a  stone  hearth  of 
a  man's  height,  and  of  the  same  shape  as  the  piscina  in 
Catholic  churches,  upon  which  a  fire  was  continually 
kept  burning  by  the  virgins  and  priests,  and  great 
misfortunes  were  apprehended  if  it  became  extin- 
guished."'   Here  was   also  the  large  drum  covered 

dios,  y  dcsclc  la  piedra  hasta  abajo  un  regaxal  de  sangre  dc  los  que  mata- 
ban  cii  61' — he  dci^cribes  the  stone  as  round.  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p. 
198.  And  this  I  am  inclined  tu  accept  as  correct,  csnecially  as  several 
points  indicate  that  the  stones  stood  inside  the  chapel.  Their  noor,  we  are 
told,  were  steeped  in  blood  that  must  have  flown  from  the  victims;  further, 
we  know  that  the  reeking  licurt  was  held  up  before  or  thrown  at  the  feet  of 
the  idol,  immediately  after  being  torn  out.  The  act  of  sacrilice  wa-s  in  itself 
a  ceremony  which  could  only  have  been  performed  before  the  idol.  Acosta, 
Ilist.  de  las  Yiid.,  p.  334,  and  Solis,  Hist.  Cimq.  Mex.,  toni.  i.,  p.  397,  place 
it  in  the  middle  of  the  platform.  Prescott,  Mcx.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  143,  states 
that  the  stone  (one  only)  stood  near  the  head  of  the  stairway,  but  this  is 
most  likely  a  hasty  interpretation  of  Diaz'  vngue  account.  There  nmy, 
however,  have  liecn  a  large  stone  at  this  ]>  ace,  whifh  wa.s  used  for  the 

freat  and  general  sacrifices.  Bcnia!  Dim,  II'  it.  Conq.,  fol.  70;  Las  Casas, 
list.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  cx.xiv.  Brassrur  de  Bourl>ourg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  6(!()-i,  manages  ver/  dexterously  to  place  the  two  stones 
before  the  chapel,  and  at  the  same  time  neat-  the  head  of  the  steps.  Klenim, 
Cultur-Geschichte,  tom.  v.,  p.  98,  mentions  one  stone  with  a  hollow  in  the 
middle. 

'"  Lrt«  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  cxxxii.;  Gomara,  Conq. 
Mex.,  fol.  119. 

•18  liernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Comj.,  fol.  71. 

'"  Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  106.  It  is  also  stated  that  certain  chapels  in  the 
streets  were  used  for  burial  places  by  the  lords.  '  Inde  Straten  waren  veel 
Cappellen,  die  .<■  st  diendeden  tot  l)egravin^'be  van  de  groote  Heeren.' 
Wcst-Indisrht  ,,;   ,.ghel,  p.  248. 

'"  'Dezian,  que  era  el  Dios  do  las  scmentcras'  (called  Centeotl).  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Co'iq.,  fol.  71. 

"»  Clnvigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messiro,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  29-30;  Cnrhaj'd  Es- 
pinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  228;  Torquemcda,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii  , 


684 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS 


with  snake-skins,™  whose  sombre  notes  resounded  o^'er 
a  distance  of  two  miles  on  feast-days  and  other  extca- 
ordinary  occasions — many  a  death-knell  it  struck  for 
the  Spaniards  before  they  became  masters  of  it. 
From  this  height  the  Spaniards  gazed  down  upoTi  be- 
tween seventy  and  eighty  other  edifices  withii  the 
enclosure,  with  their  six  hundred  braziers  of  stone, 
some  round,  some  square,  and  from  two  to  five  feet 
high,"*  whose  bright  fires  flared  in  perpetual  adoration 
of  their  idols,  and  turned  the  night  into  day.  About 
forty  of  these  were  temples,  each  with  its  idols,  scat- 
tered round  the  court  and  facing  the  great  pyramid  as 
if  in  adoration.**"  They  were  considerably  smaller 
than  the  central  temple,  and  differed  chiefly  in  the 
form  of  the  roof  which  was  round,  square,  or  pyrami- 
dal, according  to  the  character  of  the  idol.*'"  The 
largest  was  that  of  Tlaloc,  which  stood  nearest  the 
pyramid,  and  was  ascended  by  fifty  steps.*"  Quetzal- 
coatl's  was  the  most  singular  in  form,  being  circular 


p.  145;  on  p.  141,  he  says,  in  contradiction:  'Delante  de  los  Altares  en 
estos  Templos  avia  vnos  braseros  Iiechos  de  piedra,  v  cal,  de  tres  quartas  en 
alto,  de  fi^ura  circular,  b  redondo,  y  otros  quodrauos,  donde  de  dia,  y  de 
noche  ardia  coiitinuo  fuego,  tenian  bus  fogones,  y  braseros  todos  las  8alas 
de  los  dichos  Templos,  donde  encendian  fuego,  para  calentarse  los  Sefiores, 
quando  iban  tt  ellos,  y  para  los  Saccrdotes.'  'Tan  altos  conio  tres  palmos 
y  cuatro.'  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologttica,  MS.,  cap.  cxxiv. 

IM  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  70. 

'*!  See  note  119;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col,  de  Doc, 
torn,  i.,  p.  65. 

'**  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mcssico,  to.n.  ii.,  p.  30.  Las  Casas,  Hist. 
Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  li.,  and  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  p.  64,  say  that  they  face  in  all  directions,  .vhich  lends  to 
prove  that  they  must  have  faced  the  temple  of  the  supreme  and  iiatron 
gods.  'Estando  encontrados,  y  puestos  vnos  contra  otros,'  adds  Torque- 
tiiada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toni.  ii.,  pp.  141,  146.  Gomara,  Conq.  Mrx.,  fol.  119, 
states  that  they  were  turned  against  all  points  but  the  east,  so  as  to  difler 
from  the  chief  temple.  'Tenian  la  cara  dcia  el  occidcnte.'  Sahaijini,  Hist, 
Gen.,  tom.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  p.  198.  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  334,  states  that 
the  court  held  eight  or  nine  temples  facing  all  quarters. 

"J  'Todos  eran  vnos;   pero  difcrenciabanse  en  el  asicnto,  y  postura.' 

Torqttcmada,  Monarq.  Intl.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  145.     'Lacuhierta eradediver- 

sas,  y  varias  formas,  que  aunque  eran  vnas  de  madera,  y  otras  de  paja, 
como  de  Centeno,  eran  miii  primamente  l&>:rada8,  vnas  coiterturus  piriinii' 
dales,  y  quadradas,  y  otras  redondas,  y  de  otras  formas.'  lb.  Gomara, 
Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  118-19;  Brasseurdc  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii., 
pp.  662-3. 

12^  'La  menor  dellas  tiene  ^in(][iicnta  escaloncs  para  subir  al  cuerpo  de  la 
torre.'  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  ill.,  p.  302;  Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  lOG. 


TEMPLES  OF  MEXICO, 


586 


and  surmounted  by  a  dome,  symbolic  of  the  abode 
of  the  god  of  air ;  a  snake's  jaws  with  exposed  fangs 
formed  the  low  entrance,  and  made  the  stranger  shud- 
der as  he  stooped  to  pass  in.'**  Among  other  notable 
edifices  were  the  tezcacalli,  or  'house  of  mirrors,'  so 
called  from  the  mirrors  which  covered  its  walls,  and 
the  teccizvalli  'house  of  shells,'  to  which  the  king  re- 
tired at  certain  times  to  perform  penance.  The  high- 
priest  also  had  a  house  of  retirement  called  poiaithtla, 
and  there  were  several  others  for  the  use  of  cer- 
tain other  priests.  Among  these  was  a  splendid 
building,  provided  with  baths,  fountains,  and  every 
"^lu^'oit,  in  which  notable  strangers  who  visited  the 
tut  r  ^e  or  the  court  were  entertained.  The  Ilhuicatit- 
la»i  temple,  dedicated  to  the  planet  Venus,  contained 
a  large  column  painted  or  sculptured  with  the  image 
of  the  star,  before  which  captives  were  sacrificed  on 
the  appearance  of  the  planet.  Another  temple  took 
the  form  of  a  cage,  in  which  the  idols  of  conquered 
nations  were  confined,  to  prevent  them  from  assisting 
their  worshipers  in  regaining  their  liberty.*'"  The 
quauhxicalco  was  used  as  a  receptacle  for  the  bones 
of  victims  sacrificed  at  various  sanctuaries.  The 
skulls  of  those  killed  at  the  great  temple  were  depos- 
ited in  the  fzompantli,  ^'"  which  stood  just  outside  the 
court,  near  the  western  or  main  gate.  This  consisted 
of  an  obl/iig  .^loping  parallelogram  of  earth  and  ma- 
sonry, one  liLaidred  and  fifty -four  feet  at  the  base, 
a.icendt.'l  !;;;  thirty  steps,  on  each  of  which  were 
skulb.^^'  R(  ind  the  summit  were  upwards  of  seventy 
raised  poles  ul  mt  four  feet  apart,  connected  by  nu- 
merous rows  of  cross-poles  passed  through  holes  in 
the  masts,  on  each  of  which  five  skulls  were  filed,  the 

iM  Torquemndn,  Mbnarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  145. 

126  TorqueiiKuIn,  Monnrq.  Ind.,  U»iii.  ii.,  i)p.   147-50. 

'«'  Salmgun,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  i.,  lib.  ii.,  jjp.  201-7;  Torquemada,  Mo- 
narq.  fnr',  ton  ii.,  p.  149;  Clavigero,  Stona  Ant.  del  Messico,  toiii.  ii., 
p.  .32,  I.   .    it  Hiicitzonipiiii. 

iw  ' ''  II  ,.H  csciiloiies  habia  tambien  wn  crdneo  entre  piedra  y  j)ie(lra.' 
Orfefft,  i  ]■  Iff  ill,  Hi.if.  Ant.  Met.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  287.  But  this  is  unlikely. 
Sec  ulttu  (x',-:  ..rci,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  121. 


mi 


%  I 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


sticks  being  passed  through  the  temples.*'*  In  the 
centre**  stood  two  towers,  or  columns,  made  of  skulls 
and  lime,  the  face  of  each  skull  being  turned  outwards, 
and  giving  a  horrible  appearance  to  the  whole.  This 
effect  was  heightened  by  leaving  the  heads  of  dis- 
tinguished captives  in  their  naiaral  state,  with  hair 
and  skin  on.  As  the  skulls  decayed,  or  fell  from  the 
towers  or  poles,  they  were  replaced  by  others,  so  that 
no  vacant  place  was  left.  The  Spaniards  are  said  to 
have  counted  one  liundred  and  thirty-six  thousand 
skulls  on  the  step.;  i^-  -  noles  alone,  but  this  number 
is,  no  doubt,  greatly  iggerated."*  In  the  court 
was  a  large  open  space,  hich  stretched  to  the  foot  of 
the  stairway  of  the  great  temple.  Here  the  great 
dances  were  held  in  which  thousands  took  part,***  and 
here,  in  full  view  of  the  multitude  gathered  to  join 
in  the  festive  ring,  stood  the  gladiatorial  stone,  the 
temalacatl,  upon  which  the  captives  were  placed  to 
fight  with  Aztec  warriors,  for  their  liberty  as  it  was 
termed,  but  rather  for  the  delectation  of  the  masses, 
for  their  chance  of  victory,  as  we  have  seen,  was  very 
small.  It  consisted  of  an  immense  flat  circular  stone, 
three  feet  in  height,  very  smooth,  with  sculptured 
edge,  placed  upon  a  small  pyramid  eight  f.^et  in 
height.*^  In  another  part  of  the  court  wer**  three 
large  halls  with  flat  roofs  and  plastered  walls,  painted 
on  the  inside,  which  contained  a  number  of  low,  dark 
chambers,  each  the  abode  of  an  idol;  the  walls  were 

"9  '  Estos  paloH  hazian  mucliaa  ospos  p'  r  las  vigas,  y  cada  tcrcio  de  aspa 
o  palo,  tenia  ciiico  cabe9as  ensartadas  por  las  sienes.'  Gomara,  Com/.  Mrj-., 
fol.  121-2.  AcoBta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  334,  places  the  maata  a  fntliDin 
apart,  and  twenty  skulls  upon  each  cross-pole,  which  is,  to  say  the  least, 
very  close  packing. 

"'  At  each  end  of  the  platform.  Warden,  Eechcrches,  p.  66. 

"'  Clavigcro,  S'nriii  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  .32;  Gomara,  Coiiq. 
Mex.,  fol.  121-2;  Hcrnra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xviii;  Acostn, 
Hist,  de  Ins  Ynd.,  pp.  3,33-5.  The  account  of  the  latter  author  is  so  mixed 
up  with  that  of  the  chief  temple  as  to  bo  of  little  value;  Montanus,  Nicitwe 
nccrcld,  pp.  242-3,  follows  him. 

"«  Acosta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  .3.33,  says  that  8,000  to  10,000  persons 
could  dance  with  joined  hands  in  this  place. 

"'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  ii.,  p.  48,  with  cut;  Torqiir- 
mada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tont.  ii.,  p.  154;  Ortega,  in  Vei/tin,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej., 
tom.  iii.,  p.  283;  Brtuseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  662. 


THE  TEMPLE  COURT. 


6S7 


covered  with  blood,  two  lingers  in  thickness,  and  the 
floors  to  the  depth  of  a  foot  almost.*"  The  court  also 
contained  a  <>rove  in  which  birds  were  raised  for  sacri- 
fices, and  whence  the  procession  started  on  the  day 
devoted  to  the  great  hunt  in  honor  of  Mixcoatl ;  there 
were  also  a  number  of  gardens,  where  flowers  and 
herbs  for  offerings  were  grown.  There  were  several 
bathing-places,  one  of  which,  the  tetzaapan,  'cleans- 
ing water,'***  was  set  apart  for  those  who  had  made 
vows  of  penance,  and  another,  at  Mixcoatl's  temple, 
filled  with  black  water,  for  the  priests.  The  toxpalatl 
was  a  fine  fountain,  the  waters  of  which  were  only 
drunk  at  solemn  festivals.  It  was  supposed  to  have 
been  the  identical  spring  in  which  the  Aztec  priest 
had  the  interview  with  Tlaloc  and  obtained  permis- 
sion for  the  nation  to  settle.  The  care  of  all  the 
temple  buildings  devolved  upon  a  perfect  army  of 
priests,  monks,  nuns,  sch(X)l  children,  and  other  peo- 
ple, estimated  at  from  five  to  ten  thousand,  who  all 
slept  within  the  sacred  precincts.*"  The  passing  and 
repassing  of  such  numbers  must  have  made  the  place 
teem  with  life,  yet  everything  was  in  such  perfect 
order  and  kept  so  sciuijulously  clean,  says  Diaz,  that 
not  a  speck  or  a  straw  could  he  discover.*" 

"*  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  120;  Torqucmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii., 
pp.  146-7;  Las  Casus,  Hist,  Apologitka,  MS.,  cap.  li. 

•'J*  Torqtietnada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  toin.  ii.,  p.  151;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist. 
Chich.,  in  Kingsboro lights  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  244. 

136  'llesideii  en  el  a  la  contina  uinco  mil  persunas,  y  toda^  duennen 
dentro,  y  cunicn  a  su  costa  del.'  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  120.  'V'liauea 
vnu  guarnigione  di  dieci  niila  honiini  di  gucrra.'  Relatione  fatta  per  vn 
genttt'huomo  del  Signor  Fernando  Cortese,  in  Bamusio,  Navigationt,  torn, 
lii.,  fol.  309. 

"'  The  authorities  on  the  temple  of  Mexico  are:  Jiernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Conq.,  fol.  70-2;  Relatione  fatta  per  vn  gentil'huomo  del  Signor  Fei'nanJo 
Cortese,  in  Ramnsio,  Navigationt,  torn,  iii.,  fol.  307,  309,  and  in  Irazbal- 
ceta.  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  384-5,  394-5,  with  cuts;  Torqucmada,  Monarq. 
Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  186,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  140-56;  Sahaqun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i., 
lib.  ii.,  pp.  197-211;  Cort^,  Cartas,  p.  106;  (Honiara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol. 
118-22;  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Ajwlogiticu,  MS.,  cap.  xlix.,  Ii.,  cxxiv. ;  Vetun- 
cvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt  ii.,  p.  37;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messieo,  torn, 
i.,  pp.  257-8,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  25-32,  46-8,  with  cuts  made  up  from  the  various 
dcscriptiona  of  Diaz  and  others;  see  his  remarks,  p.  26.  Acosta,  Hist,  de 
las  Ynd.,  pp.  3.S.)-5;  this  author  mixes  up  the  descriptions  of  the  chief 
temple  and  the  Tzompantli,  and  represents  this  account  as  that  of  Hui- 
tzilopochtli's  sanctuary;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  viL,  cap.  xvii., 


868 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Besides  this  there  were  several  other  temples  and 
public  oratorres  in  the  city,  situated  either  in  groups 
within  a  square,  or  scattered  throughout  the  wards, 
and  attended  to  by  their  special  priests  and  servants. 
Torquemada  thinks  that  their  number  equaled  the 
days  in  the  Aztec  year,  namely,  three  hundred  and 
sixty,  and  Clavigero  believes  that  there  were  two 
thousand  chapels  besides.^** 

The  temples  in  other  towns  were  pretty  much  like 
the  foregoing,  three  being  usually  grouped  around  a 
central  pyramid  in  a  square,  each  with  its  idol  and  one 
or  two  braziers.  Others  were  mounds  of  earth  cased 
with  stone,  with  one  broad  stairway  in  the  centre  of 
the  western  side,  or  with  steps  on  three  sides,  some- 
times at  each  corner.^*  The  chapels  on  the  platform 
were  usually  tw«.  or  three  stories  in  height,  often  pro- 
vided with  balconies,  the  whole  edifice  being  plastered 
and  polished.'*" 

The  pyramid  at  Mexico,  large  as  it  was,  did  not 
equal  that  at  Cholula,  which  Humboldt  estimates  at 
five  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty  feet  in  circum- 
ference and  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven  feet  in 

xviii.;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  pp. 
63-5;  Ortega,  in  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mcj.,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  279-89;  Tczozomoc, 
Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  151-3,  193;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  Kingsbor- 
ovglCs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  245;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  pp. 
302-3,  502-3;  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Mex.,  p.  75;  Solis,  Hist.  Conq. 
Mex.,  toin.  i.,  pp.  394-98;  Montanus,  Nieuwe  Weereld,  p.  242;  West-In- 
dische  Spieghel,  p.  248;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  torn,  i.,  p.  187;  Klcmm, 
Cultur-Ueschichte,  torn,  v.,  pp.  154-5;  Btasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  G59-65;  Uarbaial  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  WW, 
torn,  ii.,  pp.  22G-35,  with  cuts;  Warden,  Becherehea,  p.  66;  PrescotVs  Mex., 
vol.  ii.,  pp.  142-5. 

138  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  145;  Clatfigero,  Storia  Ant. 
del  Mcssico,  toni.  ii.,  p.  33.  Uonmra,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol  120,  sjiys  that  there 
were  2U0U  idols,  each  of  which  is  supposed  to  have  lind  a  separate  cha]>cl. 
Caro,  Tres  Siglos,  torn,  i.,  p.  2;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  AjmlogHtca,  MS.,  caj). 
cxx.xii. ;  in  cap.  cxxiv.,  he  adds  that  100  of  these  were  great  temples. 

•39  Cfomara,  Conq.  Mex. ,  fol.  120.  Some  temple  pyramids,  saya  DAvila 
PiuUlla,  formed  a  perfect  cone,  the  casing  being  composed  of  large  stoncn 
at  the  bottom;  as  the  wall  rose,  the  stones  decreased  in  size;  the  summit 
was  crowned  with  a  precious  stone.  Hist.  Fvnd.  Mex.,  p.  75;  Prescott's 
Mex.,  vol.  i.,  }).  72. 

"•  '  Los  grandes  tenian  tres  sohrados  encima  de  loe  altarcs,  todos  de  ter- 
radosyhKn  altos.'  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icuzbaleeta,  Col.  de  Doe., 
tom.  i.,  p.  64;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitiea,  MS.,  cap.  cxxiv.;  Torque- 
tnada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  141. 


TEOCALLI  AT  CHOLULA  AND  TEZCUCO. 

height.  It  consisted  of  four  square  terraces  facing 
the  cardinal  points,  which  seem  to  have  been  com- 
posed of  alternate  layers  of  adobe  and  clay,  and  was 
surrounded  by  a  double  wall,  according  to  Diaz.  On 
the  top  stood  the  semi-spherical  chapel  of  Quetzal- 
coatl,  with  its  door  made  low  so  that  all  who  entered 
should  bend  in  humility."*  This  city  contained,  be- 
sides, a  great  number  of  smaller  temples,  the  total 
equaling  the  number  of  days  in  the  Mexican  year."^ 
The  temple  at  Tezcuco  was  also  several  steps  higher 
than  the  Mexican  pyramid.**'  King  Nezahualcoyotl, 
who  is  said  to  have  believed  in  one  supreme  god, 
erected  in  his  honor  a  nine-story  building,  to  indicate 
the  nine  heavens,  the  roof  of  which  was  studded  with 
stars  and  surmounted  by  three  pinnacles ;  the  interior 
was  decorated  with  gold  and  feather-work  and  pre- 
cious stones.  The  upper  floor  was  a  receptacle  for  mu- 
sical instruments,  from  one  of  which,  the  chiliUtli, 
the  edifice  was  named.*"  The  traditional  temjiles  of 
early  times,  very  fairy  creations  according  to  the  ac- 
counts of  the  natives,  were  far  superior  to  the  later 
ones ;  but  these  relations  are  little  more  than  super- 
natural fables.**" 


•*i  Las  Casas,  Hist.  ApologHica,  MS.,  cap.  cxxiv;  Humboldt,  EssaiPol., 
torn,  i.,  i)j».  239-40;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  .3.3-4. 
Bernal  Diaz  counted  120  steps,  whicli  scarcely  agrees  with  the  height  of  the 
pyramid.  Hist.  Cotiq.,  fol.  72.  Acostu,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  pp.  390-1,  men- 
tions 60  steps  only.  'Alto  bien  mas  de  qiiarenta  estados:  fue  hecho  de 
Adove,  y  Piedra.'  Torqvemada,  Monurq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  281.  Montanns 
adds  that  on  the  summit  stood  a  square  stnicture,  suppor',  \n\  ]>y  28  itilicrs, 
within  which  were  thousands  of  skulls;  he  mentions  two  clinpels.  Nicirwe 
Weereld,  p.  236.  It  had  1508  steps;  in  the  wall  was  a  lurjje  diamond. 
West-Indische  Spief/hel,  p.  238. 

"'  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  xlix.  Some  of  these  had  two 
chapels,  which  would  make  the  number  of  towers  about  400.  Herrera, 
Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  ii. 

^^  IxtUlxoehitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  Kingsboroiigh^s  Mex.  Antiq.,  yo\.  ix., 
pp.  243.  The  description  of  the  temple  as  given  by  this  writer  is  almost 
identical  with  that  of  the  great  temple  at  Mexico.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Conq.,  fol.  72;  Torqueinada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  i.,  p.  305. 

^**  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  in  Kingsborongh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix., 
p.  257. 

^*^  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  107-;8.  Further  authori- 
ties on  Mexican  buildings:  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  iv-v., 
viii-xi.,  xiii-xviii.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  i.,  cap.  viii..  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xi.,  xv. ;  Pefrr 
Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  ii-iii.,  viii.,  x.;  dec.  viii.,  lib.  iv.;  Mendieta,  Hist. 


! 


oeo 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


Eda^  pp.  84-7,  121;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mcj.,  torn,  i.,  p.  155;  Ziuuo,  Carta, 
in  leazoaleeta.  Col.  ae  Doe.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  359,  362;  West-Jtiduche  Spieghel,  pp. 
240-^;  MuHster,  Cosmographia,  p.  1410;  MoiUanus,  Niemm  Weereld,  j>p. 
80-5,  236-7,  242-3;  CortiH,  Aven.  y  Conq.,  pp.  120,  128-33;  Bussierre, 
VEmpire  Mex.,  pp.  123-7,  172-5,  252-3,  25»-9,  M8;  Klemm,  Cultur-Ge- 
schichte,  torn,  v.,  pp.  31-2,  75,  84-5,  97-9,  152-62;  Monglcmt,  Riaumi,  pp. 
20-1,  24-5,  36-7;  Touron,  Hist.  Gin.,  toin.  iii.,  pp.  40-8;  Cooper's  Hist.  N. 
Amer.,  pt  ii.,  p.  164;  Lafond,  Voyage,  tom.  i.,  pp.  106-7;  BrownelVs  Ind. 
Races,  pp.  92-5;  Banking's  Hist.  Researches,  pp.  336-7;  Domenech,  Mex- 
ique,  pp.  70-2;  Foster's  Pre-Hist.  Races,  p.  391;  Dilworth'a  Conq.  Mex.,  pp. 
64,  70i;  Lenoir,  ParalUle,  pp.  20-1;  Ptmentel,  Mem.  sobre  la  Rata  Indi- 
gena,  pp.  66-7;  Chevalier,  Mex.  Ancien  et  Mod.,  pp.  30-3;  Purchaa  his 
Pilgrimes,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  1033,  1123-4,  1133. 


CHAPTER    XIX. 


MEDICINE    AND   FUNERAL    RITES   AMONG   THE    NAHUAS. 

Mexican  Contributions  to  Medical  Science  — The  Botanical 
Gardens— Longevity— Prevalent  Diseases— Introduction  of 
Small-pox  and  Syphilis- Medical  Treatment  -The  Temaz- 
CALLi  —  Aboriginal  Physicians  — The  Aztec  Faculty— Stand- 
ard Remedies— Surgery— Superstitious  Ceremonies  in  Heal- 
ing— Funeral  Rites  of  Aztecs— Cremation— Royal  Obsequies- 
Embalming— The  Funeral  Pyre— Human  Sacrifice- Disposal 
of  the  Ashes  and  Ornaments  —  Mourners  —  Funeral  Cere- 
monies OF  THE  People  —  Certat'-  Classes  Buried  — Rites  for 
the  Slain  in  Battle— i>urial  among  the  Teo-Chichimecs  and 
Tabascans— Cremation  Ceremonies  in  Michoacan— Burial  by 
the  Miztecs  in  Oajaca. 


Writers  on  Mexico  have  paid  but  slight  attention 
to  aboriginal  medical  science,  although  the  greatest 
benefit  which  Europe  derived  from  that  part  of  the 
New  World  came  doubtless  in  the  form  of  medicinal 
substances.  Most  of  the  additions  to  the  world's 
stock  of  remedies  since  the  sixteenth  century  were 
indigenous  to  tropical  America,  and  in  few  instances, 
if  any,  were  their  curative  properties  unknown  or 
unfamiliar  to  the  native  doctors.  Jalap,  sarsaparilla, 
tobacco,  with  numerous  gums  and  balsams,  were 
among  the  simples  of  American  origin.  Dr  Hern  i- 
dez,  physician  to  Phillip  II.,  was  sent  to  Mexico  by 
his  king  to  investigate  the  natural  history  of  the 
country.     The  results  of  his  researches,  in  which  he 


692 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


II 


i 


was  assisted  by  native  experts,  were  published  in  a 
large  work,  which  contains  long  lists  of  plants  with 
their  medicinal  properties,  and  which  L.-'s  been  much 
used  by  later  writers.  I  shall  not,  however^  attempt 
in  this  chapter  to  give  any  catalogue  of  medicinal 
plants.*  The  healing  art  was  protected  by  royalty, 
and  the  numerous  rare  plants  in  the  royal  gardens, 
collected  at  great  expense  from  all  parts  of  the 
country,  were  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  doctors  in 
the  large  cities,  who  were  ordered  to  experiment  with 
each  variety,  that  its  curative  or  injurious  properties 
might  be  utilized  or  shunned.  Thus  the  court  physi- 
cians derived  from  these  constantly  increasing  collec- 
tions all  the  advantages  of  travel  through  distant 
provinces.* 

The  Nahuas  were  a  healthy  race ;  naturally  so  with 
their  fine  climate,  their  hardy  training,  active  habits, 
frequent  bathing,  and  temperate  diet.  The  extraordi- 
nary statements  respecting  the  great  age  attained  by 
their  kings  in  the  earlier  periods  of  Nahua  history  are 
of  course  absurdly  exaggerated;  but  as  centenarians 
are  often  met  with  among  their  descendants  at  the 
present  day,  there  is  no  doubt  that  they  were  a  long- 
lived  race,  and  that  those  who  did  not  attain  a  hun- 
dred years,  succumbed  for  the  most  part  to  acutG 
diseases.'  Indigestion  and  its  accompanying  ills  were 
unknown,  and  deformed  people  were  so  rare  tliat 
Montezuma  kept  a  collection  of  them  as  a  curiosity. 
The  diseases  most  prevalent  were  acute  fevers,  colds, 
pleurisy,  catarrh,  diarrhea,  and,  in  the  coast  districts. 


'  Hernandez,  Nova  Plantarum,  etc.  The  MSS.,  comprising  24  books  of 
text  niul  11  books  of  plates,  were  sent  to  the  Escurial  in  Spain,  and  from 
them  abridged  editions  were  published  in  Mexico,  1615,  and  Home,  1G51. 
The  latter  edition  is  the  one  in  my  collection.  Salmgun  also  devotes  con- 
siderable space  to  a  description  of  herbs  and  their  properties.  Hist.  Gen., 
tom.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  xi. 

*  Claviaero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Me^sico,  tom.  ii-,  P-  157;  Hcrrera,  Hist.  Gen., 
dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xi.;  Carbajnl  Esjtinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  02.3-4. 

3  'E'da  maravigliare,  che  i  Alcssicani,  e  mussiniamentc  i  povcri,  non  fos- 
sero  a  niolte  malattle  sottoposti  atteso  la  qualith  de'loro  alimenti.  Clavi- 
aero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  ii.,  p.  217;  Humbold,  Essai  Pol.,  tom. 
I.,  p.  88. 


EPIDEMICS  AND  THEIR  RAVAGES. 


is, 


intermittent  fever,  spasms,  and  consumption,  aggra- 
vated by  exposure.* 

Deadly  epidemics  swept  the  country  at  intervals, 
the  traditional  accounts  of  which  are  so  intermingled 
with  fable  that  we  can  form  no  idea  of  their  nature. 
One  of  the  most  fatal  and  wide-spread  recorded  was 
that  brought  on  by  famine,  war,  and  the  anger  of  the 
gods  at  the  breaking-up  of  the  Toltec  empire."  The 
matlazahuatl  was  a  pestilence  said  to  be  conHned  en- 
tirely in  its  ravages  to  the  natives,  and  which  made 
great  havoc  even  after  the  Spaniards  came.  It  is 
thought  by  some  to  have  attacked  the  people  periodic- 
ally in  former  times,  and  to  have  been  similar  in  its 
nature  to  the  yellow  fever.  While  the  Aztecs  were 
shut  up  in  their  island  home,  a  curious  malady,  con- 
sisting of  a  swelling  of  the  eyelids,  followed  by  a  vio- 
lent dysentery  ending  in  death,  or,  as  others  say,  by 
a  swelling  of  the  throat  and  -body,  attacked  the  na- 
tions on  the  main  land,  especially  the  Tepanecs.  The 
popular  tradition  was  that  the  fumes  of  roasted  fish 
and  insects  wafted  from  the  island  to  the  shore,  cre- 
ated a  powerful  longing  for  this  new  and,  to  them, 
unobtainable  food,  and  that  the  pangs  of  an  unsatisfied 
appetite  originated  the  pestilence."  Ixtlilxochitl  re- 
lates that  a  catarrhic  scourge  fell  upon  the  people 
during  the  unusually  severe  winter  of  1450  and  car- 
ried off  large  numbers,  especially  of  the  aged.'' 

The  vices  introduced  by  the  Spaniards,  their  op- 
pression of  the  natives,  and  the  consequent  disregard 
of  the  ancient  regulations  respecting  cleanliness  and 

<  'Las  principales  cnfcrniedades  qiie  corrian  entre  esta  gente,  ernn  de 
ubuiidancia  de  culeni,  y  Heiiia,  o  otrus  iiialos  huinorcs,  caiisudus  do  mala 
comida,  y  falta  de  abrij^o.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dee.  ii.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  x.xi. 

*  Tezozomoc,  Vrdii.  Mex.,  in  Kingsboroiigh's  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  64; 
lirasseur  dr.  liourbiturg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toin.  i.,  p.  .365. 

6  'Hacia  tiialparir  las  Mufferes,  de  antojo  de  coiner  de  ufjiiello  que  awi- 

ban daban  caniazas  (i  los  Viejos  de  desco  de  comer  de  aqiicllo;  y  it  lax 

ftltigcres  se  los  hinchaban  los  brazos,  las  manos,  y  las  piernas,  que  adolecian 
inucho,  y  morian  con  oquel  dcseo.'  Ihiran,  Hist.  Itidtas,  MS.,  toni.  i.,  cap. 
X.  Torquemada  qualifies  this  by  'Esto  dicho,  pase  por  cucnto.'  Monarq. 
Iiid.,  torn,  i.,  p.  93;  Tezozomoc,  t'rdn.  Mex.,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Ah- 
ti'j.,  vol.  ix.,  pi).  21-2.  64. 

'  Hist.  Chirh.,  in  KingshorouglCs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  2.50. 
Vol.  II.   38  • 


004 


THE  NAHLA  NATIONS. 


the  use  of  liquors,  prepared  the  way  for  new  mala- 
dies. With  the  Spaniards  came  the  sniall-pox, 
measles,  and  as  some  believe,  the  syphilis.  Small-pox 
is  said  to  have  been  introduced  by  a  negro  from  one 
of  Narvaez'  ships  and  spread  with  frightful  rapidity 
over  the  whole  country,  destroying  whole  households 
who  died  and  found  no  other  graves  than  their  houses. 
Measles  were  introduced  some  ten  or  eleven  years 
later  also  from  the  Spanish  ships.  The  yellow  fever 
has  never  prevailed  to  any  great  extent  among  the 
natives.*  Respecting  syphilitic  diseases  and  their  ori- 
gin there  has  been  much  discussion.  The  first  api)ear- 
ance  of  the  malady  has  been  attributed  to  the  old 
world  and  the  new,  and  to  many  localities  in  the  for- 
mer. But  naturally  neither  continent,  nor  any  nation 
has  been  willing  to  accept  the  so-regarded  dishonor  of 
inflicting  on  the  world  this  loathsome  plague.  The 
discussion  of  the  subject  seems  unprofitable  and  I 
shall  not  reopen  it  here.  The  testimony  in  the  matter 
appears  to  me  to  prove  that  syphilis  existed  in  Europe 
long  before  the  discovery  of  America;  but  there  are 
also  some  indications  in  the  traditional  history  of  the 
Nahua  peoples  that  the  disease  in  some  of  its  forms 
was  not  unknown  to  the  aboriginal  Americans  before 
their  intercourse  with  foreigners.* 

Accustomed  to  look  on  death  in  its  most  terrible 
form  in  connection  with  their  oft-recurring  religious 
festivals,  the  people  seem  to  have  become  somewhat 
callous  to  its  dread  presence,  and  to  have  met  its 
approach  with  less  fear  of  the  dark  and  unknown 
hereafter  than  might  have  been  expected  from  their 
superstitious  nature.     An  attack  of  illness  did  not 

8  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indioa,  in  Icazhalccta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  15; 
Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  148. 

^  Claviqero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  i.,  pp.  117-19,  toni.  iv.,  pp. 
303-28;  Herreru,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  xxi.;  Gomara,  Conq. 
Mex.,  fol.  148;  Patiw,  Rech.  Phil.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  46-9;  Pimentel,  Mem.  sobre  la 
Baza  Indigena,  pp.  99-101;  PrescotCs  Mex.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  434-5;  Humboldt, 
Essai  Pol.,  toni.  i.,  pp.  66-71;  Chevalier,  Mex.  Ancien  et  Mod.,  p.  53; 
Brasseur  de  Boxtrbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  p.  182;  Id.,  in  Nouvelles 
Annates  des  Voy.,  1858,  torn,  clx.,  p.  280;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii., 
lib.  vii.,  p.  246. 


ATTENTIONS  TO  THE  SICK. 


696 


are 


p.  15; 


necesHarily  produce  ^reat  anxiety,  or  an  immediate 
recourse  to  the  doctor's  services;  but  the  common 
people  resorted  for  the  most  part  to  simple  home 
cures,  which  were  the  more  eftective  as  the  curative 
properties  of  herbs  and  their  modes  of  application  were 
generally  well  known.*"  The  unconcern  with  which 
they  regarded  sickness  did  not  result  from  want  of 
affection,  fur  the  Aztecs  are  said  to  have  been  very 
attentive  to  their  sick,  and  spent  their  wealth  without 
stint  to  save  the  life  of  friends.  Yet  the  Tlascaltecs, 
a  hardier  race,  are  reported  by  Motolinia  to  have 
been  less  attentive,  and  some  other  Teo-Chichimec 
tribes  did  not  hesitate  to  kill  a  patient  whose  malady 
did  not  soon  yield  to  their  treatment,  under  pretense 
of  putting  him  out  of  his  misery,  but  really  to  get 
him  oft*  their  hands.  This  work  of  charity  w  is  per- 
formed by  thrusting  an  arrow  down  the  throat  of  the 
invalid,  and  old  people  were  especially  the  recipients 
of  such  favors." 

The  favorite  remedy  for  almost  every  ill  of  the 
flesh  was  the  vapor-bath,  or  temazcalli.  No  w<»ll-to- 
do  citizen's  house  was  complete  without  conveniences 
for  indulging  in  these  baths,  and  the  poorer  families 
of  each  community  owned  one  or  more  temazcalli  in 
common.  The  reader  is  already  sufficiently  familiar 
with  the  general  features  of  these  baths,  a  confined 
space  with  facilities  for  converting  water  into  steam 
being  all  that  was  required.  Clavigero  describes  and 
pictures  a  very  graceful  structure  for  this  purpose,  for 
which,  as  it  seems  to  involve  the  then-unknown  prin- 
ciple of  the  arch,  he  probably  drew  somewhat  upon 
his   imagination.     It  is  of  adobes,  semi-globular   in 

i'  'Both  men,  women,  and  children,  had  great  knowledge  in  herbs. . . . 
Tliey  did  spend  little  among  Physicians.'  Gage^a  New  Survey,  j).  111.  'Casi 
todos  BUS  males  curan  conyeruas.'  Gomarn,  Coiiq.  Mex.,  fol.  117.  'No  so 
guardauan  de  males  contagiosos,  y  enfermcdades,  y  bestialmentc  se  dexavan 
niorir.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  xvi. 

"  Sahagun,  HLt.  Gen.,  t«m.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  119.  'Si  aljom  medico  entre 
ellos  (Tlascaltecs)  fdcilmente  se  puede  haber,  sin  mncho  ruido  ni  costa,  van 
lo  A  ver,  y  si  no,  mas  paciencia  tienen  que  Job.'  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in 
Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,,  torn,  i.,  p.  76. 


696 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


form,  about  eight  feet  in  diameter,  six  feet  high,  with 
a  convex  floor  a  little  below  the  level  of  the  ground. 
On  one  side  was  an  opening  sufficiently  large  to  admit 
a  man's  body,  on  the  opposite  side  a  square  furnace 
separated  from  the  interior  by  a  slab  of  tetzontli,  and 
at  the  top  an  air-hole.  Most  of  the  bath-houses,  how- 
ever, were  simply  square  or  oblong  chambers  with  no 
furnace  attached,  in  which  case  the  fire  had  of  course 
to  be  removed  before  the  apartment  was  ready  for  use. 
When  the  apparatus  was  properly  heated  a  mat  was 
spread  on  the  floor,  and  the  patient  entered,  sometimes 
accompanied  by  an  assistant,  bearing  a  dish  of  water 
to  be  thrown  on  the  floor  and  walls  to  produce  steam, 
and  a  bunch  of  maize-leaves  with  which  his  body, 
and  especially  the  part  affected,  was  to  be  beaten.  A 
plunge  into  cold  water  after  a  profuse  perspiration 
was  frequently  but  not  always  resoited  to.  As  I 
have  said,  there  were  scarcely  any  maladies  for  which 
this  treatment  was  not  recommended,  but  it  was  re- 
garded as  ]>articularly  efficacious  in  the  case  of  fevers 
brought  on  by  costiveness,  bites  of  venomous  serpents 
and  insects,  bruises,  and  unstrung  nerves,  and  to  re- 
lieve the  pains  and  purify  the  system  of  child-bearing 
women.  The  steam-baths  were  also  much  used  to 
promote  cleanliness  and  to  refresh  the  weary  bodies 
of  those  in  good  health." 

The  beneficial  effects  of  a  change  of  climate  upon 
invalids  seem  to  have  been  ai)preciated,  if  we  may 
credit  Herrera,  who  states  that  Michoacan  was  much 
resorted  to  by  the  sick  from  all  parts  of  the  country." 
For  severe  cases,  the  expenses  of  treating  which  could 
not  be  borne  except  by  the  wealthy  classes,  hos[>itals 
were  established  by  the  government  in  all  the  larger 
cities,  endowed  with  ample  revenues,  where  patients 
from  the  surrounding  country  were  cared  for  by  ex- 


^*  Claviffero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tam.  ii.,  pp.  214-10,  with  ctits, 
copied  ill  Carbnjal  Kspimmi,  Hist.  Mex.,  1  >in.  i.,  pj).  071-3;  Snhagun,  Hist. 
Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  xl.,  |>p.  280-7. 

"  Ilcrrcm,  Hist,  (feu.,  liec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  ix. 


THE  NAHUA  ESCULAPIUS. 


597 


perienced  doctors,  surgeons,  and  nurses  well  versed  in 
all  the  native  healing  arts."  Medical  practitioners 
were  numerous,  who  attended  patients  for  a  small 
remuneration;  the  jealousy  of  Spanish  phvsicians, 
however,  brought  them  into  disrepute  soon  after  the 
conquest,  and  the  healing  art,  like  otliers,  greatly  de- 
generated. It  is  related  that  a  famous  me(licine-man 
of  Michoacan  was  summoned  before  the  college  of  Jihy- 
sicians  in  Mexico  on  the  charge  of  being  a  quack.  In 
reply  to  the  accusation  he  asked  his  judges  to  smell  a 
certain  herb,  which  produced  a  severe  hemorrhage,  and 
then  invited  them  to  check  the  ilow  of  blood.  Seeinsj 
that  they  were  unable  to  do  this  promptly,  he  admin- 
istered a  powder  that  immediately  had  the  desired 
effect.  "These  are  my  attainments,"  he  exclaimed, 
"and  this  the  manner  in  which  I  cure  the  ailings  of 
my  patients."" 

The  Esculapius  of  the  Nahuas  was  embodied  in  the 
persons  of  Oxomococipactonatl  and  Tlatecuinxochi- 
caoaca,  who  were  traditionally  tli"?  inventors  of  medi- 
cine and  the  first  herbalists  among  the  Toltecs.  Soon 
after  ts  invention  the  healing  profession  became  one 
of  the  most  highly  honored,  and  its  followers  consti- 
tuted a  regular  faculty,  handing  down  their  knowledge 
aud  practice  from  generation  to  generation,  according  to 
the  Naliua  caste-system,  according  to  which  the  son 
almost  invariably  adopted  the  profession  of  his  father, 
by  whom  he  was  educated.  This  system  of  education 
from  early  childhood  under  the  father's  guidance,  the 
opportunities  for  j>ractice  in  the  public  hosj>itals,  free 
access  to  the  botanical  gardens,  and  the  numerous  sub- 
jects for  anatomical  dissection  sup[»li»jd  by  sacrificial 
rites,  certaiidy  offered  to  the  Nahua  doctor  abundant 
opportunities  of  acquiring  great  knowledge  and  skill. 

'<  'Kn  liiM  CiHiladeM  jirincipales. . .  .Iinbia  lioRpitnloH  dotathiH  dc  reiitas  y 
vasalloM  <loiitle  hi-  rusabiaii  y  cunibaii  los  eiifcrniuH  jMiliies.'  L(ts  Vnsns,  Hist. 
Apologttivit,  MS.,  cap.  cxli.  '  De  ciiaiulo  en  cuamlo  van  jtor  ttwla  la  pro- 
vinc^ia  li  Iniscar  loH  cnfcrinoH.'  Motoliiiia,  Hint.  Iiufioii,  in  laijMlrrta,  Col. 
<ff  Dor.,  toni.  i.,  p.  1.31;  Torque ninda,  Monatq,  Intl.,  toni.  ii.,  j).  165;  Car- 
bajnl,  Ditirurso,  pp.  .37-8. 

'*  liustamaiitr,  in  Sulmijuit,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  xi.,  p.  282. 


«08 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  profession  was  not  altogether  in  the  hands  of  the 
sterner  sex ;  for  female  pliysicians  were  in  high  repute, 
especially  on  the  eastern  coant.  In  certain  cases,  as 
of  childbirth,  we  find  the  patient  attended  by  none 
but  women,  who  administer  medicines  and  baths  and 
render  other  necessary  assistance,  even  going  so  far  as 
to  cut  out  the  infant  in  order  to  save  the  mother's 


16 


life. 

Medicines  were  given  in  all  the  usual  forms  of 
draught,  powder,  injection,  ointment,  plaster,  etc. ;  the 
material  for  which  was  gathered  from  the  three  nat- 
ural kingdoms  in  great  variety.  Many  of  the  herbs 
were  doubtless  obtained  from  the  gardens,  but  large 
quantities  were  obtained  in  the  forests  of  different 
provinces  by  wandering  collectors  who  brought  their 
herbs  to  the  market-places  f».^  sale,  or  even  peddled 
them,  it  is  said,  from  house  to  house.  Each  ailment 
had  its  particular  corrective,  the  knowledge  of  which 
was  not  entrusted  to  the  luemory  alone,  but  was  also 
recorded  in  [)ainted  books."  Doubtless  many  of  the 
vegetable  and  other  medicines  employed  were  mere 
nostrums  administered  to  give  an  exalted  opinion  of 
the  doctor's  knowledge  and  skill  rather  than  with  any 
hope  of  effecting  a  cure. 

Saha^un  gives  pagt!  after  page  of  native  recipes  for 
every  ailment  of  the  human  body,  wliich  cannot  be 
reproduced  here.  Many  of  the  remedies  and  methods 
of  ap!  Hcation  are  as  absurd  as  any  of  those  which 

'<•  Safiiit/ini,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  p.  185;  Hcrrera,  Hint.  Geii., 
dec.  iv.,  lili.  ix.,  cap.  vii. ;  Vlnvifjci'o,  Slona  Ant.  (M  Mrssirn,  turn,  ii.,  pp. 
'211-r2,  216-17;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  iu  Icazbalceta,  Vol.  dc  Dot:,  toiu. 
i.,  p,  m. 

"  '  Hiiy  mile  tie  hcrhoInrioR  dondc  hay  todas  liw  mlt-es  y  ycrlMis  niwlici- 
milcH  *[uc  en  la  tierra  se  liallnn.  Hay  casaM  coiiio  do  lM>ticario8  dniide  nc 
vomica  laH  nu'diciiiax  Iieclias,  asi  ]MitaliIeH  I'lmio  uii;;Uei,~tos  einplastoa.'  Cnr- 
ten,  Viirtas,  n.  I(U.  They  ' ponxudaieiit  des  livivs  da.is  lesqueU  t'taii'iit 
eoiisijfiieeH  iiiiiiiitietiseiuoiit  toiites  Icuw  iihservatiniis  reii.'tivcs  aux  soieiicfw 
imtitvellc's.'  lininsciirdf  Hiiurlmur;/,  Hist.  Nut.  Cii'.,  toju.  iii.,  pp.  (!37-S. 
Sec  aWt  Si'hiii/iiH,  ///.s'.  (rni.,  U»i\.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  110;  Oriedo,  Hist.  Gni., 
toin.  iii.,  p.  ;W(»;  Goiiinrii,  t'oiiq.  M<x.,fo\.  117;  Kilntione ,'atta  per  vn  ffeii- 
til'hiinmi)  di't  Sif/Hor  FrriKiiido  Curltse,  in  Riimusio,  Nurii'iitioni,  toin.  iii., 
fol.  .SOi).  'Teiiiaii  ttiote,  o  ocho  iiiaiieraH  de  rayzcs  «le  ycruati  y  flores:  do 
yeriuiM  y  arltoiei*,  (lue  eran  laM  niio  mas  coimiiiiiicnto  vsauLii  imra  ciirarse.' 
Hcrrcra,  Hixt.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lio.  x.,  cap.  xxi. 


i! 


TREATMENT  OF  VARIOUS  DISEASES. 


•Ic 


have  been  noticed  among  the  wild  tribes.  For  dis- 
eases of  the  scalp  a  wash  of  urine,  an  ointment  of 
soot,  and  an  application  of  black  clay  were  prescribed, 
to<^ether  with  vegetable  specifics  too  numerous  to 
mention.  The  white  of  an  egg  was  much  used  in 
mixing  remedies  for  wounds  and  bruises;  a  certain 
animal  tapaiaxiii  was  eaten  for  a  swollen  face;  the 
broth  of  a  boiled  fowl  was  recommended  for  conva- 
lescents. Cataracts  on  the  eye  were  rasped  and 
scraped  with  certain  roots;  for  bloodshot  eyes  the 
membrane  was  cut,  raised  with  a  thorn,  and  anointed 
with  woman's  milk;  clouded  eyes  were  treated  with 
lizard's  dung.  Morning  dew  cured  catarrh  in  newly 
born  children.  Hoarseness  was  treated  by  drinking 
honey,  and  an  external  application  of  India-rubber. 
Wounds  in  the  lips  must  be  sewn  up  with  a  hair;  a 
certain  insect  pounded  and  hot  pepper  were  among 
the  remedies  for  toothache,  and  great  care  of  the 
teeth  Avas  recommended.  Stammering  in  children 
was  supposed  to  be  caused  by  too  long  suckling. 
Remedies  for  a  cold  were  nearly  as  numerous  as  in 
our  day.  Copper-filings  were  applied  to  bubos,  which 
may  or  may  not  have  been  syphilitic  sores.  For 
looseness  of  the  bowels  in  infants,  the  remedy  was 
given  not  only  to  the  child  but  to  the  nurse.  For  a 
severe  blow  on  the  chest,  urine  in  which  lizards  had 
been  boiled  must  be  drunk.  The  necessity  of  regu- 
lating the  bowels  to  sustain  health  was  well  under- 
stood, and  the  doctor  usually  ott'ected  his  purpose  by 
injecting  a  herl»ul  decoction  from  his  mouth  through 
the  leg-bone  of  a  heron.  Purgatives  in  common  use 
were  jalap,  [)ine-cones,  tacudclic,  amamaxthi,  and 
other  roots;  diuretics,  axiximtli  and  axixtlitcotl;  emet- 
ics, mexochitl  and  neixcothpatli.  IzficpatH,  and  cha- 
talludc,  are  mentioned  among  the  remedies  for  fevers. 
Balsams  were  obtained  from  the  huitzUoxitl  by  distil- 
lation, from  the  huaconex  by  soaking  the  bark  in 
water,  and  from  the  man'penda,  by  boiling  the  fruit 
and    tender   stones.     Oils  were   made   from    tlapatl, 


600 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


chile,  chian,  ocotl  (a  kind  of  pine),  and  the  India-rub- 
ber tree.  Octli,  or  Avine,  was  often  prescribed  to 
strengthen  the  system,  and  was  also  mixed  with  other 
medicines  to  render  them  more  palatable,  for  which 
latter  purpose  cacao  was  also  much  used. 

Several  stones  possessed  medicinal  properties:  the 
aztetl,  held  in  the  hand  or  applied  to  the  neck, 
stopped  bleeding  at  the  nose ;  the  xiuhtomoltetl,  taken 
in  the  form  of  a  powder,  cured  heartburn  and  internal 
heat.  This  latter  stone  fell  from  the  clouds  in  stormy 
weather,  sunk  into  the  earth,  and  grew  continually 
larger  and  larger,  a  solitary  tuft  of  grass  alone  indi- 
cating to  the  collector  its  whereabouts.  The  bones  of 
giants  dug  up  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains,  were  col- 
lected by  their  dwarfish  successors,  ground  to  powder, 
mixed  with  cacao,  and  drunk  as  a  cure  for  diarrhea 
and  dysentery.  Persons  suffering  from  fever,  or  wish- 
ing to  allay  carnal  desires,  ate  jaguar's  flesh;  while 
the  skin,  bones,  and  excrement  of  the  same  animal, 
burnt,  powdered,  and  mixed  with  resin,  formed  an 
antidote  for  insanity.  Certain  horny-skinned  worms, 
similarly  powdered  and  mixed,  were  a  specific  for  the 
gout,  decayed  teeth,  and  divers  other  ailments. 

Surgery  was  no  less  advanced  than  other  branches 
of  the  healing  art,  and  Cortes  himself  had  occasion 
to  acknowledge  the  skill  and  speed  with  which  they 
cured  wounds.  Snake-bites,  common  enough  among 
a  barefooted  people,  were  cured  by  sucking  and  scari- 
fying the  wound,  covering  it  with  a  thin  transparent 
pellicle  from  the  maguey-plant.  Rubbing  with  snuff, 
together  with  heat,  was  another  treatment,  and  the 
coanenepilK  and  coapatli  were  also  considered  anti- 
dotes. Fractures  were  treated  with  certain  herbs 
and  gums,  different  kinds  for  different  limbs,  and 
bound  up  with  splints;  if  the  healing  did  not  pro- 
gress satisfactorily  the  bone  was  scraped  before  the 
operation  of  resetting.  For  painful  operations  of 
this  nature  it  is  possible  that  narcotics  were  admin- 
istered, for  at  certain  of  the  sacrifices  it  is  related 


SUPERSTITIOUS  CURATIVE  RITES. 


601 


that  the  victims  were  sprinkled  with  yauhtli  powder 
to  render  them  less  sensitive  to  pain.  Mendieta 
states  that  a  stupefying  drink  was  given  on  similar 
occasions;  and  Acosta  mentions  that  oliliuhqui  was 
taken  by  persons  who  desired  to  see  visions.  This 
latter  was  a  seed,  which  was  also  an  ingredient  of  the 
teopatii,  or  divine  medicine,  composed  besides  of  India- 
rubber  gum,  ocotl-resin,  tobacco,  and  sacred  water. 
This  medicine  could  only  be  obtained  from  the  priests. 
Blood-lotting  was  much  in  vogue  for  various  ills,  the 
lancets  used  being  iztli  knives,  porcupine-quills,  or 
maguey-thorns.  Ulli-marked  pajiers  were  burned  l)y 
the  recovered  patient  as  a  thank-offering  to  the  gods. 
Veterinary  surgeons  are  mentioned  by  Oviedo  as  hav- 
ing been  employed  in  the  zoological  gardens  of  Mon- 
tezuma.** 

The  medicines,  though  prepared  and  applied  by  the 
doctors  themselves,  were  not  deemed  sufficient  for  the 
patient;  superstitious  ceremonies  were  held  to  be  in- 
dispensable to  effect  a  cure,  and  to  enhance  the  value 
of  professional  services.  Evil  beings  and  things  had 
to  be  exorcised,  the  gods  must  be  invoked,  especially 
the  patron  deity,  known  chiefly  by  the  name  of  Te- 
teionan,  who  was  esteemed  the  inventor  of  many 
valuable  specifics,  as  the  ocotl-oil  and  others,  and  con- 
fessions were  extorted  to  ease  the  conscience  and  ap- 
pease the  offended  deity.  The  affected  parts  were 
rubbed  and  pressed  amid  mutterings  and  strange  ges- 
tures, and  to  work  the  more  upon  the  simple-minded 


w  Acosta  adds  that  the  nsheR  of  divers  poisonous  insects  weic  r.iixed  with 
the  teopatii  composition,  which  1>enum1)cd  the  part  to  which  it  wi  s  applied. 
'  Aplicado  por  via  de  cuiphisto  aniortigua  his  carncs  esto  solo  nor  si,  '(Uanto 
nios  con  tanto  <;eiicni  dc  ponvoiias,  y  conio  les  aniorti<;naua  el  dolor,  ]iarccia- 
Ics  efectode  sanidad,  y  de  virtud  dinina.'  Ilisf.  de  hut  Ynd.,  pp.  .370-1.  For 
details  of  medical  practice  ^-ce  Sn/iaffitii,  Hist.  Gch.,  toin.  lii.,  lih.  x.,  i>p. 
fW-lOS,  109,  lih.  xi.,pn.  21'2,  23G-80,  t<mi.  i.,  lih.  ii.,pp.  214-1");  Lns  Cams, 
Hist.  Apologitira,  MS.,  cap.  cxii.,  ccxiii. ;  Meiulieta,  Hist.  Edcs.,  pp.  100, 
13!);  Torqiicinada,  Monnrq.  Ltd.,  tom.  ii.,  pj».  274,  550,  558;  Ormfo,  Hist. 
IiuL,  tom.  iii.,  p.  ;W6;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.,  lib.  ii-iii. ;  Herrera,  IIi.it.  Gin., 
dec.  ii.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  xxi.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii,,  cap.  xvii, ,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  ix.,  cup. 
viii. ;  CVrtc/Vwf*,  Storta  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  77,  212-16;  lirassrur 
de  Bourbourij,  Uisl.  Nat,  Civ,,  tom.  ii.,  p.  180,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  638-40,  tom. 
iv.,  p.  366. 


11 


ii 


I 


602 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I 


patient,  they  pretended  to  extract  a  piece  of  coal,  bone, 
wood,  or  other  object,  the  supposed  cause  of  the  ail- 
ment. A  favorite  treatment  in  certain  prostrating 
cases  was  to  form  a  figure  of  corn  dough,  which  was 
laid  upon  a  prickly  maguey-leaf  a  id  placed  in  the 
road,  with  the  view  of  letting  the  first  passer-by  carry 
away  the  disease — a  charitable  hope  that  seems  to 
have  afforded  much  relief  to  the  afHicted.  However 
absurd  this  jugglery  may  appear,  it  no  doubt  gave  a 
powerful  stimulus  to  the  imagination,  which  must 
have  aided  the  working  of  the  medicine.  In  critical 
cases,  chance  was  often  consulted  as  to  the  fate  of 
the  sufferer.  A  handful  of  the  largest  grains  or  beans 
were  thrown  on  the  ground,  ir  d  if  any  happened  to 
fall  upright  it  was  regarded  as  a  sure  sign  that  the 
patient  would  die,  and  he  received  little  or  no  atten- 
tion after  that ;  otherwise  prescriptions  and  encourag- 
ing words  were  not  spared.  Sometimes  a  number  of 
cord  riuijs  were  thrown  in  the  same  manner,  and  if 
they  fell  in  a  heap,  death  was  expected  to  result;  but 
if  any  fell  ai)art,  a  change  for  the  better  was  looked  for. 
To  encounter  a  snake  or  lizard  was  held  to  be  a  sign 
of  death  for  the  person  himself  or  for  his  sick  friend. 
Although  no  curative  process,  probal)ly,  in  the  case  of 
a  serious  illness  was  altogether  free  from  superstitious 
rites,  yet  it  is  surprising  that  these  played  so  unim- 
portant a  role.  Among  a  people  so  addicted  on  every 
occasion  to  complicated  ceremonies,  the  most  compli- 
cated might  naturally  be  sought  in  their  efforts  to 
combat  disease;  but  it  is  just  here  that  the  least  reli- 
ance seems  to  have  been  placed  in  supernatural  agen- 


19 


cies. 

"  Laa  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitira,  MS.,  cap.  cxli. ;  Id.,  in  Kiiirf.sbornuffh'i< 
yfcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  234.  '  Luiuuhanloa  (iinos  conlclcH  coiiio  llnvero) 
en  el  suelo,  y  si  qiicduban  rcvueltoH,  dei-iuii  que  era  hcAuI  de  miierte.  Y  »i 
uljiuiiu  d  nl};iiii08  salian  cxtendidus,  tciiiuiilo  por  senal  dc  vida,  diciendi»: 
niic  ya  coiiicnzaba  el  cnferiiio  &  extender  los  ^i^s  ylasnianos.'  Mendida, 
Hist.  Erics.,  p.  110;  Mofoliiiia,  Hist.  Jiidios,  m  Icazbalevta,  Col.  de  Dor., 
toni.  i.,  pp.  1.30-1;  Torqiiemadu,  Monnrq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  491-2;  //<■/•- 
rcra.  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv. ,  lib.  ix..  cap.  yii. ;  Clnviqero,  Sloriu  A iif.  del  Mrssiro, 
torn.  ii. ,  pp.  216-17.  Other  authorities  on  medicine  arc:  Putv/ins  his  Pit- 
ffriitiea,  vol.  iv.,  p.  1133;  Gage's  New  Survey,  p.  Ill;  West-  Indische  Sjrie- 


FUNERAL  RITES  OF  KINGS. 


603 


The  Aztecs  were  very  particular  about  the  disposal 
of  their  dead,  and  conducted  funeral  rites  with  the 
pomp  that  attended  all  their  ceremonials.  The  ob- 
sequies of  kings  were  especially  imposing,  and  their 
description,  embracing  as  it  does  nearly  all  the  cere- 
monies used  on  such  occasions  by  these  nations,  will 
present  the  most  complete  view  of  the  proceedings. 

When  the  serious  condition  of  the  monarch  became 
apparent,  a  veil**  was  thrown  over  the  face  of  the 
patron  god,  to  be  removed  on  his  death,  and  notice 
was  sent  to  all  the  friendly  princes,  the  grandees  and 
nobles  of  the  empire,  to  attend  the  obsequies;  those 
who  were  unable  to  attend  in  person  sent  representa- 
tives to  deliver  their  condolence  and  presents.  As 
soon  as  the  king  had  breathed  his  last,  certain  mas- 
ters of  ceremonies,  generally  old  men  whose  business 
it  was  to  attend  on  these  occasions,  and  who  were 
doubtless  connected  with  the  priesthood,'''  were  sum- 
moned to  prepare  the  body  for  the  funeral.  The 
corpse  was  washed  with  aromatic  water,  extracted 
chiefly  from  trefoil,**  and  occasionally  a  process  of 
embalming  was  resorted  to.     The  bowels  were  taken 

ghel,  p.  247;  PrescotCs  Mcx.,  vol.  i.,  p.  48,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  119-20,  137,  434-5; 
Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  toiii.  i.,  pp.  6tt8-74;  MiMcitpfonlt,  Me- 
jico,  torn,  i.,  pp.  132-4;  Klcinm,  Cultur-GcsaiirJUe,  toni.  v.,  pp.  90-1;  Che- 
valier, Mex.  Aneien  et  Mod.,  p.  16;  Baril,  Mexique,  p.  208;  Piinentel, 
Mem.  sohrc  la  Baza  lurliaeiia,  p.  51.  I  further  have  in  my  iioasesHioii  a 
very  rare  and  curious  medical  work  by  Dr  Monardes,  treating;  of  the  vari- 
ous medicinal  plants,  etc.,  found  in  ^Icxicu  and  Central  America,  printed 
in  Seville  in  1574. 

*•  'Ponen  miiscaras  a  Tezcatlipuca,  o  Vitziloi)uchtli,  o  a  otro  idolo.' 
Goinara,  Coiiq.  Jfcr.,  fol.  309.  As  the  idols  wore  masks,  it  is  more  likely  that 
a  veil  was  thrown  over  the  face,  than  that  another  mask  should  have  licen 
put  on.  'Suivant  unc  coutnme  antique  attribuee  h  Toi>iltzin-Acx''  'pr- 
uicr  roi  do  Tolliiii,  on  mcttait  un  nnisquc  an  visage  des  principalcs  idoles, 
ct  Ton  couvrait  le«  autres  d'uue  voile.'  Jirasseiir  dc  liourbourq,  llinl.  Nat. 
Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  572.  'Mcttcvan  una  maschcra  all'  Idolo  di  Huitzilopoch- 
tli,  ed  un'altra  aquello  di  Te/catlipoca.'  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messieo, 
torn,  ii.,  p.  95. 

*'  'Ciertas  mujcres  y  honibres  que  csbin  salariados  de  piiblico.'  Znazo, 
Ctntn,  in  Irmhnlpcta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  p.  304.  Brassenr  de  IJoiir- 
bourg  thinks  that  they  were  only  employed  by  the  common  iteojdc.  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  p.  569.  Tezozomoc  states  that  princes  dre.iscd  the  body. 
Crdiiica  Mcx.,  in  Kinqsboroiig/i's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  142. 

^  Znazo  says  that  the  corpse  was  held  on  the  knees  of  one  of  the  male 
or  female  shrouders,  while  o'liers  washed  it.  Carta,  in  Jcazbalceta,  Col.  de 
Doc.,  tom.  i.,  p.  304. 


604 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


;  i 


;  M 


:  i 


out  and  replaced  by  aromatic  substances,  but  the 
method  does  not  seem  to  have  been  very  complete, 
and  may  only  have  been  intended  to  serve  while  the 
body  lay  in  state,  for  no  remains  of  embalmed  nmm- 
mies  have  been  found.  The  art  was  an  ancient  one, 
however,  dating  from  the  Toltecs  as  usual,  yet  gen- 
erally known  and  practiced  throughout  the  whole 
country.  A  curious  int)de  of  preserving  bodies  was 
used  by  the  lord  of  Chalco  who  captured  two  Tezcu- 
can  princes,  and,  in  order  that  he  might  feast  his  eyes 
upon  their  hated  forms,  had  them  dried  and  placed  as 
lijjht-holders  in  his  ball-room.'*'  When  the  invited 
guests  had  arrived  the  body  was  dressed  in  many 
mantles,  often  to  the  number  of  fifteen  or  twenty, 
such  as  the  king  had  worn  on  the  most  solemn  occa- 
sions, and  consequently  richly  embroidered  and  glit- 
tering with  jewels.'**  While  some  were  shrouding 
the  body,  others  cut  pajiers  of  different  colors  into 
strips  of  various  forms,  and  adorned  the  corpse  there- 
with. Water  was  then  poured  upon  its  head  with 
these  words:  ''This  is  the  water  which  thou  usedst 
in  this  world;"**  and  a  jug  of  water  was  placed  among 
the  shrouds,  the  priest  saying:  "This  is  the  water 
wherewith  thou  art  to  perform  the  journey."  More 
papers  were  now  delivered  to  the  deceased  in  bunches, 
the  priest  explaining  the  import  of  each,  as  he  placed 
it  with  the  body.  On  delivering  the  first  bunch  he 
said:  "With  these  thou  art  to  pass  between  two 
mountains  that  confront  each  other."  The  second 
bunch,  he  was  told,  would  pass  him  safely  over  a 
road  guarded  by  a  large  snake;  the  third  would  con- 
duct him  by  a  place  held  by  an  alligator,  xochilonal; 

*5  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  151,  87;  Vetancvrt,  Teatro 
Mkx.,  pt  ii.,  p.  16;  Clai'igcro,  Sloria  Aiif.  :lrl  Mcusico,  torn,  i.,  p.  145,  toin. 
ii.,  p.  !)!);  Hcrrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  xiv. 

**  Tlic  chapter  on  dress  furiiiHhcs  all  the  iiitnrniation  respecting  the 
royal  wardrobe.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  princes  assisted  in  robing  the  king, 
for  such  was  the  custom  in  Michoacan,  and  that  the  mantles  brought  b^' 
them  were  used  for  shrouding,  but  authors  are  not  very  explicit  on  this 
point. 

*^  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  uses  the  expression  '  C'est  cette  eau  que  tu  as 
re9ue  en  venant  au  nionde.'  Hist.  Xnt.  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  569. 


PREPARATION  FOR  FUTURE  EXISTENCE. 


(06 


the  fourth  would  protect  and  aid  him  in  traversing 
the  'eight  de.suit.s;'  other  papers  would  facilitate  the 
passage  of  the  'eight  hills,'  and  still  others  atford  pro- 
tection against  the  cutting  winds  termed  itzehecai/an, 
which  were  so  strong  as  to  tear  out  rocks  and  cut  like 
very  razors;  here  the  wearing-apparel  buried  with 
him  would  also  be  of  great  service.  A  little  red  dog 
was  thereupon  slain  by  thrusting  an  arrow  down  its 
throat,  and  the  body  j)laced  by  the  side  of  the  de- 
ceased, with  a  cotton  string  about  its  neck.  The  dog 
was  to  perform  the  part  of  Charon,  and  carry  the 
king  on  his  back  across  the  deep  stream  called  Chicu- 
nahuapan,  'nine  waters,'^  a  name  which  points  to  the 
nine  heavens  of  the  Mexicans. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  dead  had  a  difficult 
road  to  travel  before  reaching  their  future  abode, 
which  was  on  the  fifth  day  after  the  burial,  and  that 
they  needed  the  articles  of  comfort  and  necessity,  as 
food,  dresses,  and  slaves,  with  which  affectionate 
friends  provided  for  them.  The  ideas  entertained  by 
the  Nahuas  respecting  a  future  life  belong  to  another 
department  of  my  work,  and  will  only  be  alluded  to 
incidentally  in  this  chapter.  After  the  defunct  had 
received  his  passports,  he  was  covered  with  a  mantle 
like  that  of  the  god  which  his  condition  and  mode  of 
death  rendered  appropriate,  and  decorated  with  its 
image.  As  most  kings  were  warriors,  he  would  be 
dressed  in  a  mantle  of  Huitzilopochtli,  and  would,  in 
addition,  wear  the  mantle  of  liis  favorite  god.*'  A 
lock  of  hair  was  cut  off  and  placed,  with  one  that  had 
been  cut  at  his  birth,  as  well  as  small  idols,  in  a 
casket  painted  inside  and  out  with  the  images  of  the 


*6  Torqacmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  527;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant. 
del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  U4.  Uomiira  says  the  dog  Hcrved  «b  guide:  'vii 
perro  que  lo  guiosse  adondo  auia  de  yr.'  Vonq.  Mrx.,  fol.  309. 

"  'Le  ponian  los  vestidus  del  Dion,  ^uc  toiiiu  pur  mas  Principal  en  su 
Pueblo,  en  cuia  Casa,  6  Templo,  6  Patio  se  havia  <le  enterrar.'  Torque- 
nuida,  Monai'q.  Ind.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  521;  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  ^tenxico, 
toni.  ii.,  pp.  93-5.  Duran  mentions  an  instance  where  a  king  wan  dressed 
in  the  mantles  uf  four  different  gods.  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  turn,  i.,  cap. 
xxxix. ;  Gomara,  Conq.  ilfct:.,  fol.  309. 


doe 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


patron  deity.  The  casket  used  for  this  purpose  in 
the  case  of  some  of  the  Chichim^c  kings  is  described 
to  have  been  of  emerald  or  other  fine  stone,  three 
feet  square,  and  covered  by  a  gold  lid  set  with 
precious  stones.  A  mask  either  painted,  or  of  gold, 
or  of  turquoise  mosaic  was  placed  over  the  face,**  and 
a  chalchiuite,  which  was  to  serve  for  a  heart,  between 
the  lips.  According  to  Tezozomoc  and  Duran  a  statue 
was  placed  with  the  king,  dressed  in  royal  insignia  by 
the  hands  of  princes.  The  chiefs  of  the  senate  re- 
dressed it  in  other  robes  after  painting  it  blue.  It 
was  then  honored  with  addresses  and  presents,  and 
again  undressed,  painted  black,  and  arrayed  in  a  robe 
of  Quetzalcoatl ;  a  garland  of  heron -feathers  was 
placed  upon  its  head,  bracelets  and  jewelry  about  its 
body,  a  small  gilded  shield  by  its  side,  and  a  stick  in 
the  hand.  This  figure  shared  the  honors  given  to  the 
body  and  was  burned  with  it." 

The  arrayed  corpse  was  either  laid  upon  a  litter 
covered  with  rich  cloths,  or  seated  upon  a  throne,  and 
watched  over  by  a  guard  of  honor,  while  princes  and 
courtiers  came  to  pay  their  last  respects.*  They  ap- 
proached with  great  manifestations  of  grief,  weeping, 
lamenting,  clapping  their  hands,  bending  the  body  or 
exhibiting  neglect  of  person,  and  addressed  the  de- 


*s  'Sobre  la  mortaja  le  ponian  vna  mascara  pintada.'  Torquemada,  Mo- 
narq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  521.  Perhara  he  confounds  the  idol  image  on  the 
robe  with  the  mask,  tor  it  is  unlikely  that  the  mask  should  be  placed  upon 
the  shroud.  'Visage  decouvert'  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nonvelles  An- 
nates des  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii.,  p.  201.  Speaking  of  the  obsequies  of 
Tezozomoc  of  Azcapuzalco,  Ixtlilxochitl  says  that  a  turquoise  mask  was  put 
over  his  face,  'conforme  lo  iisonomia  de  su  rostro.  Esto  no  se  usaba  sino 
con  los  monarcas  de  esta  tierra;  d  los  demas  reyes  les  ponian  una  nidscara 
de  oro.'  Relaciones,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  370.  Veytia 
states  that  it  was  a  gold  mask  'garnecida  de  turquezas.'  Hist.  Ant.  Mej., 
torn.  iii. ,  p.  6.  The  hair,  says  Gomara,  'quedaua  la  memoria  de  su  anima.' 
Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  309. 

"  Tezozomoc,  Crdnica  Mex.,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp. 
90,  38-9;  Duran,  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  torn,  i.,  cap.  xxxix.  'On  placait  sur 
le  lit  de  parade  la  statue  que  Ton  faisait  toujours  k  Timagc  du  roi.'  Brasseur 
de  Bouroourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  t»m.  iii.,  p.  572.  The  only  statue  referred 
to  by  other  authors  is  that  made  of  the  ashes  after  the  cremation. 

'0  Some  of  the  early  Chichimec  kings  lay  five  days  in  state,  and  Tlalte- 
catzin,  forty  days,  his  body  being  buried  on  theeightieth  day.  Torquemada, 
MotMvq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  61,  72,  87. 


ROYAL  OBSEQUIES. 


GOT 


funct,  referring  to  his  present  happiness,  the  loss  his 
departure  had  caused,  his  goodness  and  bravery,  and 
begged  his  acceptance  of  the  presents  they  had  brought. 
This  performance  was  enacted  by  all,  those  of  higher 
rank  taking  precedence  and  leaving  offerings  of  ten 
slaves,  a  hundred  robes,  and  other  things,  while  others 
brought  gifts  of  less  value.  Then  came  the  women, 
and  while  they  were  leaving  their  presents  of  food, 
the  aged  courtiers  intoned  the  funeral  chant,  the  mic- 
cacuicatl.  Addresses  of  condolence  were  also  made  to 
the  royal  family  or  the  senate.  The  human  sacrifices 
were  inaugurated  at  this  time  by  the  immolation  of 
the  sacerdotal  slave  under  whose  charge  the  house- 
hold idols  stood.'*  On  the  fifth  day,  before  daybreak, 
a  grand  procession  formed  for  the  temple,  preceded  by 
an  enormous  paper  banner,  four  fathoms  in  length,  and 
richly  adorned  with  feathers,  on  which  the  deeds  of 
the  defunct  were  doubtless  inscribed,  and  attended  by 
priests  who  wafted  incense  and  chanted  his  glory, 
though  in  mournful  strains,  and  without  instrumental 
accompaniment.*'  The  corpse  was  borne  upon  the 
state  litter  by  the  most  trusted  of  the  noble  servitors, 
while  at  the  sides  walked  the  chief  lords  and  princes 
dressed  in  mourning,  their  attire  consisting  of  long, 
square  mantles  of  dark  color,  trailing  on  the  ground, 
without  any  ornaments;  some,  however,  were  painted 
with  figures  of  skulls,  bones,  and  skeletons.  Behind 
them  ca'nc  Ihe  ambassadors  of  absent  princes,  the 
grandees  and  nobles  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  each 
carrying  some  insignia,  weapons,  or  jewels  to  be  offered 
on  the  pyre."     In  the  procession  were  also  a  large 

11  Acosta,  Hist,  delaa  Ynd.,  p.  321,  among  others,  calls  this  slave  a  priest. 

^  Although  Acosta  says,  'tafiendo  tristcs  flautos  y  atani bores.*  Hut.  de 
las  Ynd.,  p.  322;  Uerrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xviii.  *0n 
faisait  deux  grandes  banniferes  de  papier  bhinc.'  Chaves,  Rapport,  in  Ter- 
naux-Compans,  Voy.,  s^rie  ii.,  torn,  v.,  p.  309. 

^  IxtUlxochitl,  Uelaciones,  iti  Kin^morouffKs  Mex.  Anfiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
."JTO;  Veytia,  Hist. Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  fr-7.  Durau  states  that  kings 
Imre  the  corpse  and  that  tne  mourners  were  dressed  as  \vater-goddcsses. 
Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  tom.  1.,  cap.  xxxix.,  xl.,  torn,  ii.,  cap.  Ii.  Acosta  says 
that  the  arms  and  insignia  were  carried  before  the  body  by  knights.  Hist. 
de  las  Ynd.,  p.  321. 


608 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


number  of  slaves,  all  newly  attired  in  the  royal  liv- 
ery,** and  carrying  clothes,  implements,  and  other 
articles,  according  to  the  duties  assigned  them.  On 
reaching  the  courtyard  of  the  temple,  the  i>riest  who 
directed  the  burning  came  to  receive  the  procession, 
and  conducted  it  to  the  altar  devoted  to  cremation,  all 
chanting  the  while  a  moral  song,  in  which  they  re- 
minded the  mourners  that  as  they  wore  now  carrying 
a  senseless  body  to  its  last  resting-place,  so  would  they 
be  carried;  they  also  reminded  them  that  good  deeds 
alone  would  remain  to  keo})  their  remembrance  green, 
and  pictured  the  glories  in  store  for  the  deserving. 
These  priests  were  called  coaeuiles,  and  their  office 
was  held  to  be  of  such  importance  that  they  prepared 
for  it  by  fasting  and  confession.  They  appeared  in 
the  same  idol  dress  as  the  dead  king,  though  with 
more  elaborate  ornaments.  We  find  them  on  one  oc- 
casion as  demons  with  faces  at  different  parts  of  their 
dress,  set  with  eyes  of  mirrors  and  gaping  mouths ; 
and  at  another  time  with  blackened  or  dyed  bodies 
and  paper  maxtlis,  swinging  the  yellow  sticks  used  to 
stir  the  ashes.  According  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  the  high- 
priest  of  Cihuacoatl,  who  was  supposed  to  gather  the 
dead,  came  out  to  receive  the  procession.^ 

The  opinions  as  to  the  introduction  of  cremation  are 
extremely  varied,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  practiced 
in  very  ancient  times  by  the  migrating  tribes,  who 
took  this  means  to  secure  the  remains  of  honored 
chiefs  from  desecration;  their  ashes  could  thus  be  car- 
ried along  and  serve  as  talismanio  relics.  Ixtlilxo- 
chitl gives  an  instance  of  this  in  the  case  of  a  Chi- 
chimec  king  who  died  in  battle  and  whose  body  was 


^  Tezozomoc,  Cttfnica  Mex.,  in  Ki'iffsbovongh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  i 
90,  142,  states  that  they  were  dressed  in  royal  insignia  and  jewels,  ^ 
is  not  very  likely;  a  nnmber  of  them,  l\owever,  were  loaded  with  the  i 
wardrobe,  which  fact  may  have  awan  i  ise  to  this  statement. 

"  Rdaciones,  in  KingsborougKg  Men.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  .370;  Sjnegazione 
delle  Tamle  del  Codice  Mexicano  (Vnticano),  in  /rf.,  vol.  v.,  pp.  200-1; 
Aeosta,  Hist,  de  la*  Ynd.,  p.  322;  Jhtran.  '.iut.  Inditts,  MS.,  toiii.  i.,  cap. 
xl.  'Salia  el  gran  Sacerdote,  con  los  oiton  Miuistros,  k  recibirlo.'  Torque- 
mada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  521. 


CREMATION  AND  INTERMENT. 


600 


burned,  so  that  the  ashes  might  be  carried  home  with 
convenience  and  safety.  Brasseur  do  Bourbourg  also 
holds  that  cremation  was  an  ancient  Tultec  custom, 
but  the  first  recorded  case  is  that  of  the  last  Toltec 
king,  Topiltzin.*  Others  assert  that  the  Toltecs  who 
remained  in  the  country  after  the  destruction  of  their 
empire  adhered  to  interment,  as  did  the  early  Chichi- 
mecs.  Veytia  affirms  that  Ixtlilxoehitl  or  lezozomoc 
was  the  first  to  be  deposited  according  to  the  forms  in- 
stituted by  Topiltzin  and  used  by  the  Mexicans, 
namely,  burning;  Torquemada  distinctly  states  that 
the  Chichimecs  used  cremation,  and  Clavigero  agrees 
with  him."^  Veytia  also  thinks  that  the  first  Aztec 
kings  were  buried,  but  this  is  contrary  to  all  other 
reliable  accounts.  The  custom  may  not  have  been 
very  general,  for  Saha^un  states  that  during  Itzcoatl's 
reign  it  was  resolved  by  the  chiefs  that  all  should  be 
burned,  indicating  at  the  same  time  that  cremation  was 
tlieii  already  in  use.  The  later  established  usage  was 
to  I'urn  all  except  those  who  died  a  violent  death,  or 
oi'  incurable  diseases,  and  those  under  seventeen  years 
of  age,  who  were  all  interred.  The  Tlascaltecs  and 
Tarascos  practiced  burning  like  the  Aztecs.* 

The  altar  devoted  to  the  burning  was  doubtless  one 
attached  to  the  temple  consecrated  to  the  deity  to 
whose  abode  the  deceased  was  supposed  to  go.     Cha- 

^Ixtlilxoehill,  Relaciones,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp. 
332,  325,  327,  388. 

"  'El  (the  inu(Ic) que estos Chichiinecas  vsaron,  fuequemarlos.'  Monarq. 


Ind.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  60,  72,  87;  Ixtlilxoehitl,  Relaciones,  in  KiiigshorougK'a 
Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  .369,  388;  Id.,  Hist.  Chich.,  pp.  214,  223,  261-2. 
Veytia,  who  introduces  some  argunieutH  on  this  point,  thinks  that  Tczozo- 


niDC  introduced  burning,  yet  he  describes  ceremonial  cremations  in  the  case 
•if  several  kings  before  him.  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  3-4,  tom.  ii.,  p. 
113.  Clavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  tom.  i.,  p.  140,  torn.  u..  pp.  97 -S. 
38  Caniargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  Jes  Voy:,  \t>\%  torn, 
xcviii.,  pp.  165,  202.  'La  gcnte  menuda  comunmc  ite  se  entcrniua.'  Go- 
iimru,  Uonq.  Mex.,  fol.  308;  Spiegazione  delle  TavJe  del  C'odice  Mexicano 
(Vtiticano),  in  Kingshorough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  i.,  p.  200;  Torquemada, 
Monarq,  Ind.,  toui.  ii.,  p.  528;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej,,  tom.  lii.,  p.  4; 
Brasseur  de  Bourbonrg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toP'.  iiL,  p.  129.  'Sabiapor  las 
pinturos,  <\\w  se  quemaron  en  tiempo  del  oefior  de  Mexico  ^ue  se  decia 
Itzndatl,  1  cuya  epoca  loa  seAores,  y  )js  nrincipales  que  habia  ent6nccs, 
acordaron  y  mandaron  que  se  qnemasou  touas,  para  que  no  viniesen  &  ma- 
nos  del  vulgo.'  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  pp.  140-1. 
Vox..  U    89 


610 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


ves  describes  it  as  three  feet  in  height  and  the  same 
in  width,^  on  which  r,  heap  of  ocotl  was  piled.  Upon 
this  pyre  the  body  wj\s  laid  in  full  array,  together  with 
the  dog.  and,  as  the  fire  flared  up,  the  mourners  added 
insignia,  jewels,  weapons,  food,  and  other  tributes. 
Two  of  tho  demon- like  coacuiles  stirred  the  fire  while 
others  stood  by  chanting  appropriate  songs  and  sprink- 
ling blessed  water  and  incense  upon  the  remains,  as 
well  as  upon  the  mourners.  Now  began  the  sacrifice 
of  those  doomed  to  follow  the  deceased  to  the  other 
world  and  there  administer  to  his  wants  and  i)leasure. 
These  were  at  first  but  few  in  number,  but  during  the 
bloody  dominion  of  the  Aztecs  they  increased  to  sev- 
eral hundred,  as  at  the  funeral  of  Nezahualpilli,  when 
two  hundred  males  and  one  hundred  females  were  im- 
molated ;  they  consisted  chiefly  of  slaves  and  deformed 
beings  from  the  royal  retinue,  and  such  as  had  been 
presented.  Duran  says  that  all  slaves  and  deformed 
persons  belonging  to  the  household  were  killed,  and 
Acosta  goes  so  far  as  to  state  that  the  whole  royal 
household  was  dispatched,  including  the  favorite 
brother  of  the  king;  but  this  must  be  taken  with  a 
grain  of  allowance,  for,  at  this  rate,  the  nobles,  who 
crowded  the  service  of  the  monarch,  even  in  menial 
positions,  would  soon  have  been  exterminated.  Some 
courtiers  were,  no  doubt,  expected  to  prove  the  sin- 
cerity of  their  life-long  adulations  by  either  offering 
themselves  as  victims,  or  submitting  to  a  selection 
made  from  their  number.  Sometimes  a  chief  would 
signify  his  preference  for  those  among  his  concubines 
whom  he  wished  to  have  with  him,  a  mark  of  favor 
often  received  with  great  joy,  for  they  would  thus  be 
sure  of  entering  into  the  supreme  heaven,  where  the 
warlike  lords  usually  went,  while  they  might  other- 
wise be  doomed  to  di,rk  Michlan.  Solf-inmiolation 
of  wives  was,  accordingly,  not  uncommon,  althoU;j;h 
not  prescribed  by  law  as  in  India.     Brasseur  says 


*  Rapport,  in  Ternaux-Compant,  Voy.,  tAfw  ii.,  torn,  v.,  p.  JOO. 


DISPOSITION  OF  THE  REMAINS. 


611 


that  captives  were  sacrificed,  but  Duran  states  that 
they  were  not  oftered  except  to  the  gods.  Persons  born 
during  the  last  five  days  of  the  year — the  unlucky 
days — were,  however,  reserved  for  royal  obsequies.*" 

This  array  of  victims  was  harangued  by  a  relative  of 
the  deceased,  who  dilated  on  the  happiness  before 
them  in  being  allowed  to  join  their  master,  and  ad- 
monished them  to  serve  him  as  faithfully  in  the  next 
world  as  they  had  done  here.  They  were  then  con- 
signed to  the  priests,  who  laid  them  upon  a  teponaz- 
tli,"  cut  open  the  breast  and  tore  out  the  heart,  which 
was  thrown  upon  the  pyre,  while  the  bodies  were  cast 
upon  another  blazing  hearth  near  by.**  Gomara  and 
others  state  that  the  bodies  were  interred,  but  as  the 
dog  and  the  property  were  burned,  it  is  not  likely  that 
the  more  important  and  useful  human  servants  were 
buried.** 

When  the  body  had  been  thoroughly  burned,  the 
fire  was  quenched,  the  blood  collected  from  the  vic- 
tims being  used  for  this  purpose,  according  to  Duran, 
and  the  ashes,  sprinkled  with  holy  water,  were  placed 
with  the  charred  bones,  stones,  and  melted  jewelry  in 
the  urn,  or  casket,  which  contained  also  the  hair  of 
the  deceased.  On  the  top  of  this  was  placed  a  statue 
of  wood  or  stone,  attired  in  the  royal  habiliments, 
and  bearing  the  mask  and  insignia,  and  the  casket 
was  deposited  at  the  feet  of  the  patron  deity,  in  the 

♦"  Ixtlilxochitl,  RelacioHcs,  in  Kiiiffsboroufjh's  ^feJ;.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp. 
.S79,  .388;  Duran,  Hint.  Indias,  MS.,  torn,  i.,  cap.  xxxix.,  xl. ;  Bolitgiir,  in 
Trrnaux-ComjKtiin,  F'oi/.,  serie  i.,  t«m.  x.,  pp.  213-14;  Solin,  Hi/if.  Cotiq. 
Mcr.,  torn,  i.,  p.  4.12;  t'nm'u-fio.  Hint.  Tlnx.,  in Nonwllcs  AtinalesdM  Vot/., 
184.3,  torn,  xcviii.,  p.  '2()i;  liruiMeiir  dc  liourbourg.  Hint.  Nat.  Civ.,  toia.  ill., 
p.  573;  Veytia,  Hint.  Ant.   M'j.,  toni.  iii.,   pp.  8-9. 

<•  Tezozomoc,  Crdiiica  Mex.,  in  Kingsbovou^lCs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p. 
90;  Duran,  Hist.  Indian,  MS.,  toni.  i.,  cup.  xxxix.,  toni.  il.,  cnp.  li. 

"  Torquemada,Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  .')21;  Acosta,  Hist,  dr  Itts  Vnd., 
p  321.  Caniar^to  indicates  that  the  tiodieH  were  thrown  uiMtn  the  same 
>.vre  togetiicr  with  the  presentH.  Hist.  Tlnx.,  in  Xoinrl/cn  Annalrn  dcs 
Vol/.,  1843,  toin.  xcviii.,  p.  202.  ' SacilndoleH  loft  corazoncn,  y  la  NaiiKr«>  dc 
cllo.H  en  una  iNitea  6  eran  xicara,  con  la  cual  roriavan  li  Huitzilopocntii,  (i 
onlen  le  presentaron  Ji>i*  corazoneHdetodoHloHniuertoH.'  Tezozomoc,  Crdnica 
M>'x.,  in  Kingtboroiigli'n  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  90. 

*'  Gomnrd,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  301;  IxflUxoehitl,  Relneiones,  in  Kings- 
borough's  Mex,  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  370;  Tezozomoc,  ubi  8up. 


i 


612 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


i 


chapel.**  On  the  return  of  the  procession  a  grand 
banquet  was  given  to  the  guests,  ending,  as  usual, 
with  a  presentation  of  gifts.  For  four  days  the 
mourners  paid  constant  visits  to  the  shrine  to  manifest 
their  sorrow  and  to  present  the  offerings  ol"  food, 
clothes,  or  jewels,  termed  quitonaltia,  *to  give  good 
luck.'  These  were  either  placed  hy  the  urn  or  upon 
the  altar  of  the  god,  and  removed  by  the  priests,  who 
ate  the  food  and  sent  the  valuables  to  the  temple 
treasury.  These  ceremonies  closed  Avith  the  sacrifice 
of  ten  to  liiteen  slaves,  and  then  the  casket  was  de- 
posited in  that  part  of  the  temple  appointed  for  its 
permanent  reception.**  Among  the  Chichimecs  the 
royal  casket  often  remained  forty  days  on  view  in  the 
palace,  whence  it  was  carried  in  procession  to  its  final 
resting-place.** 

In  cases  of  interment  the  deceased  was  deposited 
in  the  grave,  seated  on  a  throne  in  full  array,  facing  the 
north,*'  with  his  property  and  victims  around  him. 
In  early  times,  when  the  practice  of  interment  was 
more  general,  the  victims  were  few,  if  not  dispensed 
with  entirely,  and  consisted  usually  of  two  favorite 
concul)ines,  placed  one  on  each  side  of  their  master, 
who,  it  is  said,  were  entombed  alive,  though  it  is  more 

**  'La  colocaroii  en  el  inisnio  liigur  en  que  anlio  la  pira.'  Veytia,  Hint. 
Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  )i.  9.  This  uiitlior  miys  that  tlie  iiioiith-Btonc  of  the 
deceasea  tOKether  with  the  mauk,  nilMis,  and  ornanientH  were  taken  off  l>e- 
forc  tlie  IhnI)'  was  placed  npon  the  i>yrc;  tlilM  cuiild  only  have  licen  for  the 
pnrjKtsc  of  'iressing  tlie  wtNulen  Htatne  tlicrein;  the  ntoiie  was,  however, 
])laeed  inside  the  urn.  IxtlUxoehitl,  uhi  Hup.  Itratwenr  do  DourlKtur);  cnll.-* 
tills  l>uiidle  of  Imnes  tlaquimiloUi,  wliieli  he  says  was  sjicre<lly  preserved, 
whether  of  kin<,'s  or  braves.  Nnuvtllvn  Aiiuales  drs  Voi/.,  1858,  toni.  fix., 
p.  'H'iS.  In  the  ease  of  Nanhyotl  of  Cnlhuacan,  the  hones  were  cxhnnied 
and  phtced  in  a  statne,  which  was  made  in  his  honor,  and  deposited  in  a 
teiii])ie  consecrated  to  jiiiii.  Diiran,  Hint.  IiuHas,  MS.,  toni.  i.,  cup.  xxxix. 

<^  'Al  cnurto  dia,  al  unoclicccr,  eargaron  lus  sacerdotes  lit  area  do  las 
eeniii.'ts  y  la  estatua,  y  la  coloearon  en  niia  cspecie  dc  luclio,  dentro  del  tcin- 
plo.'  Vcjitia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  10.  'Sous  le  pave  niCine  du 
sanctuaire,  i!evant  la  statue  du  dieu.'  Iira.<i.srur  de  Boiirbnunj,  Hist.  Nnt. 
Cii'.,  toni.  ii..,  p.  574.  Duran  mentions  that  the  oshes  of  one  king  were 
deposited  at  the  foot  of  the  stone  of  sacrilice.  Hist.  Indian,  MS.,  toni.  i., 
cap.  li.;  Ti'zozoinoe,  Crdnica  Mex.,  in  KiiigsftorougKs  Mex.  Antii/.,  vol.  ix., 
p.  142;  Cortes,  Cnrtn.<t,  p.  106,  Las  Cams,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cop.  li. 

«  Tornimnnda,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  72,  87j  Vetancvrt,  Tcatro 
Mex.,  pt  li.,  pp.  15-16. 

"  SahaguH,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  vii.,  p.  257. 


NAHUA  SEPULCHRES. 


613 


pi'dbable  that  they  were  stupefied  by  narcotic  drinks, 
or  clubbed,  as  in  Michoacan.  This  practice  of  bury- 
ing aHve  is  ascribed  to  the  Toltecs.**  The  graves  were 
usually  large  subterranean  vaults  of  stone  and  lime,  sit- 
uated in  the  temple  court,  palace,  or  some  favorite  spot 
near  the  city,  as  Chapultepec.  It  is  related  that  the 
temple  py.oniid  in  Mexico  was  the  superstructure  of 
royal  graves,  the  remains  being  deposited  on  the  sum- 
mit, and  the  successor  to  the  crown  erecting  upon  this 
another  platform.  On  destroying  the  temple,  the 
Spaniards  found  several  vaults,  one  beneath  the  other, 
with  their  valuable  contents  of  jewelry.*®  The  Tol- 
tecs  also  buried  their  dead  in  and  near  the  temples, 
and,  according  to  some  authors,  the  mounds  at  Teoti- 
huacan,  to  the  number  of  several  hundred,  which  will 
be  described  in  Vol.  IV.  of  this  work,  are  the  graves 
of  Toltec  chiefs.*  The  Chichimec  kings  were  usually 
buried  in  round  holes,  five  to  six  feet  deep,  situated  in 
caves  beneath  the  palace  or  in  the  mountains;  in  later 
times,  however,  they  chose  the  temples."* 

Twenty  days  after  the  burial  further  offerings  were 
made,  together  with  a  sacrifice  of  from  four  to 
five  slaves;  on  the  fortieth  day  two  or  three  more 
died;  on  the  sixtieth,  one  or  two;  while  the  final  im- 
molation consisting  of  ten  to  twelve  slaves  took  })lace 
at  the  end  of  eighty  days,  and  put  an  end  to  the 
mourning.     Motolinia   adds,   however,    that  testimo- 


*^BraJ>seur  de  liourhoiirg,  Jlist.  Nut.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  p]>.  .310,  .131;  lio- 
loffiie,  in  Tcniaitx-Cum/iniis,  Vutj.,  seric  i.,  toin.  x.,  i>p.  i!l;i-14;  ('(imiinjo, 
itist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvclles  Annates  ties  Voij.,  1843,  toni.  xcviii.,  jip.  11(2, 
202. 

*'  'La  mucrte  sc  Im^ian  cnterrar  en  la  mAs  alta  )j;rada,  6  dcspues  el  sub- 
cc8»or  mihia  otras  (los  ^rradas.'  Oi'icdo,  Hist.  (ie)i.,{nm.  iii.,  J).  ."jO-S.  'Loh 
rrincirws  neccsitaliaii  do  ;;raii  Ht'imltiira,  jionjiic  se  llevaban  trassi  la  mayor 
parte  ue  BUS  riqucza»  y  faniilia.'  .SV(>,  lli.tt.  Cmio.  Mi:r.,  timi.  i.,  j).  432. 
'[o  aiiitai  a  cauar  d'vna  sepoltiira  tre  niila  Casti^liaiii  poeo  piii  b  nieno.' 
lidationc  fatta  per  vn  (fcntiVhuomo  del  Signor  Fernando  Cortcse,  in  liamn- 
sio,  Nnviijnfioni,  torn,  lii.,  £(il.  .SIO. 

^'>  Sa/iiiffun,Hisf.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  141;  Ixtlihorhitl,  Itrlitrin- 
ncs,  in  Kinifshorottgh's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix. ,  »>  327;  Itumlmldt,  Esuni  I'ol., 
torn.  i.,p.  189. 

^'  txtiilxorliitl,  Ifi.lL  Chirh.,  in  Kiii(fshoroiiffh'.i  Mex,  Aiitiq.,  vol.  ix., 
p.  214;  /(/.,  Itclaeinne.s,  pp.  3.15,  344;  Clnvigero,  Sloria  Ant,  del  Messie't, 
toni.  ii.,  p.  98. 


■    '■ 


614 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


it 


I 


nials  of  sorrow  accompanied  by  offerings  continued 
to  be  made  every  eightieth  day  for  the  space  of  a 
year."^ 

The  obsequies  of  the  subjects  were,  of  course,  on  a 
scale  of  much  less  grandeur,  though  the  rich  and  no- 
bles ventured  to  exhibit  a  certain  pomp.  The  common 
man,  after  having  been  washed  in  aromatic  waters, 
was  dressed  in  his  best  garments;  a  cheap  stone  called 
the  tenteti,  'mouth-stone,'  was  inserted  between  the 
lips;  the  passport  papers  for  the  dark  journey  were 
handed  to  him  with  the  usual  address ;  and  by  his  side 
were  placed  the  water,  the  dog,  the  insignia  of  his 
trade,  as  arms,  spade,  or  the  like — spindle  or  broom  in 
the  case  of  a  woman — with  the  dresses  and  other 
things  required  for  comfort.  Lastly  the  mantle  of  the 
god  which  his  condition  in  life  and  manner  of  death 
rendered  appropriate,  was  placed  upon  him ;  thus,  a 
warrior  would  wear  the  mantle  of  Huitzilopot;htli 
with  the  image  of  the  war  god  upon  it ;  a  merchant 
the  mantle  of  lyacatecutli ;  the  ai*tisan  that  of  the 
patron  deity  of  his  trade.  A  drunkard  would,  in  ad- 
dition, be  covered  with  the  robe  of  the  god  of  wine;  a 
person  who  had  died  by  drowning,  with  that  of  the 
water  gods ;  the  man  executed  for  adultery,  with  that 
of  the  god  of  lasciviousness ;  and  so  on."*     According 


i  I 

!  r 


.  r 


^'^  Hist.  Itidios,  in  Icazbalcela,  Col.  de  Doc. ,  torn,  i.,  p.  ,31;  Rilo.i  Aiiti- 
guos,  p.  20,  ill  KiiiffshorouifWs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.  IxtlilxiR*hitl,  Kcla- 
cioncK,  ill  KuKjshoroiif/h's  Mi'x.  AHtiq.,\o\.  ix.,  p.  371,8tute!4  tliat  the  fuic- 
rificett  on  the  fourth  <liiy  coiiHisted  of  Hvc  to  six  hIiivca,  on  tiic  tenth  of  one, 
on  tiie  ci;;htieth  of  three.  'Lc  ciuquiciiic  on  Hueritiuit  plusieurs  cm;hivet*,  ct 
cette  iniiiiohitioii  so  rejuituit  eiicoro  quiitre  foi»,  de  <lix  en  <lix  jours.'  llrun- 
geur  dc  lioiirboiny.  Hist.  Nat.  Cit'.,  toin.  iii.,  i>.  .")74.  Duriiii,  Jlist.  Indkts, 
MS.,  toni.  i.,  cup.  xiv.,  xxxix.,  mentions  u  fust  of  eighty  duys,  at  tlie  lmkI 
of  which  a  stutuc  wus  made,  lil(c  one  whii-li  he  states  wus  hnrncd  with  (lie 
corpse,  niid  to  tliis  exactly  the  same  ceremonies  were  puid  us  totlie  defunct, 
tlio  stutue  Iwiii);  hurned  with  uu  eqiiuUy  large  number  of  slaves  us  lieforo. 
The  fullest  descriptions  of  royal  ottsequies  are  given  in  Torr/uciiutdti,  Mn- 
nnrq.  Ind.,  tom.  li.,  pp.  5'2l-,3;  Vei/tia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  toin.  iii.,  pp.  .S-ll; 
Clariijero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mcssico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  95-8;  Goinara,  Cuiiq.  .Mi:r., 
fol.  309-10;  lirassriir  ili:  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pj).  •'•"I-^; 
Duran,  Hist.  Iitdias,  MS.,  torn,  i.,  cap.  xxxix.,  xl,,  tom.  ii.,  cap.  xlviii.; 
Tezozomoc,  CrdnicaMex,,  inKtHgsboroiigh's  Mex.  Aittiq.,  \ol.  ix.,  pp.  Hii- 
90,   99. 

^  After  describing  the  robing  of  drnnkards  and  others,  noninra  says: 
'V  finulmcntca  coda  oflciul  duiiuii  el  traje  del  idolo  dc  uquel  olicio,'  which 


PLEBEIAN  FUNERAL  RITES. 


616 


to  Zuazo,  the  corpse  waa  further  decorated  with  feath- 
ers of  various  colors,  and  seated  in  a  chair  to  receive 
the  expressions  of  sorrow  and  respect  of  friends,  and 
their  humble  offerings  of  flowers,  food,  or  dresses. 
After  a  couple  of  hours  a  second  set  of  shrouders 
removed  the  garments,  washed  the  body  again,  re- 
dressed it  in  red  mantles,  with  feathers  of  the  same 
color,  and  left  it  to  be  viewed  for  an  hour  or  more,  ac- 
cording to  the  number  of  the  visitors.  A  third  time 
the  l)ody  was  washed,  by  a  fresh  corps  of  attendants, 
and  arrayed,  this  time,  in  black  garments,  with  feath- 
ers of  the  same  sombre  color.  These  suits  were  either 
given  to  the  temple  or  buried  with  the  body."  No- 
bles had  the  large  banner  borne  in  their  procession, 
and  seem  to  have  been  allowed  the  use  of  sacrifices." 
According  to  Chaves  the  common  people  were  also 
burned  in  their  own  premises  or  in  the  forest,  a  state- 
ment which  Acosta  and  others  indirectly  confirm  by 
saying  that  they  had  no  regular  burial-places,  but 
their  ashes  were  deposited  in  the  yards  of  their 
houses,  in  the  temple  courts,  in  the  mountains,  or  in 
the  field.  Upon  the  graves  were  placed  flags,  orna- 
ments, and  various  offerings  of  OxkI  during  the  four 
days  of  mourning.  Visits  of  condolence  with  attend- 
ant feasting  extended  over  a  period  of  several  days, 
however.  °"  People  who  had  died  a  violent  death,  by 
lightning  or  other  natural  causes  or  of  incurable  dis- 

ccrtainly  indicates  that  a  drowned  or  Iwftottcd  nrtiwin  M'ould  wear  the  man- 
tle due  to  his  position  in  life  as  well  as  that  due  to  his  niuniici  of  death. 
Coiiq.  Afex.,  fol.  309.  Clavi}?cro,  Storia  Ant.  dd  Mrssico,  toni.  ii.,  j))).  93-4, 
uses  the  following  expression :  '  Vestivanio  d'un  ahito  corris|>ondente  ulla 
sua  condizione,  alle  sue  fucoltil,  r</ullc  eircostunzc  dclhi  sua  niorte.' 

**  Xnnzo,  Carta,  in  Irazhaleeta,  Col.  dr  I>o<:,  toni.  i.,  pp.  364-5. 

"  Caninrgo  savs,  with  reference  to  sacrillccs  and  ^MtniJMjus  ceremonies, 
'tout  rehi  nvait  lieu,  plus  ou  nioins,  h  touted  les  fundraillcs,  selou  larichessc 
du  defunt.'  Hint,  Tlax.,  in  Nouvrlles  Annalis  dea  Toy.,  1843,  toni.  xcviii., 
p.  2()2;  PrescotCs  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  p.  03. 

^  Ziiazo,  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  toni.  i.,  p.  30.5;  Chaves, 
Rapport,  in  Tcrnaux-Compans,  Voy.,  w&ne  ii.,  torn,  v.,  p.  310;  'Durauan 
Itts  cxequiiiH  diez  dias.'  Aeo»ta,  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.,  p.  .121.  'On  pnssnit  vin^t 
ou  treiitn  jours  au  milieu  des  fiites  ct  des  festins.'  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  in 
Nouwlles  Annalcs  des  Voy.,  1843,  tom.  xcviii.,  p.  'iO'2.  Hrnrra,  Hist. 
Gr.n.,  dec.  iii.,  lih.  ii.,  cap.  xviii.:  Clavigero,  Storiu  .■liit.  del  Mcs.sieo,  toiii. 
ii.,  pp.  93-5. 


1 


'I 


616 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


eases,  such  as  leprosy,  tumors,  itch,  gout,  or  dropsy, 
were  not  burned  but  interred  in  sjiecial  graves.  Branches 
or  shoots  of  amaranth  were  placed  upon  their  cheeks, 
the  brow  was  rubbed  with  texutli,  certain  papers  were 
laid  over  the  brain,  and  in  one  hand  was  placed  a 
wooden  rod  which  was  supposed  to  become  L^reen  and 
throw  out  branches  in  the  other  world.  The  bodies  of 
women  who  died  in  childbed  were  also  buried;  and 
the  burial  was  attended  by  great  difficulty,  since  war- 
riors and  sorcerers  fought  bravely  to  obtain  possession 
of  some  part  of  her  body,  as  has  been  stated  in  a  pre- 
ceding chapter." 

A  trader  of  the  rank  of  pochteca,  who  died  on  a 
journey,  was  dressed  in  the  garb  of  his  class,  with 
eyes  painted  black,  red  circles  round  the  mouth,  and 
with  strips  of  paper  all  over  his  person.  The  body 
was  then  deposited  in  a  cacaxtli,  or  square  basket, 
well  secured  by  cords,  and  carried  to  the  top  of  a 
mountain,  whore  it  was  fixed  to  a  tree,  or  |jJole  driven 
into  the  ground,  and  left  to  wither.  The  spirit  was 
supposed  to  have  entered  the  abode  of  the  sun.**  On 
the  return  of  the  caravan  the  death  was  reported  to 
the  guild,  who  broke  the  news  to  the  family  of  the 
deceased.  A  puppet  made  of  candlewood,  and  adorned 
with  the  usual  paper  ornaments,  was  left  at  the  tem- 
ple for  a  day,  during  which  the  friends  mourned  over 
it  as  if  the  body  was  actually  before  them.  At  mid- 
night the  puppet  was  burned,  in  the  quauhxicalco  and 
the  ashes  buried  in  the  usual  manner.  Funeral  cere- 
monies were  held  lor  four  days,  after  which  the  rela- 
tives washed  the  faces,  that  had  remained  untouched 
by  water  during  the  absence  of  the  trader,  and  put 
an  end  to  the  mourning.  The  practice  of  paying 
honors  to  the  dead  in  effigy  was  especially  in  vogue 
among  the  warrior  class.* 


*T  Torquemnda,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  629;  Sahagun,  Hist,  Gen., 
1.  ii.,  Ub.  vi.,  lip.  18(S-01.     See  p.  269  of  this  volume. 
M  Sahagun,  Itist.  Gen.,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  ix.,  p.  358. 


^  Sahiigiiii  intiinuteM  that  the  puppet  was  for  those  who  were  shiin  by 
enemies,  but  odds,  afterwards,  that  a  puppet  was  burned  with  the  same  ccr< 


HONORS  TO  THE  SLAIN  IN  BATTLE. 


617 


Besides  funeral  honors  to  individuals,  ceremonies 
for  all  those  who  died  in  a  battle  or  war  were  of  fre- 
(]uent  occurrence,  as  that  ordered  by  the  first  Mon- 
tezuma in  memory  of  the  slain  in  the  campaign 
against  Chalco.  A  procession  of  all  the  relatives  and 
friends  i)f  the  dead,  headed  by  the  fathers  bearing 
decorated  arms  and  armor,  and  terminated  by  the 
children,  marched  through  the  streets,  dancing  and 
chanting  mournful  songs  in  honor  of  those  who  had 
fallen  fighting  for  their  country  and  their  gods,  and 
for  each  other's  mutual  consolation.  Towards  even- 
ing presents  were  distributed  by  the  king's  ofiicials, 
clothing  to  the  common  people,  ornaments  to  the 
chiefs,  and  food  to  all.  An  effigy  was  then  pre- 
pared, the  details  of  whose  dress  and  decoration  are 
minutely  described,  and  before  it,  placed  in  the  ci- 
liaacalli,  war  songs  were  chanted,  instruments  were 
played,  women  danced  and  cried  for  four  days; 
then  the  image  was  burned  before  the  temple,  the 
ceremony  being  called  quitlepanqiietzin,  'burning  the 
dead  of  the  last  war.'  Some  of  the  ashe:  were  scat- 
tered upon  the  relatives,  who  fasted  for  eighty  days, 
the  remaining  ashes  being  in  the  meantime  buried; 
but  after  the  eighty  days  had  passed  they  were  dug 
up  and  carried  to  the  hill  of  Yahualiuhcan,  on  the 
boundaries  of  Chalco,  where  they  were  left.  Five 
days  later  a  feast  took  place,  during  which  the  gar- 
ments of  the  dead  warriors  were  burned,  more  offer- 
ings were  made,  and  as  a  final  honor  to  the  memory 
of  the  departed  all  became  intoxicated  with  pulque. 
Very  distinguished  warriors  were  sometimes  honored 
with  the  funeral  rites  of  royalty.*" 

The  ceremonies  during  the  period  of  mourning  were 

cmonies  in  the  court,  of  the  house,  if  they  died  at  home.  Hist.  Gen.,  toni. 
i.,  lib.  iv.,  pp.  314-15;  Toraneuuula,  Moiiarq.  Intl.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  587;  Bras- 
sear  de  Botirbourg,  Hist.  ifat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  621-2.  See  this  vol., 
p.  ,S92. 

*•  Tezozomoe,  Crdnica  Mex.,  in  Kingsboroiufli's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp. 
37-8,  8«>-7,  101-2;  Duran,  Hist.  Indias,  MS.,  torn,  i.,  cap.  xviii.,  toni.  ii., 
cap.  xlviii. ;  lirmseur  de  Bonrhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Cir.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  251M)1, 
407-8. 


618 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


not  the  last  honors  paid  to  deceased  friends.  Every 
year  during  the  four  years  that  the  souls  were  sup- 
posed to  live  in  a  preparatory  state  in  the  heavens," 
offerings  of  choice  viands,  wine,  flowers,  and  reeds  of 
perfume  were  placed  before  the  casket  or  upon  the 
grave;  songs  extolling  the  merits  of  the  departed 
were  sung,  accompanied  by  dances,  the  whole  closing 
with  feasting  and  drinking.  After  this  the  dead  were 
left  to  oblivion.**  These  commemorations  tt>ok  place 
in  the  months  of  Tlaxochimaco  and  Xocotlhuetzin. 
The  former  was  termed  'the  small  festival  of  the 
dead,'  and  seems  to  have  been  devoted  to  the  common 
people  and  children,  but  at  the  celebration  in  the  lat- 
ter month  great  demonstrations  were  observed  by  all ; 
and  certain  royal  personages  and  warriors  who  had 
died  for  their  country  were  awarded  divine  honors, 
their  statues  being  placed  among  those  of  the  gods, 
to  whose  presence  they  had  gone.  While  the  priests 
were  burning  incense  and  making  other  offerings  to 
the  dead,  the  people  stood  with  blackened  bodies  on 
the  roofs  of  their  houses,  and,  facing  north,  prayed  to 
their  dead  relatives,  calling  on  them  to  visit  their 
former  homes. *" 

In  the  month  of  Quecholli  another  celebration  took 
place,  which  seems  to  have  been  chiefly  intended  for 
warriors  who  had  perished  in  battle.  On  the  fifth 
day  certain  small  arrows  from  five  to  nine  inches  in 
length,  and  torches,  were  tied  in  bundles  of  four  each 
and  placed  upon  the  graves,  together  with  a  pair  of 
sweet  tamales.  At  sunset  the  bundles  were  set  on 
fire,  and  the  ashes  interred  with  the  dead.  The  shield 
of  the  dead,  with  arrow,  mantle,  and  maxtli  attached, 

*'  ETtplicarione  del  Codex  Tclleriano-Remensis,  in  Kingshoroiigh's  Mex. 
Antiq.,  vol.  v.,  p.  1.3();  Spiegazione  dellc  Tavole  del  Codice  Mvxicano,  (\'u- 
tieuiio),  in  Id.,  p.  193. 

**  Motolinia,  Hist.  Indios,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  toni.  i.,  p.  31; 
Tormumada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  523. 

«  Torqiiemadn,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  298;  Spiegazione  dclle  Ta- 
vole del  Codice  Mexicano  (Vaticano),  in  KingshorougVa  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol. 
v.,  pp.  193-4.  'Los  tres  dias  ultinioB  dc  estc  nies  ayiinavan  todos  Ioh  vivos 
&  los  niuertos.'  Explicacione  del  Codex  Tcllerinno-Rcinensis,  in  KingsLo- 
rough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  v.,  p.  130.     Sec  this  vol.,  pp.  328,  331. 


FUNERAL  RITES  OF  THE  TARASCOS. 


«19 


was  afterwards  fastened  to  a  stalk  of  maize  of  nine 
joints,  mounted  by  two  paper  flags,  one  of  which 
reached  the  length  of  the  stalk.  On  the  small  flag 
was  a  cross,  worked  in  red  thread,  and  on  the  other 
an  ornamentation  of  red  and  white  thread,  from  the 
white  part  of  which  a  dead  humming-bird  was  sus- 
pended. Bunches  of  white  aztatl  feathers,  tied  in 
pairs,  were  also  attached  to  the  stalk  by  a  thread 
covered  with  white  hen-feathers.  This  was  burned 
at  the  quauhxicalco." 

Among  the  peoples  whose  funeral  ceremonies  differ 
from  those  described,  may  be  mentioned  the  Teo-Chi- 
chimecs,  who  interred  their  dead,  and  danced  and  sang 
for  several  days  after.*"  In  Tabasco  interment  seems 
also  to  have  prevailed,  for  Grijalva  found  a  grave  in 
the  sand,  containing  a  boy  and  a  girl  wrapped  in  cot- 
ton cloth  and  adorned  with  jewelry.**  In  Goazaco- 
alco  it  was  the  custom  to  place  the  bones  in  a  basket, 
as  soon  as  the  flesh  was  gone,  and  hang  them  up  in  a 
tree,  so  that  the  spirit  of  the  defunct  might  have  no 
trouble  in  finding  them.*' 

In  Michoacan  the  funeral  rites  were  of  a  very  ex- 
acting character.  When  the  king  lay  on  his  death- 
bed it  was  incumbent  on  all  vassals  and  courtiers  to 
attend  at  the  palace,  and  those  who  stayed  away  were 
severely  punished.  While  awaiting  the  final  breath 
they  were  royally  entertained,  but  none  could  enter 
the  death-chamber.  When  the  corpse  was  ready  for 
shrouding,  the  lords  entered  to  dress  it  in  festive  robes, 
each  attending  to  a  particular  part  of  the  attire;  the 
emerald  brooch  was  put  between  the  lips,  and  the 

w  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  lil).  ii.,  pp.  16.3-4;  Torqttemada,  Monnrq. 
Iiul.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  281.  Ura8^scur  <le  BourlK>iir;i;  mxya  that  this  celebration 
was  of  u  ){cnenil  character,  and  dilutCH  the  nieu^rre  an<l  doubtful  informa- 
tion of  his  authority  considerably.  The  arrowa  and  fiMHl,  '  aiirbs  (lu'clles  y 
avaicnt  dcnieurd  un  jour  et  une  nuit,  on  let)  enlevait  ct  on  br(^]uit  Ic  tout 
ensemble  en  I'honneur  dc  Mixcohuatl  et  de  ses  compugnons  d'urnics.'  Nist. 
Nnf.  Cii'.,  toMi.  i.,  p.  234,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  528-9. 

^  Sdhngun,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  lib.  x.,  p.  119. 

**  lUaz,  Itinernrio,  in  Icazbaleeta,  Col.  dc  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  p.  .304;  Oviedo, 
Hist.  Gen.,  toni.  i.,  j».  532. 

*'  Hcrrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  ix.,  cap.  vii. 


620 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I  li 


I 


ii 


;  : 


I' 


body  was  laid  upon  a  litter  covered  with  cloths  of  dif- 
ferent colors.  On  one  side  of  the  body  were  placed  a 
bow  and  quiver,  on  the  other  was  a  doll  made  up  of  fine 
mantles  and  dressed  exactly  like  the  king.**  While 
the  courtiers  were  giving  vent  to  lamentations  and 
tendering  their  respects,  the  new  king  proceeded  to 
select  those  among  the  servitors,  who,  according  to 
the  inviolable  law  of  the  country,  were  doomed  to 
follow  the  dead  prince.  Seven  of  these  were  noble 
women,  to  whom  various  duties  were  assigned;  one 
was  appointed  to  carry  the  precious  lip-ornament,  an- 
other to  keep  the  rest  of  the  jewels,  a  third  to  be  cup- 
bearer, and  the  others  to  attend  at  table  and  to  cook. 
Among  the  male  victims,  who  seem  to  have  been 
slaves  for  the  most  part,  every  trade  and  profession 
was  represented,®"  as  valets,  hair-dressers,  perfumers, 
fan -holders,  chair -bearers,  wood -cutters,  boatmen, 
sweepers,  doorkeepers,  and  artisans;  also  clowns,  and 
some  of  the  physicians  who  had  failed  to  save  the 
life  of  the  monarch.  Occasionally  some  enthusiast 
would  offer  to  join  his  beloved  master  of  his  own  ac- 
cord, but  this  seems  to  have  been  prohibited;  besides, 
the  new  king  had,  doubtless,  selected  all  that  were 
obnoxious  to  him,  and  could  not  afford  to  lose  good 
servants.  At  midnight  the  litter  was  carried  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  chief  men  to  the  temple,  followed  by 
vassals,  warriors,  and  courtiers,  some  blowing  trump- 
ets, others  chanting  the  glories  of  the  dead.  In 
the  van  of  the  procession  were  the  victims,  who  had 
been  bathed  in  aromatic  waters  and  adorned  with 
garlands  stripped  of  their  leaves  and  branches,  and 
with  yellow  streaks  over  the  face,  who  marched  in  files, 

^  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  310.  'Esta  figiira  sc  la  ponian  enciinn  nl 
Difiinto.'  I'orqiwiiuti/ti,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  524.  it  is  not  likely, 
however,  that  a  lite-»izc  tij;ure,  a»  Uoiimra  calls  it,  or  any  fi;;iire,  for  that 
matter,  should  have  l)eea  placed  over  the  ornaments  of  thckinj^und  pressed 
upon  the  body.  Beaumont  says:  'Lo  cubriancon  una  nianta,  en  queestaba 
nintado  6  realzado  el  cadaver  con  los  niismos  adomos.'  Crdn.  Aiechoacan, 
MS.,  p.  55.  'Au-dcssns  on  asseyait  une  pnnj)ue  de  la  taille  du  dtifnnt.' 
Brasseurde  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  totii.  iii.,  p.  8.S. 

<B  'Matauan  vno,  y  aun  mas  dc  caila  olieio.'  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  fol. 
311. 


CREMATION  OF  THE  TARASCAN  KINGS. 


621 


sounding  whistles,  rattling  bones,  and  beating  tor- 
toise-shell drums.  Torch-bearers  attondod  the  party, 
and  ahead  wont  a  number  of  men  who  swept  the 
road,  singing  at  the  same  time :  "  Lord,  here 
thou  hast  to  pass,  see  that  thou  dost  not  miss 
the  road  !'""*  Four  turns  were  made  round  the  pyre 
before  depositing  the  corpse  upon  it.  While  the 
■flames  shot  up,  and  the  funeral  chants  fell  from  ilie 
lips  of  the  mourners,  the  victims  were  stupefied  with 
drinks  and  clubbed;  the  bodies  were  thrown  into 
holes  behind  the  temple,  by  threes  or  fours,  together 
with  the  ornaments  and  other  belongings  of  the  de- 
ceased. The  ashes  and  valuables  were  gathered  from 
the  smoking  pyre,  and  made  into  a  figure,  which  was 
dressed  in  royal  habiliments,  with  a  mask  for  its 
face,  a  g^olden  shield  on  its  back,  bows  and  arrows  by 
its  side;  this  was  set  upon  a  throne  facing  the  east, 
the  whole  being  placed  in  a  large  urn,  which  was 
deposited  upon  a  bed  of  golden  shields  and  silver 
articles  in  a  grave  with  stone  walls,  lined  with  mats, 
about  twelve  feet  square,  and  equally  deep,  situated 
at  the  foot  of  the  temple.  The  urn  was  covered  with 
a  number  of  valuable  mantles,  and  around  it  were 
placed  various  implements,  food,  drink,  and  Imjxcs 
filled  with  feather- work  and  ornaments;  the  grave  was 
finallv  bridjfed  with  varnished  beams  and  boards, 
and  covered  v/ith  a  coating  of  earth  and  clay. 
After  the  funeral,  all  who  had  taken  an  active 
part  in  the  ceremonies  went  to  bathe,  in  order  to 
prevent  any  injury  to  their  health,"  and  then 
assembled  at  the  palace  to  partake  of  a  sumptuous 
repast.  At  the  close  of  the  banquet  a  cotton  cloth 
was  given  to  each  guest  wherewith  to  wipe  his  face, 
I)ut  all   remained  seated  for  five  days  with  lowered 

■"•  Torquemada,  Moitarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  525.  The  slaves,  he  says, 
'los  embudurimlMiii  ttulo  el  cuerpo,  con  vim  tiiitu  ninnrilla.'  '  VInmi  las  an- 
(las  (\  atahiid  en  hombros  de  los  tres  principales.'  lieaumont,  Crdn.  Mechoa- 
can,  MS.,  p.  56. 

''■  '  Todos  los  que  habian  tocado  el  Caltzontzi  y  d  los  denias  cuerpos  se 
ilian  &  bailar  por  preservarse  de  alguna  enferniodad.'  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Me- 
vhoacan,  MS.,  p.  67. 


622 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONH. 


: 


heads,  without  uttering  a  word,  except  the  grandecH, 
who  went  in  turn  hy  night  to  watch  and  mourn  at  the 
grave.  During  this  period  the  mourning  was  gen- 
eral, no  corn  was  ground,  no  fires  lighted,  no  business 
transacted;  the  streets  were  deserted,  and  all  re- 
mained at  home,  mourning  and  lasting.  The  ob- 
sequies of  the  people  bore  a  general  resemblance  to 
the  above,  the  ceremonies  being  regulated  by  the 
rank  and  means  of  the  deceased.  The  graves  were 
usually  situated  in  the  fields  or  on  the  slope  of  a 
hill." 

Among  the  Miztecs,  in  Oajaca,  where  cremation 
does  not  seem  to  have  obtained,  compliments  and  ad- 
dresses were  presented  to  the  corpse  of  a  chief,  just  as 
if  he  were  alive.  A  slave  arrayed  in  the  same  splen- 
did garments  worn  by  his  master,  with  mask,  mitre, 
and  other  insignia,  was  placed  before  it ;  and  while  the 
funeral  procession  accompanied  the  body  to  burial,  he 
represented  the  chief,  and  received  the  honors  paid  to 
royalty.  At  midnigiit  four  priests  carried  the  body  to 
the  forest,  where  it  was  placed,  in  the  presence  of  the 
mourners,  in  a  cave,  with  the  feet  to  the  east,  and 
surrounded  with  various  weapons  and  implements. 
Two  male  and  three  female  slaves,  who  had  in  the 
meantime  been  made  drunk  and  strangled,  were  also 
placed  in  the  grave,  together  with  idols  to  serve  as 
guides.  Burgoa  was  told  by  the  natives  that  devoted 
servants  used  to  follow  their  lord  alive  into  the  grave. 
On  the  return  of  the  funeral  cortege,  the  slave  who 
represented  the  deceased  was  sacrificed  and  deposited 
in  a  hole,  which  was  left  unclosed.  The  cave  selected 
for  the  grave  of  the  chief  was  supposed  to  be  the 
gate  to  paradise.     Burgoa  found  two  of  these  resting- 

{)laces.     One  was  situated  in  a  hill  and  lighted  by 
oopholes  from  above.     Along  the  sides  were  stone 

">*  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mechoacan,  MS.,  pp.  54-8;  Torquemnda,  Monarq. 
I  ltd.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  523-6;  Gomara,  Vonq.  Mcx.,  fol.  310-12;  Gane's  New 
Surveji,  pp.  167-60,  with  a  cut;  Brasseur  de  Bourbotirg,  Hint.  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  iii.,  pp.  82-6;  Payno,  in  Soc,  Uex.  Geog,,  Boletin,2Aa  ^poca,  torn,  i., 
pp.  717-19. 


8EPULCHRE8  IN  OAJACA. 


benches,'  like  troughs,  upon  which  lay  the  bejowelod 
skeletons,  and  here  and  there  were  niches  occupied 
by  idols.  Another  was  a  stone  vault,  with  plastered 
walls,  arranged  like  tiit  former;  a  stone  block  closed 
the  entrance."  Some  authors  Htate  that  when  the 
flesh  was  consumed,  the  l>ones  were  taken  out  and 
placed  in  graves  in  the  houses  or  in  the  temples; 
this  may,  however,  only  have  applied  to  certain 
chiefs,  for  Burgoa  found  skeletons,  as  we  have  seen, 
in  the  caves  which  he  explored.  Every  year,  on  the 
anniversary  of  the  birth  of  the  last  defunct  lord,  not 
on  that  of  his  death,  great  ceremonies  were  held  in  his 
honor."  Like  the  Aztecs,  they  believed  that  the  soul 
wandered  about  for  a  number  of  years  before  entering 
into  perfect  bliss,  and  visited  its  friends  on  earth  once 
a  year."  On  the  "«  of  that  day  the  house  was  pre- 
pared as  if  for  a  festive  occasion,  a  quantity  of  choice 
food  was  spread  upon  the  table,  and  the  imnates  went 
out  with  torches  in  their  hands,  bidding  the  spirits 
enter.  They  then  returned  and  squatted  down  round 
the  table  with  crossed  hands  and  eyes  lowered  to  the 
ground,  for  it  was  thought  that  the  spirits  would  be 
offended  if  they  were  gazed  upon.  In  this  position 
they  remained  till  morning,  praying  their  unsr.en  vis- 
itors to  intercede  with  the  gods  in  their  favor,  and 
then  arose,  rejoiced  at  having  observed  due  respect  for 
the  departed.  The  food,  which  the  spirits  were  sup- 
posed to  have  rendered  sacred  by  inhaling  its  virtue, 
was  distributed  among  the  poor,  or  deposited  in  some 
out-of-the-way  place.  During  the  day  further  cere- 
monies, accompanied  by  offerings,  were  made  at  the 
temples,  and  a  table  was  spread  for  the  priests." 


"  Geog.  Descrip.,  torn,  i.,  pt  ii..  fol.  160-1,  torn,  ii.,  pt  ii.,  fol.  320. 

T*  Claviqcro,  Storia  Ant.  del  MeJisico,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  98-9;  Ilerrera,  Hist. 
Gen.,  dec.  lii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  xiii. ;  Explicacion  del  t'oiiex  Telleriuno-Bemrn- 
sin,  in  Kingshorough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  \o\.  v.,  p.  130;  lipiegaziotte  delle  Tavolt 
del  Codice  Mexieano  (Vaticano),  in  Id.,  p.  193;  Erasteur  de  Bourbourg, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  22-4. 

"i^  'Au  douzifeme  mois  dc  Tunnde  zapot^que.'  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  23. 

76  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  torn,  ii.,  pt  ii.,  fol.  392-3;  Brasseur  de  Bour- 


624 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


The  Nahiias  were  physically  a  fine  race.  They  are 
described  by  all  the  old  writers  as  being  tall,"  well- 
formed,  and  of  an  olive  or  light  copper  color;  as  hav- 
ing thick,  black,  coarse,  though  soft  and  glossy  hair, 
regular  teeth,  low,  narrow,  retreating  foreheads,™  black 
eyes,  scant  beards,^'   and   very   little   hair   on   their 


v  I 


honrg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toin.  iii.,  |i]).  'J3-4.  A(l(]itioiiul  .eferences  to  fn- 
nurnl  ceremonies  arc:  Vn/tia,  lliitt.  Ant.  Mn'.,  tuin.  i.,  p.  238,  toin.  ii.,  jiji. 
79,  231-2,  2J>8;  ycfaiirrr't,  Ttotvo  M.x.,  jit  li.,  i>\>.  1">,  25,  29;  I'czozomoe, 
Vninira.  Mcx.,  in  Kitigihorouqh'a  Mix.  Aiitiq.,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  89-91,  98-9, 
141-2,  178-9;  Purchus'/n.s  Pi/iinmcf,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  1(»2<K1(),  1138-9;  llcmdli 
Carcri,  in  C/iiiir/n'irn  Col.  ]'ui/ii<if.s,  vol.  iv.,  p.  514;  Montuiins,  Nieunr 
Wicrfld,  pf>.  2(J1  2;  Ji'Ai'ity,  //Amfruiue,  toni.  ii.,  j>.  09;  Ai/air,  Amrr. 
Intl.,  p.  21/;  Touriiii,  Jlixt.  ({en.,  toni.  iii.,  ]»p.  9-10;  Iklajxirte,  licisiii, 
toni.  .<.,  pp.  318-23;  I.riioir,  ParalUh:  pp.  11-13,  28,  3();  Noiinllrn  Anna  frit 
tffn  I'oi/.,  1824,  toni.  x.xiv.,  pp.  137-8;  Fraim/iam^s  World  in  Miiiiatiirr, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  19;  Mit/irr,  Amcrik(mi.irhc  Unrliiiioiirn,  p.  666;  I'imvnlcl, 
Mi'iii.  nohrr  la  Jiaza  liidiiji'na,  pp.  64-5;  Varbajal  EnpiHosa,  Hist,  Mrx., 
toni.  i.,  pp.  234,  559-64,  torn,  li.,  pp.  375,  604;  Jirassciir  de  liourhinirq, 
Uixt.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  ii.,  jip.  424-5,  toni.  iii.,  pp.  407-8,  453,  520-3,  528-9, 
569-74;  Carli,  Carton,  lit  i.,  p.  107;  Mnltc-ltrini,  Precis  de  la  Oiog.,  toni. 
vi.,  p.  45<);  Sinwn^a  J'en  Tribes,  pp.  275-6;  JHoiiijlare,  Resumi,  p.  32; 
t'ointer'.s  Hist.  N.Aiiicr.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  163;  liaril,  Mcxique,  p.  203;  Jiiissicnr, 
I/hiiiiiirr  .\[fx.,  j)p.  147-9;  Jianh-iii</sHist.  Rcsearrhcs,  pp.  381-4;  liroirmirs 
Ind.  ilare.t,  jt.  IHi;  Klfiiiiti,  Cidtiir-Gcachic/ite,  toin.  v.,  pp.  31,  49-53,  77, 
184;  Carhajal,  Jti.inirso,  p.  .S7. 

"  Kxcept  the  Za|K>t('i'i»,  wlio,  CiirlHijiil  Espinosa  says,  were  of  low  stature 
and  Itroitd-shoiiltlercti.  Hist.  Mex.,  toni.  i.,  p.  245. 

'"  (loniara  wiys  tliev  liiul  wide  forelieauH.  Coiiq.  J/cx.,  fol.  317.  'La 
fortiia,  o  li};uni  de  las  (^iIh-^mis,  comnninente  las  tienen  jmipiiirionadas  il  los 
I'liorpoH,  y  h  loH  otro8  iiiiiMii))i'os  de  b\,  y  dcreelias;  ai^niioH  hm  tienen  cm- 
pinadiis,  v  Ihh  frentoH  niiadradas,  y  llaiiaH;  otroB  (coiiio  win  estos  Mexica- 
noH,  y  alKiKioH  del  J'irii)  las  ti-niiin,  y  tienen  de  niejor  forma,  al^^o  di; 
lici'liiira  de  .Martiilo,  o  Navio,  que  es  la  niejor  forma  do  toilas.'  Torqiiemai'a, 
Miiiiarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  5S2-3.  'Tlie  Aztee  skulls  are  dcsrrilied  as  lieiiig 
reiuarkalile  for  tiie  shortiu'sM  of  their  axis,  their  hir;^!'  Ihitteiied  oecijiut  ob- 
liipU'Iy  triineatcd  lichind,  the  Iiei;r|il  of  the  HOiiiicirciilar  line  of  the  teiii- 
plen,  and  the  sliorliicss  and  trapezoiilal  form  of  the  parietal  jda'ie.  They 
present  an  elevation  or  rid-;!'  alou^  the  sa;;ittal  suture;  the  base  ot  the  sk'.ill 
IS  very  short,  mid  llie  fare  Mli}{litly  prognathic,  as  anioii<;  the  Moii;;ol-lial- 
iiiiics.  Tiiey  liear  a  stroti},'  uiialojxy  to  tiie  skulls  of  a  I'eruviati  Mracl  yce- 
jiiudi  delineated  hy  Morton  '  Fosti'r's  Prc-Hisf.  Kacci,  p.  .126.  'The  ahorigi- 
nal  Me\i('ans  of  our  own  time  are  of  jjood  stature  and  well  jiroportioiied  i.; 
all  their  limiis.  They  have  narrow  foreheads,  hiaek  eyes,  while,  well-set, 
r(V'ular  teeth,  thick,  coarse  and  ^^'los.xy  Ivlack  hair,  thin  heards,  and  are  iii 
•rciicral  wilhout  any  hair  on  their  Ie;;s,  thi;{hs,  or  nrins.  Their  skin  is  (dive 
coi.iured,  and  many  line  youii<;  women  may  be  seen  anions  them  with  ex- 
tremci.-  lij,'ht  complexions.  I'lieir  senses  are  very  aeute,  more  es|ieciully 
tliiit  of  sij-iit,  whiih  they  enjoy  unimpaired  to  the  most  aflvmiced  ajre.' 
Fiiliiiir's  Hum.  Rare,  p.  4.").  For  remarkson  Mexican ('riinia,  ilescriptions 
and  measurements  of  skulls  with  cuts,  see  Morton's  Crania  Anirv.,  ]i\>.  144- 
7,  l.">_'-7,  231-3,  257,  and  plates  xvi-xviii.',  lix-lxi. 

*9  Accord inj,' to  llerrera.  Hist.  Urn.,  (Loud.  1726,)  vol.  iv.,  p.  125,  and 
nrasseur  de  llourbourj;,  Uisl.  Sat.  Civ.,  toni.  iii.,  p.  35,  the  Miztees  hod 
long  licards. 


PHYSICAL  PECULIARITIES. 


bodies.     Their  senses  were  very  acute,  especially  that 
of  sij^ht,  which  they  enjoyed  unimpaired  to  the  most 


I        riTi_ 


advanced  age.*  Iheir  bodies  they  kept  in  training 
by  constant  exercise.  They  were  wonderful  runners 
and  leapere,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  some  of  their  ath- 
letic and  acrobatic  feats  were  looked  upon  by  the  con- 
querors as  nothing  short  of  the  work  of  the  devil.  It 
was  no  unusual  thing  to  meet  with  people  who  from 
their  color  could  scarcely  be  distinguished  frt-  r*  Euro- 
peans. The  people  of  Michoacan  enjoy  the  reputa- 
tion of  having  been  the  tallest  and  handsomest  among 
the  Nahuas.**  The  women  of  Jalisco  found  great 
favor  in  the  eyes  of  the  reverend  Father  Torquemada. 
He  was  shown  one  there,  he  says,  who  might  be  con- 
sidered a  miracle  of  beauty;  indeed,  so  fair  was  her 
skin,  so  well  ])roportiouod  her  Ivody,  and  so  regular 
her  features,  that  the  most  skillfui  portrait-painter 
would  have  been  put  to  it  to  do  her  justice.**  De- 
formed people  were  very  uncommon;  indeed,  as  we 
have  seen,  their  rarity  made  them  valuable  as  objects 
of  curiosity,  and  kings  and  princes  kept  collections 
of  them.^ 


hcv 

•il 

al- 


ft, 

in 

ivc 

(■\- 

ally 

■TO.' 


8"  'En  lo8  SentidoA  extcriores  (cotno  son  los  dc  cl  Vfer,  Ok,  Oler,  y  Gus- 
tar)  loM  alcunvuu  iidiiiirultleN;  jioniuu  \hn  nuii  <lc  lejoH,  y  no  vhuu  dt>  Anto- 
jos,  si  III)  Hon  niui  pocos,  dcspiies  <|ue  Ioh  liun  visto,  en  niiuHtniH  KspuAolcH, 
y  OHO  us  on  In  vejez,  y  tiencn  coinnnnitMito  los  ojos  Uuemis,  y  liernuisos,  oien 
niiu'lio,  !iiiel(>ii  taiiibicn  (|iiul(|nier  oumu  >;  niiii  lojos;  lo  niisino  es  ul  (!usto; 
cl  Sentitlo  d(>l  tacto,  coninnnicnti  c.s  <iet; 'tido,  lo  iiuni  sc  verilica  en  ullos, 
]Mir<pie  ([ualiiuier  cosu,  ijne  pucd'V  lust<niurlos,  conio  es  frio,  ualor,  u^otes,  <> 
otra  exterior  atliecion,  ios  ani^e  niui  fat-ihnente,  y  en  niueiko  jjrado,  y  qual- 
(I'.iiera  enferniedad  los  adel^ji.^i',  mas  presto  los  enllaqneee,  y  inata,  (jne  ii 
tiira  Nacion,  asi  Kspafiola,  eomo  otra  al^^una,  eonio  es  notorio,  h  toilos  itm 
•(lie  los  <-onoemnoH,  y  son  |Mira  Mufrlr  niui  pouo  truUajo.'  Torquviiuuln,  Mo- 
iiiirq.  flit/.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  580. 

"'  li'diiiiiiiiif,  Cniti,  Mi'rhoar.nn,  MS.,  j».  5();  llmnnrn,  Cmiq.  Mrj\,  fol. 
218;  Tiiiujio'ituftfi,  Mii.iirq.  Iiid.,  ttnn.  i.,  p.  ."{37,  toni.  iii.,  p.  332;  limsscur 
ill!  Hdiirliiiiiri),  ifi.tt.  Xitt.  Cir.,  toni.  iii.,  |>.  57. 

"**  lie  adds  further:  '  Y  esto  |auni{ue  no  en  tanto  cxtrenio)  corre,  nini  en 
pMieral,  por  todos  eMto.s  lleinos,  y  eu  es])ei.'ial  en  a<(U(d  de  Xalisco,  en  la 
Nacion,  ((ue  llamai  Cocn,  y  Teeucx,  <[ue  son  los  Toiuiltecos,  v  por  ach  en 
lii  de  'I'laxealla,  y  ')tras  niuelias,  <|ue  por  eseusar  enfado,  eallit.  Momirq. 
lull.,  foni.  ii.,  p.  582;  see  also  foin.  i.,  p.  .S3i). 

*•'  'Sonovi  cos!  rari  i  defornii,  <'lie  tutti  (jue^fli  Sjta^rnuoli,  e  Creoj;!!,  clio 
ncl  17t>H.  vennero  dal  Messieo  in  Italia,  reslarono  allora,  e  sono  anehe  ojj- 
(.'idi  niaravi;;liati  <Iair  osservarc  nclle  (Mttii  di  questa  coltissinia  |H>nisola  uu 
«i  t;ran  nuniero  di  ciechi,  di  f{obl);,  di  zoppi,  d'attratti  e<-.'  ('liifiitvro,  Sloria 
.•lilt,  del  Mi'.siiirii,  toni.  iv.,  p.  ir>3.  Sc«  farther,  eoneerniiiK  the  physical 
Vol.  II.    40 


626 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


I  \  - 


^Hli 


The  character  of  the  Nahiias,  althouji^h  the  state- 
ments of  the  best  authors  are  nearly  unanimous  con- 
cerning it,  is  in  itself  strangely  ciifitradictory.  We 
are  told  tiiat  they  were  extremely  frugal  in  their 
habits,  tliat  wealth  had  no  attractions  for  them,  yet 
we  find  them  trafficking  in  the  most  shrewd  and  care- 
ful manner,  delighting  in  splendid  pageants,  gorgeous 
dresses,  and  rich  armor,  and  wasting  their  substance 
in  costly  feasts;  they  were  tender  and  kind  to  their 
children,  and  solicitous  for  their  welfare,  yet  the  pun- 
ishments they  inflicted  upon  their  offspring  were  cruel 
in  the  ^.-xtreme;*^  they  wer^  mild  with  their  slaves, 
and  ferocious  with  their  cajjtivew;  they  were  a  joyous 
race,  fond  of  feasting,  dancing,  jesting,  and  innocent 
anmsements,  yet  they  delighted  in  human  saciitices, 
and  were  cannibals;  they  possess*^!  a  well-advanced 
civilization,  yet  every  action  of  their  lives  was  influ- 
enced by  gross  superstition,  Ur  a  religion  inconceivably 
dark  and  bloody,  and  utterly  without  one  redeemin/ 
feature;  they  were  brave  warriors,  and  terrible  in  w>«f. 
yet  servile  and  submissive  to  thtir  Hiperiors;  tli- v 
had  a  strong  imagination  and,  in  strtit'  iii»<tancex,  go<Hl 
taste,  yet  they  represented  their  g«idM  as  monsters, 
and  their  religious  myths  and  historical  legends  are 
absurd,  disgunfing,  and  puerile. 

That  the  NahunK  were  a  most  ingenious  people  in 
abundantly  proven  by  their  work  as  well  as  by  tin* 
statements  of  those   wlw  knew  them.      It  has  been 

pcciiliuritic)'  of  the  Naluiax  and  earlier  itcoplcH:  Ixtlilxorhifl.  Ri-lariuiirs, 
111  h'i)i</»t>jritiiff/i's  Mij-.  Aiifitf.,  vol.  i.\.,  \t\>.  32C,  li'Mt-f',  341,  M4-^.  'M*'>; 
Vi'ftti'frrf,  Tviilni  Mf.i\,  tulii.  li.,  1».  12;  ({iniiara,  Coiiq.  Mij-..  M  37.  44, 
{K),  31>i,  Sahnf/nii,  liml.  <ifii.,  toiii.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  jt.  112,  lit),  13'2;  Torqiir- 
niiiita,  MiiiKirt/.  Intl.,  toiii,  i.,  jip.  .S7,  fil,  '2.')5,  t<»iii.  ii.,  pp.  580-S3;  ('urlix, 
Cnrfim,  toiii.  i.,  p.  '23;  Vcijtiii,  Hut.  Ant.  MrJ.,  toiii.  i.,  pp.  l43-t),  toiii.  ii., 
p.  5;  Ikrrerti,  IUhI.  (ifii.,  <ler.  ii.,  lib.  x.,  cuii.  .\ix.;  (/n'ri/o,  Jli.tt.  ilni  , 
torn,  iii.,  p.  4!)9;  Cfiirii/n-i).  Storia  Ant.  del  Afexm'ro,  toiii.  i.,  pp.  ilH-l!(, 
tiiiii.  iv.,  pp,  l(il-7<i;  lir/tttioiir  fatta  per  rii  iffnfir/iuoiiio  <til  Siijii'ir  fi'f- 
Hondo  <'fttit'iti\  ill  11)1  III imio,  ^nvignlioni,  Unn.  iii.,  fol.  3(M;  limssmr  </<• 
lionrlionrg,  Ui-st.  Xtit.  fir.,  foiii.  i.,  p.  282,  toiii.  ii.,  pp  IH7,  IW,  tmii.  iii., 
p.  ST);  Curhajn/  Exiiinosn.  Hint.  Mrr,,  toiii.  i.,  pp.  1K>,  24."),  torn,  ii.,  pp.  :t'.'<i. 
487;  ftiitmix,  Ril.,  2(U'  Kx|hmI.,  ji,  25;  (iordon's  Hint,  mid  (iioif.  Mnn.,  pp. 
71-2;  Ihllon'*  Hist.  Mr.r.,  p.  4ft;  Afiicffrrtjor's  I'rwjirsH  of  Ainer.,  vol.  i., 
p.  21;  I'duftrr'n  His:.  \.  Anier.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  103. 
•*  Sec  this  volume,  p.  242. 


chai:acter  of  the  nahuas. 


said  that  they  were  not  inventive,  but  this  Clavigero 
indijjfnantly  denies.**  It  is  certain  that  their  power  of 
imitation  was  very  great,*  and  that  they  were  very 
(]uick  to  learn  the  new  arts  introduced  among  them  by 
the  Spaniards."  They  were  geiierous  and  remarkably 
free  from  avarice.**  They  are  said  to  have  been  very 
temperate  in  their  habits,*"  but  judging  from  the  vjist 
number  of  dishes  served  up  at  the  tables  of  the  rich, 
and  the  stnngent  laws  which  were  necessary  to  j)re- 
vcut  drunkenness,  this  appears  doubtful.  Although 
terrible  to  their  enemies,  and  naturally  warlike,  they 
were  peaceable  among  themselves,  and  seldom  quar- 
reled. !  as  Casas  says  that  when  a  difficulty  arose 
between  two  of  them,  the  disputants  ditl  not  come  at 
oncc  to  blows,  but  contented  themselves  with  such 
|)or.sonal  abuse  as:  "Go  to,  thou  hast  bad  eyes;  thou 

'■  •  '  aono  niolti,  clio  iiccordano  iii  MesHicani  iinii  j^rnnde  abiliti\  [wr 
T,'  -''  ■  oiH':  iiiH  lor  I'lmtrintaiio  <|iip11ii  (lt!ir  iiivt'iizione.  Erri>r  volgnro, 
riir  troviini  smv'iitiio  iiellii  Storitt  untU'U  <li  questii  Nazionc'  Sloriu  Ant. 
ilil  Mrmtirii,  t<i««.    i  ,  ]i.   1'2(). 

««  H«-»  K\\\v.  Vi*!^!)^,  Jip.  47r)-<i. 

*"  '  \a—  iiinoH  <t<-  lim  Iiuliiis  iio  Hon  nioleHtos  con  ohHtiimcinn  iii  porfiu  a  la 
f  •  Calti'ilit'u.  I'oiiio  In  will  loH  .Morns  y  hidios;  antes  apruiidiMi  ilc  tal  iiiaiu'ra 
IttH  vcr't^'lt'H  d«*  loM  t'liriittianoit.  iiuc  ito  Holaiiientc  MaliMi  con  ollas,  sino  (mic 
liis  agirfuti.  >•  V*  tauui  «u  farilida^i  <iin'  jiarect'  <|ue  «e  law  Ikmu-ii.  .\|irvnii(>n 
max  presto  i|iif  V—  iiifios  Ks|mftok>s;  y  con  mas  contonto  los  Articiilos  ilc  la 
l''c  por  su  on^M,  \  las  dciiias  oracioiu's  do  la  doclrinaChristiaiia,  rctciiiciido 
CM  la  inciiiori»  liehiientc  lo  (|iu'  se  leu  cnsefia.'  iMriln  I'adilhi,  Jli.il.  Fnit/. 
lf<  r  ,  p.  1^.  "Il  n'ctait  rien  (jue  1»*  Indi'Mis  n'apprisscnt  avec  uiic  rapidit6 
Mirprenanto,  d  s'il  arrivait  (nudum*  mmvcHU  metier  tloiit  ils  n'eiMsenf  au- 
ciiiie  I  iiiinaissM.iice,  ils  H'aiipli<|uaieiit  a  \e  voir  faire  avec  taut  d'intelligence, 
i|iic.  iiial;;r6  les  soins  de  I  ouvrier  a  leur  cacher  miii  M-cref ,  ils  le  lui  eulevai- 
ciii  ail  isnit  de  <juel<jiw«  jourw. '  Branstur  de  Bourhouri/,  iliat,  Nat.  Civ., 
lidii.  iv     u  728. 

**  'IV*  rt«iy  ladrones,  mentiroHos,  y  liol};a/.aneH.  La  fcrtilidad  de  la 
tierra  d*""**'  -••usar  tuiila  |K're/a,  o  (tor  no  serelloscodieiosos.'  (iniiinin.  Cuiiif. 
M'  .!•.,  fid.  'A\ '.  '  l.a  lilH-ialita  e  lo  staccainento  da  <|iialsisiaintcressc  soiio  dci 
priiici|wli  MitriWiiti  del  lorn  caratteiv.  L'i»ri<  iioii  lia  presso  i  Messicani 
liiMa  <|iiella  sriiiia,  die  (.'ihIc  iiresso  altri.  Daniio  Mii/a  dispiacere  ouello, 
■  I  If  M  priM-ai  riano  coll  soniniaiatica.  (.^uesto  JoiosiiiiiMiiiento  dairintcrcKse, 
''I  d  |HH'o  aiiiore,  die  portano  a  i|nei  die  ;;li  ^oxiTiiaiio,  ii  fa  rifiiitaie  i|U(dIo 
filidie,  a  ciii  Hono  da  essi  costretti,  e  uuesta  •'  Mppmito  la  taiito  esap-nita 
l>i>;ri/ia  deifli  Aiiiericaiii  '  Cluriijiro,  Slorm  Aiit.  i/i/  MrK.sim.  fom.  i.,  jip. 
1-1  -'J.  'Kstavan  iilirei*  de  la  eiifenn«M|ad  de  la  codicia,  y  no  |M'iisaiiaii  en  la 
vaiiidad  did  oro,  y  plata,  ni  lia/ian  entiniacion  dello.'  iMvitn,  Tmlrn  Krlr.i., 
toiii.  i.,  p.  18.  'Se;;iin  111  que  ai|iiella  edad  jieriiiile,  son  iiicliiiadissimos  it 
«cr  lilH-ralcR.  Tanto  iiionta  <|iie  lo  <|im'  >!■  les  da,  se  de  m  \no  como  h  inn- 
liiiis:  por(|iH'  lo  que  viio  recilK',  se  re]iartc  liiejfo  entre  todos,'  iHiriUi  J'li- 
dill,,,  II,. if.  I,„(l    \l,.r  .  p    i:«l. 

"'  Tlie  most  soIht  peopU"  known.  Hi-hitioiufutln  per  m  fffntiVhiiomo 
'III  SiffHur  Fernuiido  Cortetf.  in  liiniiiuiio,  yarignlivni,  toni.   iii.,   j).   304. 


628 


THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 


art  toothless;"  or  they  threw  handfuls  of  dirt  in  each 
other's  faces  and  then  separated  and  washed  them- 
selves. On  rare  occasions  they  pushed  and  elbowed 
each  other,  or  even  had  a  scuffle,  in  which  hair  was 
pulled  out,  clothes  were  torn,  and  bloody  noses  re- 
ceived, but  deadly  weapons  were  never  used,  nor  even 
worn  except  by  soldiers  on  duty.  The  same  writer 
relates  that  two  women  were  put  to  death  by  order  of 
the  king  of  Tezcuco  for  fighting  in  the  public  market- 

{)lace,  a  scandalous  outrage  upon  public  decency,  the 
ike  of  which  had  never  been  heard  of  before.  He 
says,  further,  that  when  two  young  men  became  enam- 
ored of  the  same  woman,  or  when  one  carried  off 
the  other's  mistress,  the  rivals  were  allowed  to  fight 
a  duel  for  the  possession  of  the  woman.  The  ct)mbat 
did  not  take  place,  however,  until  the  army  went 
forth  to  war,  when  upon  the  first  engagement  they 
sought  out  each  other,  and  fought  with  their  weapons 
until  one  was  vanquished.*"  They  seem  to  have  been 
very  strict  and  jealous  in  all  matters  relating  to  their 
women. "' 

The  Tlascaltecs  were  great  lovers  of  liberty,  and 
were  always  ready  to  fight  for  it;  they  were,  besides, 
quick  to  take  oftence,  otherwise  they  are  said  to  liavo 
been  of  a  peaceable,  domustic  disposition,  content  to 
stay  at  home  and  listen  to  or  tell  stories  in  their  own 


M  Liis  Crtsas,  in  Kmgsboromh\i  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  124-5. 

"  'Son  ccloHisHiiiioH,  y  assi  lus  aitorrenu  inucho.'  Gomani,  Cuiiq.  Mix., 
fol.  317.  We  have  seen  In  a  former  chiipter,  that  Nemhiialcoyotl  mit  his 
tlcuroMt  Hon  to  death  for  H])eaking  lewdly  to  hifl  father's  concubine,  bee  tiiix 
volume,  pp.  447,  etneq. ;  see  further  concerning  the  character  of  tiie  Mex- 
ican!s,  alHiut  whom  the  a)M>vc  remarks,  though  doubtless  apidlcubic  to  many 
other  of  the  Nahua  nations,  arc  more  partiuuhirlv  made:  Esplieacioii  i/f  In 
Volrecion  tic  Mcndoza,  In  Kinffuhuroiigh'ii  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  v.,  p.  4(1;  Aro.stit, 
Hist,  ilf  Ins  Yiid.,  np.  458-9;  DiUila  Padilia,  Hist.  Frnil.  Mix.,  w.  l.S!», 
'i70;  Ton/nrinnfla,  Monarq.  Ind.,  tom.  III.,  p.  2.32;  Gomiirn,  ('om/.  Mr.r.,  w. 
317-lS;  /''i/illii,  Conq.  N.  Galicia,  MS.,  p.  8;  Znrita,  In  Kingsboroiajh's  Mix. 
Aiifi'/.,  M>1.  viii.,  p.  2.15;  Tezozomor,  Crdnirn  Mrx.,  In  Id.,  vol.  ix..  ji.  107; 
Lnn  Caxtm,  hist.  Ajnilngdka,  MS.,  cap.  xilv.,  xlv.,  l.wii.,  cxl. ;  ClnvKi'm, 
Sfitria  Aiif.  del  Mcmco,  tom.  I.,  pp.  119-23,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  177-2t)2;  Smkii, 
SiKuiicr  in  Pfru,  tom.  ii.,  p.  17;  liraHscur  de  liourhourq.  Hist.  Xal.  Cir., 
toiii.  iv.,  i)p.  727-.30,  810;  Edinbiirrj/i  Jirneu;  1867;  klemm,  Cidtiiv-Hi- 
.irhiclitr,  tiiin.  v.,  iij).  8-10;  Espiiiosn,  ITiat.  Mex.,  tom.  i.,  p|>.  90-3;  Gorduu'-i 
Hist,  tind  Grog.  Mrni.,  p|»  7.1-C;  Ci'tfcalier,  Mcxiqiir,  p[>.  03-4. 


CHARACTER  OF  THE  NAHUAS. 


629 


families,  an  amusement  of  which  they  were  very  fond. 
They  are  further  described  as  truthful,  just,  frugal, 
and  industrious." 

The  Cholultecs,  so  celebrated  for  their  pottery,  are 
reported  to  have  been  very  peaceful,  industrious,  and 
shrewd  traders,  yet  brave  withal,  and  capable  of  de- 
fending their  rights.®^  The  Zapotecs  were  a  tierce 
people,  always  at  war  with  their  neighbors.**  The 
Miztecs  are  said  by  Herrera  to  have  been  the  bravest 
people  in  all  New  Spain;  the  same  writer  asserts  that 
they  were  lazy  and  improvident,  while  Espinosa  speaks 
of  them  as  an  industrious  race."  The  natives  of  Vera 
Cruz  are  spoken  of  as  affable  and  shrewd.®*  The  peo- 
ple of  Jalisco  were  witty  and  slothful,  yet  they  will- 
ingly carried  burdens  for  the  Spaniards,  Herrera  tells 

^    The  Tarascos  were  exceedingly  valorous,  great 


us 


liars,  and  industrious.* 


•  For  the  character  of  tlie  Tla8calt«c8  see:  CorUa,  Cartas,  p.  68;  Co- 
margo.  Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Xouvellcs  Annalrf  dot  Voy.,  184.S,  toiii.  xcviii.,  jtp. 
197-'itM»,  toiii.  xcix.,  pp.  1.S6,  149,  ir)l;  Mot<„.:»iti,  Hint.  IikHoh,  in  Imzhnl. 
ceta.  Col.  de  Doc.,  toiii.  i.,  p.  7(>;  (Somnra,  (.,•/</.  Mr.e.,  fol.  S7;  Alrnfo, 
Ih'rr..,  torn,  v.,  p.  15S;  Hereaia  if  Sarmknlu,  Svnnvii,  \t.  88;  l.rtlilj'itrliitl. 
Hist.  Ghieh.,  in  Kingsborough'.s  .ifrx.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  25(4;  I'ltn-  Mnrlip', 
•Ice.  v.,  lib.  i. ;  Prndt,  Cartas,  pp.  175-fi;  Varliajal  Ks/iiiinaa,  Hist.  Mix.. 
toni.  ii.,  pp.  121,  129,  511;  Khmm,  Ciiltiir-descliirhte,  torn,  v.,  pp.  186-7; 
Bussierre,  L^Eiiifiire  Mx.,  ]>.  230;  Dillon,  Hist.  Mrx.,  ji.  7. 

^  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gcii.,  toin.  iii.,  p.  499;  Gomnrn,  Com/.  J/cr.,  fol.  'X>; 
Pradt,  Cartas,  p.  17(5;  lirassriir  dr  lioiirlioiinj,  Hist.  Xnt.  tJir..  torn,  iv., 
1>.  l.W;  Carhajal  Es/tiiiosii,  Hist.  Mrx.,  toiii.  i.,  \i.  259,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  1"JI,  .S,19. 

9*  Herrera,  Hist.  Gni.,  lU-c.  iii.,  lit>.  iii.,  i-ap.  xiv. ;  Ihivila  I'at/idn,  Hiit. 
Fviid.    Mi'x.,  p.  548:   Ihln/nirfr.  Ri'isrn.  toin.  x.,  p.  183. 

^Herrera,  Hist,  (iiii.,  dcr.  iii.,  lil».  iii.,  nin.  \iii. ;  Cnrfiajiil  K.ff)iiiosa, 
Hist.  Mex..  torn,  i.,  p.  244;  ISrasseiir  de  lioiirboiinj.  Hist.  Xul.  Cir.,  tnni. 
iii.,  p.  .35. 

9*  Gomnra,  Hist.  Tnd.,  fol.  57. 

'^  Herrera,  Hist.  Gni.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  ii. 


*8  lieaninout,  Criiii.  .Mer/ioaeaii,  MR.,   pp.  .Il-S;   Torqvemada,  Monnrq. 
II.  i.,  p.  .337,  foin.  iii.,  p.  ;W2;  oriedo, 
IxflilxoehitI,  Hist.  Chii'h.,  in  Ki)iif.itnir<iiiiih's  Mex.   Aii/ii/.,  vol,  ix..  p    .S08; 


Ind.,  toni. 


Ifist.   Gen.,  toni.  iii.,  |<.  ."ilLS; 


Herrera,  Hi.it.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  x. ;  Gomiira,  Cmn/.  Mix.,  fol. 
218;  Hrasseur  de  fioiirhoiirg,  Hi-it  \al.  <'ii-.,  toni.  iii.,  iij).  .")ti  7:  ('irlm/id 
Es/iino.ia,  Hi.it.  Mex.,  toni.  i.,  p.  291,  torn,  ii.,  p.  595;  Slultr-Iinui,  I'rieis 
de  la  G(og.,  torn,  vi.,  p.  46& 


! 


CHAPTER  XX. 

GOVEHNMENT,  SOCIAL  CLASSES,  PROPERTY,  AND  LAWS  OF  THE 

MAVA    NATIONS. 

Introductory  Remarks— Votan's  Emhre— ZamnA's  Reign— Thk 
RovAL  Families  of  Yucatan;  Cocomes,  Tutul  Xius,  Itzas, 
AND  CiiELEs— Titles  and  Order  of  Succession— Classes  of 
NoiiLEs  —  The  QuickC- CAKciiiyuEL  Empire  in  Guatemala  - 
The  Ahau  Ahpoi*  and  Succession  to  the  Throne— PRivii.EciEO 
Classes -(;ovehnmext  of  the  Provinces— The  Royal  Culxcil 
—The  Ciiiapanecs— The  Pipiles-  Nations  of  Ni(;ara(jua  The 
Maya  Priesthood  —  Plebeian  Classes  — Slaves— Tenike  of 
Lands— Inheritance  of  Property  — Taxation— Debtors  and 
Creditors  — Laws  and  THE  Administration  of  Justice. 

My  reasons  for  dividing  the  Civilized  Nations  of 
our  territory  into  two  groups,  the  Nahuas  and  the 
Mayas,  whose  institutions  are  separately  descrihtid, 
have  been  stated  in  the  General  View,  to  which  a 
preceding  chapter  has  been  devoted.  In  the  same 
place'  was  given  an  outline  sketch  of  the  nations  com- 
posing each  group,  and  their  mutual  relations,*  which 
may  serve  as  an  introduction  to  the  remainder  of  thJH 
volume.  Without  further  preliminary  remarks  1  may 
therefore  enter  at  once  upon  the  subject-matter  ni" 
this  second  division  of  my  topic,  a  description  of 
Maya  institutions,  or  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
civilized  nations  whose  home  was  south  of  the  isthmus 


1  See  pp.  81-123  of  this  volume,  aiul  eHpeuiolly  pp.  Il4-Si, 
natioiM. 

(630) 


the  Miiya 


VOTAN'S  MAYA  EMPIRE. 


631 


of  Tehuantepec.  It  will  be  evident  to  the  reader 
from  what  has  been  said  that  this  account  must  be 
not  only  much  briefer,  but  also  less  complete  and  sat- 
isfactory than  that  of  the  Nahua  nations.  Concern- 
ing the  Aztecs  and  kindred  peoples  about  the  lakes 
of  the  Mexican  valley,  as  we  have  seen,  a  large 
amount  of  information  has  been  preserved;  I  have 
consequently  been  able,  in  treating  of  the  northern 
peoples,  to  take  tliese  nations  of  the  valley  as  a 
nucleus,  adding  in  their  proper  places  such  fragments 
of  knowledge  as  are  extant  respecting  tribes  outside 
the  limits  of  Anilhuac.  In  the  south,  fragmentary 
information  is  all  we  have;  there  is  no  nucleus  round 
which  to  group  it;  the  matter  of  the  following  chapters 
will,  therefore,  be  very  similar  in  its  nature  to  what  that 
of  the  preceding  would  have  been,  had  1  undertaken  to 
describe  the  Tarascos,  Totonacs,  Zapotecs,  etc.,  with- 
out the  Aztecs.  In  this  branch  t)f  my  subject  I  shall 
follow  as  nearly  as  jjossible  the  same  order  as  in  the 
preceding,  bringing  together  into  one  chapter,  how- 
ever, the  topics  before  treated  in  several.  1  shall 
also  include  the  civilized  nations  of  Nicaragua  in  this 
division,  aJthough  one  at  least  of  tlieni  was  of  Nahua 
blood  amtii  huiguage.  In  the  days  of  ancient  Maya 
glory  when  Votan  and  his  successors  reigned  over 
mighty  and  perhaps  confederated  empires  in  Chiapas, 
(ruatemala.  and  Yucatan,  the  kings  ])layed  roles  to  a 
great  extent  n\ythical,  being  pictured  by  tiadition  as 
combining  the  ciiaracter  and  powers  of  legislators, 
teachers,  higli-priests,  and  monarclis.  Details  of  the 
system  by  which  they  governed  ai-e  altoi.'-other  want- 
ing,* but  after  a  long  term  of  prosj>erity  this  govern- 
ment in  (xuatemala  Jind  ( 'hiapas  bei-ame  weakened 
and  at    last    practically  destroyed;   the  country  was 


*  AlthiMiiih  RriiHHeur  iJ»»  BoiirlmurK,  on  the  authority  of  mrnte  of  bin 
ori^'iiiiil  MSS.  {H>rhii|iN,  staUw  tliat  XiliiiUm  in  the  hci;;ht  of  itn  ^Hory  wuh 
riilcH  hy  tkirteon  jirincos,  two  of  wimm  wer»'  kiii^M,  tlic  iHtToiid  iK'iny;  sub- 
oniiiuttv  to  the  fiixt;  uii<t  u^oo  that  th«Tf  wu'<  ii  council  of  twelve,  prissiilcil 
iivi-r  liy  tlic  kin;;.  Hu  uIho  incntiouH  a  xiicccNKion  uf  tMiveuteea  kiugx  after 
Votan.  Ilisf.  Xdt.  Cir.,  tuuL  L.  pp.  HZ,  123,  a5-7. 


an  THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 

divided  among  petty  chiefs,  concerning  whose  rule 
even  less  is  known  than  of  that  of  their  predecessors, 
but  who  not  improbably  based  their  forms  of  au- 
thority on  the  ideas  handed  down  from  Votan.  From 
these  governmental  relics  there  sprung  up  in  later 
years,  under  new  and  perhaps  foreign  leaders,  the 
Quiche  and  C.akchicpiel  empires,  of  whose  govern- 
ment some  details  are  known,  since  these  nations 
came  into  direct  contact  with  the  Spaniards  at  the 
conquest.  Leaving  these  nations  for  the  present,  [ 
will  »{)eak  first  of  another  branch  of  the  primitive 
Maya  empire. 

Yucatan  received  its  culture  traditionally  from 
Zamnd,  who  came  from  abroad,  governed  the  Mayas 
through  a  long  life,  and  loft  the  throne  as  an  heritage 
to  his  successors.  He  was  doulitloss  a  comi)ani(»n  or 
a  descendant  of  Votan,  and  founded  institutions  simi- 
lar to  those  of  the  western  kingdoms  whence  ho 
came.  The  government  and  institutions  estaldislied 
in  Yucatan  njot  to  a  certain  extent  the  same  fate  as 
those  of  Chiapas;  that  is,  the  country  was  finally  split 
up  by  civil  wars  into  numerous  petty  indepoiulent 
sovereignties;  but  this  divisi«m  was  at  a  much  later 
date  than  that  of  Votan 's  western  empire, — not  long 
preceding  the  Spanish  concjuest — and  the  govermnent 
of  the  independent  chieftains  was  substantially  that 
of  their  ancestors,  many  of  whom  claimed  to  be  of 
the  royal  family  founded  by  Zamnd.  Consequently 
some  scraps  of  information  are  extant  resj)ecting  the 
form  of  government,  as  well  as  other  institutions,  in 
Yucatan ;  and  from  these  we  may  form  a  faint  idea  of 
the  earlier  institutions  of  Guatemala  and  Chiapas. 

Zanmii,  like  Votan,  united  in  himself  the  qualities 
of  ruler,  law-giver,  educator,  and  priest;  he  founded 
the  city  of  Mayapan,  and  divided  the  whole  country 
ainong  the  chiefs  of  the  leading  families  who  came 
with  him,  making  them  vassals  of  the  king  whom  he 
left  on  the  throne  at  Mayapan.  The  nobles  of  the 
royal   family  were  of  course   the   highest,  a  family 


THE  UOYAL  FAMILIES  OF  YUCATAN. 


033 


which  was  perhaps  that  known  later  as  the  Cocomes, 
and  which  lasted  to  the  couiiujuf  of  the  Spaniards 
Each  of  the  vassal  ])riuces  had  to  live  in  the  capital 
during  a  certain  jmrt  of  every  year;  and  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  following  Ordoilez,  thinks  that  Mayapan 
may  have  formed  a  confederacy  with  Tulhd,  and  l^a- 
lenque  in  Chiapas.' 

Another  royal  family,  the  Tutul  Xius,  sprung  up 
later  and  liecame  very  powerful  as  allies  and  vassals 
of  the  king  reigning  in  Mayapan ;  and  still  another 
family,  the  Itzas,  built  up  a  strong  government  of 
theocratic  nature  at  Chichen  Itza.  Then  came  Cu- 
kulcan  with  some  new  religious  teachings — a  famous 
personage  bearing  a  striking  resemblance  in  his  tra- 
ditional career  and  in  the  etymology  of  his  name  to 
the  Quetzalcoatl  of  the  Nahuas.  Being  finally  called 
to  the  throne  at  Mayapan,  he  formed  a  confederacy, 
making  the  princes  of  the  Tutul  Xius  and  Itzas  his 
associate  moiiarchs,  subordinate  nominally  in  rank  but 
practically  independent  except  where  mutual  assistance 
was  required.  Cukulcan  I  jft  the  throne  to  the  Coco- 
mes, seven  of  whom  ruled  during  a  period  of  great 
prosperity,  the  succession  being  from  father  to  son, 
down  to  about  the  eleventh  centuiy.  Afterward  tlie 
Cocomes,  becoming  tyrannical,  were  deposed  from 
their  higli  position,  Mayapan  destroyed,  and  a  new 
confederacy  established  with  the  Tutul  Xius  at  the 
head,  Uxmal  being  at  first  their  capital,  the  Itzas 
second,  and  the  Cheles  at  Izamal  third.  The  Tutul 
Xiu  rule  .vas  no  less  glorious  than  that  of  the  Coco- 
mes. They  rebuilt  Mayapan  and  made  it  once  more 
the  capital,  but  tlie  unfortunate  city  was  again  sacked, 
this  time  by  foreigners — perhaps  tlie  Qiii<'hL's  in  the 
thirteenth  century;  and  was  finally  destroycil  in  the 
middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  by  the  vassal  lords  of 
the  realm,  who  revolted,  overthrew  the  Tutul  Xiu  dy- 
nasty, obtained  their  complete  independence,  and  ruled 

'  Coffollmlo,  Hist.  !•'»«;.,  pp.  178-9;  On/oilrz,  Hist,  tfcl  cielo  f/de  la  Tierra, 
MS.;  JJrHsseiirde  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  78-80. 


684 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


each  his  petty  province  with  sovereijfn  power.  This 
was  their  condition  when  the  Spaniards  came,  but  be- 
fore that  time  by  civil  war,  and  by  famine  and  pesti- 
lence also,  OS  tradition  tells  us,  the  power  of  the  rulers 
and  the  population  of  the  country  had  been  jjreatly 
diminished  and  the  ancient  Maya  glury  had  departed 
forever.  Shortly  before  the  final  destruction  of  the 
monarchy  a  portion  of  the  Itzas  had  left  Chichen  and 
mii^rated  southward  to  found  a  small  but  powerful 
nation  in  what  is  now  the  province  of  Peten,  belon*^- 
iujuf  politically  to  Guatemala.  It  is  from  traditionary 
accounts  of  the  kin<rdom  under  the  Tutul  Xius,  and 
from  the  meaj^re  observations  of  the  Spaniards  in  the 
sixteenth  century  that  our  slij^ht  knowledjje  of  Maya 
institutions  in  the  peninsula  is  gained. 

The  hij^hest  title  of  the  kinjjf  at  Mayapan  was  Ah- 
tepal,  which  siijnifies  in  the  Maya  ton<^ue  'Majestic,' 
or  'Aui^ust.'  His  power  was  absolute,  but  he  rarely 
acted  in  matters  of  importance  without  consultinjr  liis 
lords,  and,  in  accordance  with  their  advice  and  that  of 
the  chief  priests,  he  appointed  all  officials,  secular  and 
relij^ious,  in  the  kiiii^dom,  possessing  moreover  the 
right  to  organize  all  courts  and  to  condemn  to  death 
any  of  his  subjects.  The  succession  to  the  throne 
was  confined  to  the  royal  family,  to  the  male  line,  and 
to  the  sons  of  noble  wives;  the  eldest  son  seems  to 
have  been  the  acknowledged  heir  to  the  throne,  and 
Landa  tells  us  that  if  the  king  died  during  the  cliikl- 
IkmkI  of  liis  heir,  then  his  eldest  or  most  capal)le  brother 
ruled  not  only  during  the  son's  minority  but  during  all 
his  own  life ;  and  in  case  there  were  no  brothers  the 
priests  and  nobles  chose  a  suitable  person  to  reign.* 


*  'Si  moriiiel  Hcrior,  aunqne  Ic  HUCCcdicHse  cl  liijo  mayor,  craii  tticiiiprc 
1(M  (luiniiH  liijos  limy  iioutudos,  y  nyiuhuliM  y  tenidos  por  Henoren.'  Lnmhi, 
Ri'ltirinti,  p.  1 12.  'Si  nuaiido  et  Hci'ior  nioria  no  eran  los  liijos  para  rcjjir  y 
tenia  lierinanoH,  re;^ia  dc  los  hcrinanoH  cl  mayor  o  cl  moH  (fcHcnliuvlto  y  al 
Iicrctlero  mostravan  huh  costiunhrcH  y  Kcstas  para  quando  fnesHC  homhrc  y  t's- 
to«  licnnanns,  aiinqiic  el  creilero  fiiesHc  para  regir,  niandavan  to<la  hu  vidn, 
y  nino avia licrnianoM,  elcj^riaii  los HacerdotcH y  Kcntc  principal  un  lionihre  Hiilli- 
cicnte  para  cllo.'  Id.,  ji,  138.  RrasHcur  de  Honrl>ourg,  in  Iuh  Frciicli  trans- 
lation of  this  pussa}^,  gives  a  ditterent  meaning  from  what  1  ducni  the  cur- 


COIIIIT  ETIQUETTE  IN  YUCATAN. 


685 


One  author  HiiealcM  of  tlie  kiri<r  an  liavir)<]^  the  rijij^ht 
to  appoint  a  council  which  Hhould  naniu  liiH  huccuhhop, 
and  lieinesal  muntiouH  that  in  the  province  of  Cani- 
peche,  a  woman  who  came  in  the  dnrct  line  of  huc- 
ccHHion  received  hi<ifh  honorw,  l)ut  the  mo8t  capahle 
of  her  male  relativcH  ruled  the  Htute." 

Whenever  the  kin«(  appeared  in  puhlic,  he  wa8  al- 
wayH  atten<led  hy  a  larj^e  company  and  wore  a  lonjf 
white  fiowinj^  rohe  decorated  with  ornamentH  of  j^old 
and  precious  stones,  bracelets,  a  ma<;niHcent  collar, 
and  sandals  of  ^old.  His  crown  was  a  plain  jjolden 
circle  somewhat  wider  on  the  forehead  than  behind, 
and  surmounted  with  a  plume  of  (juetzal-feathers. 
This  bird  was  reserved  for  the  king  and  highest  no- 
bles, death  being  the  penalty,  according  to  (Jrdonez, 
for  one  of  lower  rank  who  should  capture  the  bird  or 
wear  its  plumage.  The  monarch  was  borne  on  the 
shoulders  of  his  nobles  reclining  in  a  palanouin,  shaded 
by  a  feather  canopy,  and  constantly  fanned  by  attend- 
ants of  high  rank.  Any  person  who  came  into  the 
presence  of  the  king  or  other  high  official,  was  ex- 
pected to  bring  some  gift  proportioned  t(j  his  means, 
and  Herrera  informs  us  that  the  highest  mark  of  re- 
spect was  to  [)lace  the  right  hand,  anointed  with  spit- 
tle, on  the  ground  and  then  to  rub  it  over  the  heart. 
Villagutierre  mentions  without  description  a  kind  of 
small  throne  among  the  Itzas,  and  states  that  the  king 
of  this  southern  realm  bore  the  title  of  ( janek,  the  name 
of  the  leader  of  their  migration.  Our  only  knowlcilge 
of  the  royal  palaces  of  Yucatan  is  derived  from  their 
examination,  when  more  or  less  in  ruins,  by  modern 
explorers;  consecjuently  I  refer  the  reader  to  the  chap- 


rcct  one  as  piven  in  my  text.  He  understands  that  the  brother  Bticcccdcd  in 
liny  case.  'V,c  nVtuient  pas  sett  tiU  (|ui  MHcuediiicnt  uu  pouvcnuMiient,  niuis 
hicn  I'uinu  dc  sch  fr^rcH,'  and  also  tliut  the  jierson  apjMtinted  l>v  the  pricHts  if 
there  wuh  no  brother,  ruled  only  durin;'  the  heir's  minority,  '|uh<[ii  a  hi  inu- 
jorit«5  de  I'heritier,'  all  of  which  may  lie  very  reasonable,  but  certainly  is 
not  found  in  the  Spanish  text. 

i  'Orjrnnisait  les  conscilsde  la  re1i);ion  et  de  Tutat  qui  devaient,  aprbs 
lui,  nominer  son  siiccesscnr.'  lirn.surur  de  Itowbounj,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn, 
ii.,  p.  53-6;  Reinesal,  Hist.  Vhyapa,  p.  256. 


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G36 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


ter  on  Maya  buildings  for  a  general  description  of 
these  grand  stone  structures,  and  to  another  volume 
of  this  work  for  a  detailed  account  with  illustrative 
plates. 

The  nobility  of  the  highest  class  belonged  to  mem- 
bers of  the  royal  families,  the  Cocomes,  Tutul  Xius, 
Cheles,  and  Itzas,  those  of  the  reigning  king's  own 
blood  taking  naturally  the  highest  rank.  Ahau  was 
the  ordinary  title  of  the  princes,  and  Halach  Winikel, 
'most  majestic  men,'  was  a  high  title  among  the  Tu- 
tul Xius.  From  nobles  of  the  royal  families  men- 
tioned, governors  of  provinces,  and  all  the  highest 
officials  were  chosen.  Their  positions  were  nominally 
at  the  king's  disposal,  but  practically  they  descended 
hereditarily  in  the  same  manner  as  the  royal  power, 
the  king  interfering  with  new  appointments  only  on 
extraordinary  occasions.  These  rulers  were  almost 
absolute  in  matters  concerning  their  own  provinces, 
and  exacted  great  honors,  ceremonial  attendance,  and 
implicit  obedience  from  all  their  subjects;  but  they 
we;  J  not  exempt  in  matters  of  crime  from  the  penal- 
ties of  the  law,  and  were  obliged  to  reside  during  a 
part  of  each  year  in  the  capital,  to  render  personal  ser- 
vice to  the  monarch,  and  to  take  part  in  the  supreme 
council  by  which  he  was  guided  in  the  administration 
of  public  aifairs.  They  were,  however,  exempt  from  all 
tribute  except  that  of  personal  service,  and  lived  on 
the  product  of  portions  of  the  public  domain  assigned 
them.  Cogolludo  tells  us  that  the  nobles  of  Maya- 
pan  were  also  required  to  perform  certain  services  in 
the  temples,  and  to  assist  at  the  religious  festivals. 
They  not  only  had  the  exclusive  right  to  the  govern- 
ment of  provinces,  but  also  to  the  command  of  armies. 

Nobles  of  a  lower  class,  with  the  title  Batab,  gov- 
erned cities,  villages,  or  other  subdivisions  of  prov- 
inces. They  were  not  of  royal  blood,  or  at  least  were 
only  connected  with  the  reigning  family  thrruigh  the 
female  branch.  Their  position  was  also  practically 
hereditary,  although  the  heir  could  not  assume  his 


THE  QUICHfi-CAKCHIQUEL  EMPIRES. 


687 


inherited  rank  without  the  royal  sanction.  No  gov- 
ernment officials  received  any  salary,  but  they  Avere 
obliged  to  maintain  themselves  and  the  poor  and  dis- 
abled of  their  respective  communities  from  the  pro- 
ducts of  their  inherited  estates.* 

The  most  powerful  kingdoms  in  Guatemala  at  the 
coming  of  the  Spaniards  were,  that  of  the  Quiches, 
whose  capital  was  Gumarcaah,  or  Utatlan,  near  the 
site  of  the  modern  Santa  Cruz  del  Quiche ;  and  that 
of  the  Cakchiqutls,  capital  Iximche,  or  Patinamit, 
near  Tecpan  Guatemala.  These  two  nations  were  in- 
dependent of  and  hostile  to  each  other  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  but  they  had  been  united  in  one 
empire  during  the  days  of  Guatemala's  greatest  glory, 
their  separation  dated  back  only  about  a  century, 
and  their  institutions  were  practically  identical,  al- 
though they  were  traditionally  distinct  tribes  in  the 
more  remote  past.     The  same  remark  may  be  made 

6  'Toilos  los  sefiores  tenian  cuenta  con  visitar,  respetar,  alegrara  Cocom, 
acompanaiulole  y  festejaiidole  y  aciulieiulo  a  el  con  los  negocios  arduos.' 
Lanaa,  Rclacion,  p.  40.  A  kind  of  niayordonio  called  Caluac,  whose  budge 
of  office  was  a  thicK  short  stick,  was  the  agent  through  whom  the  lord  per- 
formed the  routine  duties  of  his  position.  lb.  'Concertavan  las  cosas,  y 
negocios  principalmente  de  noche.'  Id.,  p.  112.  'Fub  todo  el  Ueyno  de  Yu- 
catan, y  sus  Provini'ias,  con  el  Nombre  de  Alayaphii,  desde  que  los  Indios 
fneron  a  h\  y  le  poblaron,  sujeto  ii  vn  solo  Key,  y  Sefior  absoluto,  con  Go- 
vierno  Moiianjuico.  No  durb  estopoco  tiempo,  sinopor  muchos  Afios.'  ViU 
laquticrre.  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  p.  28.  Among  the  Itzas  Cortes  was  visited  by 
'el  Canek,  con  treinta  y  dos  Principales.'  Id.,  p.  46.  'Despues  Uanni  el 
Canek  k  Consejo  t^  todos  sus  Capitanes,  y  Principales.'  Id.,  p.  91.  'Vno, 
como  Ji  modo,  6  forma  de  Trono  pcqueno,  en  one  el  solia  estar.'  Id.,  p.  105. 
'Vna  Corona  de  Plumas,  de  varios  colorcs.'  I<1.,  p.  349.  Yucatan  'regido 
de  Sefiores  Particularos,  que  es  el  Estado  de  los  Ueies:  Governavanse  por 
Leies,  y  costumbres  bucnus;  vivian  en  Paz,  y  en  Jnsticia,  que  es  Argumento 
de  su  Itueu  Govicrno.'  Torqi'onadu,  Moiinrq.  Iiid.,  toin.  ii.,  p.  345.  Brasseur 
refers  to  Torquemada,  lib.  xi.,  cap.  xix.,  on  Vucutuu  Government,  Inittiiat 
chapter  relates  wholly  to  Guatemala.  'Quando  h>s  Sefiores  de  la  Ciudad 
de  Maya])iin  dominaban,  toda  la  ticrra  Ics  tribiitaba.'  In  later  times  they 
attached  much  importance  to  their  royal  blood.  Coifollndo,  Hint.  Yuc,  p. 
17;>.  'Dizese,  que  vn  Sefior  de  la(.'iu<lad  de  Mayapan,  cabe<;a  de  el  Ueyno, 
hizo  niatar  afrentosamcnte  «\  vn  hcrmano  suyo,  jjonjue  corrompio  vna  don- 
cdla.'  Id.,  p.  182.  See  also  on  the  system  of  government  in  Yucatau; 
Hrrcra,  Hist.  Gen..,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  ii-iv.; 
lii-nssriif  de  Bourboiirg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  16-17,  38,  46,  5.3-6, 
72;  Las  Cnsas,  in  Kiuifshoroiiiffi's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  147;  Morrlet, 
Voi/fifjfl,  torn,  i.,  pp.  182-4;  Pinicntel,  Mnn.  sobrc  In  Baza  Indiijcna,  p.  27; 
Carbajnl  E.ijnnosit,  Hist.  Afcx.,  tom.  i.,  p.  202;  Tcriiaux-Comjmns,  ui  Xou- 
relics  A II naii's  ties  Voy.,  1843,  tom.  xcvii.,  pp.  45-6,  146;  Fancourt's  Hist. 
Yuc,  pp.  55-6,  115-16. 


638 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


respecting  the  institutions  of  the  other  nations  in 
Guatemala  which  were  wholly  or  partially  independ- 
ent of  the  powers  mentioned  above.  All  the  abo- 
riginal powers  had  greatly  deteriorated  by  wars,  one 
with  another,  and  their  mutual  hatred  made  their 
defeat  by  foreigners  possible,  as  had  been  the  case  in 
the  conquest  of  the  Nahua  nations  farther  north. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  the  Quichd-Cakchiquel 
peoples  were  direct  descendants  of  Votan's  subjects, 
but  the  line  of  traditional  history  that  unites  the  two 
empires  is  broken  at  many  points  and  cannot  be  satis- 
factorily followed.  There  are  evidences  also  of  for- 
eign, chiefly  Nahua,  influences  in  the  molding  of 
Quiche  institutions,  exerted  before  or  after  the  Toltec 
era  in  Andhuac,  probably  at  both  periods.  The  tra- 
ditional history  of  the  Quichd  empire  for  three  or 
four  centuries  before  the  Conquest,  rests  almost  en- 
tirely on  manuscripts  written  in  the  native  languages 
with  the  Roman  alphabet,  which  have  only  been 
consulted  by  one  modern  writer.  Into  the  labyrinth 
of  this  complicated  record  of  wars  and  political 
changes  I  shall  not  attempt  to  enter,  especially  since 
the  general  nature  of  Quichd  institutions  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  perceptibly  modified  by  the  events 
recorded. 

An  aristocratic  monarchy,  similar  in  nearly  every 
feature  to  that  I  have  described  in  Yucatan,  seems  to 
have  been  the  basis  of  Quiche  government  from  the 
first.  All  high  positions,  judicial,  military,  or  sacer- 
dotal were  hereditary  and  restricted  to  noble  families, 
who  tiaced  their  genealogy  far  back  into  the  mythic 
annals  of  the  nations.  Between  noble  and  plebeian 
blood  the  lines  were  sharply  defined.  The  nobles 
were  practically  independent  and  superior  in  their 
own  provinces,  but  owed  tribute,  allegiance,  and  mili- 
tary aid  to  the  monarch.  At  the  time  of  Guatemala's 
highest  prosperity  and  glory,  when  King  Qikab  from 
his  throne  in  Utatlan  ruled  over  all  the  country,  the 
monarch,   if  we  may  credit  the  traditional  account, 


SUCCESSION  TO  THE  QUICHfi  THRONE. 


made  an  effort  to  diminish  the  power  of  the  nobles, 
by  conferring  military  commands  and  other  high  po- 
sitions on  the  ablest  men  of  plebeian  blood.  Thus  a 
new  class  of  liobles,  called  Achihab  was  created.  This 
newly  conferred  power  became,  acting  with  the  aliena- 
tion of  the  old  hereditary  nobility,  too  great  to  be 
restrained  by  the  monarch  who  created  it.  The  Achi- 
hab became  ambitious  and  insubordinate;  they  were 
at  last  put  down,  but  the  dissolution  of  the  empire 
into  several  states  was  the  indirect  result  of  their 
machinations. 

Respecting  the  order  of  succession  to  the  Quichd 
throne  Torquemada  and  Juarros  state  that  the  king's 
brother  was  the  king  elect,  and  the  direct  heir  to  the 
throne;  the  king's  oldest  son  was  the  senior  captain 
and  the  next  heir;  and  the  latter 's  first  cousin,  the 
nephew  of  the  king,  was  junior  captain  and  third 
heir.  When  the  king  died  each  heir  was  promoted 
one  degree,  and  the  vacant  post  of  junior  captain  was 
filled  by  the  nearest  relative — loliose  nearest  relative 
the  authors  neglect  to  say.  Whoever  may  have  been 
elevated  to  the  vacant  position  the  whole  system  as  a 
regular  order  of  succession  would  be  a  manifest  ab- 
surdity. Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  agrees  with  the 
authors  cited  and  gives  to  the  king,  the  elect,  and 
the  two  captains  the  titles  of  Ahau  Ahpop,  Ahau 
Ahpop  Camha,  Nim  Chocoh  Cawek,  and  Ahau  Ah 
Tohil,  respectively;  but  when  the  last  position  was 
left  vacant  by  the  death  of  the  king,  the  Abbe  tells 
us  that  "it  was  conferred  upon  the  eldest  son  of  the 
new  monarch," — that  is,  upon  the  same  man  who  held 
it  before  I  Padre  Ximenez  implies  perhaps  that  the 
(^rown  descended  from  brother  to  brother,  and  from 
the  youngest  brother  to  a  nephew  who  was  a  son  of 
the  oldest  brother.  I  have  no  authorities  by  the  aid 
of  which  to  throw  any  light  upon  this  confused  sub- 
ject; it  is  evident,  however,  that  if  the  last^mentioned 
system,  identical  with  that  which  obtained  among 
some  of  the  Nahua  nations,  be  not  the  correct  one, 


640 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


!  ; 


M  ' 


!   I 


nothing  whatever  is  known  of  the  matter  in   ques- 
tion.' 

All  the  authorities  state  that  this  remarkable  sys- 
tem of  succession  was  established  to  prevent  the  power 
from  coming  into  the  hands  of  young  and  inexperi- 
enced men;  and  that  an  incompetent  person  in  the 
regular  line  could  not  succeed  to  the  throne,  but  re- 
tained throughout  his  life  the  rank  to  which  he  was 
born.  It  is  not  clearly  explained  how  the  heir's  com- 
petency was  decided  upon,  but  it  seems  probable  that 
the  matter  was  settled  by  the  reigning  king  with  the 
advice  of  his  council  of  princes.  The  king's  children 
by  his  first  Avife  were  preferred  above  the  rest,  though 
all  received  high  honors.  At  Rabinal  the  Ahau,  or 
ruling  prince,  was  regularly  chosen  by  the  nobles,  from 
the  royal  family,  but  was  not  necessarily  a  son  or  brother 
of  the  last  ruler.  Among  the  Cakchiquels  the  suc- 
cession alternated  between  two  royal  families.  The 
king's  title  was  Ahpozotzil;  the  next  heir  from  the 
other  branch  bore  the  title  Ahpoxahil;  their  eldest 
sons,  the  elder  of  which  became  Ahpoxahil  on  the 
king's  death,  had  the  titles  Ahpop  Qamahay  and  Ga- 
lel  Xaliil.  Inferior  titles  were  Galel  Qamahay,  Atzih 
Winak,  and  Ahuchan  Xahil,  the  bearers  of  which  suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne  in  default  of  nearer  heirs.     It 


i 


7  '  It  was  ordained  that  the  eldest  son  of  the  king  (that  is,  of  the  first  king 
who  founded  tiie  nionarcliy)  should  inherit  the  crown;  upon  the  second  son 
the  title  of  Elect  was  conferred,  as  1)eing  the  next  heir  to  his  elder  brother; 
tlie  sons  of  the  eldest  son  received  the  title  of  Captain  senior,  and  those  of 
the  second  Captain  junior.  When  the  king  died,  his  eldest  son  assumed 
the  sceptre,  and  the  Elect  became  the  immediate  inheritor;  the  Captain 
senior  anccuded  to  the  rank  of  Elecl;,  the  Captain  junior  to  that  of  Captain 
senior,  and  the  next  nearest  relative  to  that  of  Captain  junior.'  Juarros, 
Hint.  Gmtt.,  pp.  188-9.  'Luego  el  Cnpitan  menor,  entraba  i>or  nutior,  y 
metian  otro  en  el  que  avia  vacado  del  Cu]iitan  menor,  «me  oruinariamente 
era  el  Pariente  mas  cercano.'  Torqiie.mntla,  Moiinrq.  Jnd.,  torn,  ii.,  pp. 
338-41.  'Kcsstait  alors  la  charge  d'Aliau-Ali-Tohil;  elle  6tait  conferee  au 
Ills  ain6  du  nouveau  monaruuc.'  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Cir., 
torn,  ii.,  pp.  547,  103,  496.  'Luego  que  el  primero  subi6  al  reino,  mand6  el 
padre  (the  first  king)  que  el  segundo  fuese  capitain,  y  niand6  por  ley,  que 
si  fuesen  cuatro,  que  el  primero  reinase,  el  segundo  fuese  como  priiici|)c, 
cl  tercero  cupltau  general,  y  el  cuurto  capitan  segundo,  y  que  niuerto  el 
primero,  rcinason  todos  por  su  6rden,  si  se  alcanzaseu  en  vitla.  Note,  'Bieu 
clara  estil  la  dexi'endcncia  de  padres  &  hijos  dc  todos  tres  hermanos.'  A7- 
menez,  Hist.  Jiuf.  Gnat.,  EhcoUos,  pp.  195-C. 


CORONATION  IN  GUATEMALA. 


641 


will  be  noticed  that  this  plan  of  succession  is  but  little 
clearer  than  that  attributed  to  the  Quiches." 

The  ceremonies  of  coronation  in  the  kinordom  of 
Rabinal,  and,  so  far  as  can  be  known,  in  the  other  king- 
doms of  Guatemala,  consisted  of  an  assemblage  of  all 
the  nobles  at  the  capital, — each  being  obliged  to  attend 
or  send  a  representative — the  presentation  of  gifts  and 
compliments  to  the  new  king,  a  discourse  of  congratu- 
lation and  advice  addressed  to  him  by  one  of  the  an- 
cients, and  finally  a  splendid  feast  which  lasted  several 
days  and  usually  degenerated  into  a  drunken  orgy. 
The  Quiches  a' id  Cakchiquels  also  bathed  the  new 
king  and  anointed  his  body  Avith  perfumes  before  seat- 
ing him  on  the  throne,  which  was  a  seat,  not  described, 
placed  on  a  carpet  or  mat,  and  surmounted  by  four 
canopies  of  feather- work  placed  one  above  another,  the 
largest  at  the  top ;  the  seats  of  the  three  lower  princes 
already  mentioned  were  also  shaded  by  canopies, 
three,  two,  and  one,  respectively.  Whenever  he  ap- 
peared in  public  the  monarch  was  borne  in  a  palan- 
quin on  the  shoulders  of  the  nobles  who  composed  his 
council." 

The  machinery  of  government  was  carried  on  in 
the  provinces  by  lieutenants  of  the  king's  appoint- 
ment, and  the  monarch  was  advised  in  all  matters  of 
state  by  a  council  of  nobles.  Juarros  tells  us  that  the 
supreme  Quiche  council  was  composed  of  twenty-four 
grandees,  who  enjoyed  great  privileges  and  honors, 

8  Braaseur  de  Bourhourfi,  If  inf.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  549-50,  5.34,  with 
reference  to  Romun,  Bcpub.  de  los  Jndios,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  viii.  Titles  in  Atit- 
lan.  Ternaux-Comnans,  Voy.,  s^rie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  416.  'Las  Prouinciaade 
Tazulatlan,  getitc  oelicoaa  y  braua,  si  bien  con  piilicia,  porqiic  viuian  en 
|>oblacionc8  rormadas,  y  gouierno  de  Republica.'  iMrila,  Tcatro  Ecles.,  torn. 
1.,  p.  148.  Tazulatlan,  or  Tuzulutlan,  was  the  i)ruvince  of  liabinal.  Berne- 
mi,  Hist.  Chyapa,  p.  147. 

•  '  Aq  ui  havia  muy  grandes,  y  sumptuosas  coniidaSjV  boriacheras. '  '  Sen- 
taban  alnuevo  Electo  on  vna  estera  mui  pintada.'  Torquemada,  Monarq. 
I  lid.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  34*2,  338-45.  'In  one  of  the  saloons  stood  the  throne, 
under  four  canopies  of  plumage,  the  ascent  to  it  was  by  several  steps.' 
Juarros,  Hist.  Guat.,  p.  88.  Tlio  twenty-four  counsellors  '  carried  the  em- 
peror on  their  shoulders  in  his  chair  of  state  whenever  he  quitted  his  pal- 
nee.'  Id.,  p.  189.  'No  se  diferenciaba el  rey  de  Guatemala  o  de  Utatldn  de 
los  otros  en  el  trage,  siiio  en  que  ^1  traia  horadadaa  las  orcjas  y  narices,  que 
se  tenia  por  granilcza.'  Ximenez,  Hist,  Ind.  Guat.,  pp.  197,  196. 
Vol.  II.  41 


642 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


personally  attended  the  king,  and  managed  the  admin- 
istration of  justice  and  the  collection  of  the  royal  rev- 
enue, but  were  liable  to  severe  punishment  if  they 
committed  crime.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  speaks  of 
a  supreme  council,  giving  the  names  of  the  princes 
that  composed  it,  and  also  of  an  ordinary  council  whose 
members  were  called  ahchaoh,  or  'judges,*  and  were 
entrusted  with  the  collection  of  tribute.  The  other 
authorities,  Torquemada  and  Ximenez,  state  that  the 
councils  were  not  permanent,  but  were  summoned  by 
the  king  and  selected  for  their  peculiar  fitness  to  give 
advice  upon  the  subject  under  consideration.  The 
lieutenants  had  also  their  provincial  councils  to  advise 
them  in  matters  of  local  importance,  but  all  cases  of 
national  import,  or  affecting  in  any  way  the  nobles  of 
high  rank,  were  referred  to  the  royal  council.  So  great 
was  the  power  of  the  nobles  assembled  in  council, 
that  they  might,  under  certain  conditions,  depose  a 
tyrannical  sovereign  and  seat  the  next  heir  on  the 
throne.  No  person  unless  of  noble  blood  could  hold 
any  office  whatever,  even  that  of  doorkeeper  to  the 
council-chamber,  if  we  may  credit  Juarros;  conse- 
quently the  greatest  pains  was  taken  to  insure  a  lin- 
eage free  from  any  plebeian  stain.  A  noble  marrying 
a  woman  of  the  common  people  was  degraded  to  her 
rank,  took  her  name,  and  his  estate  was  forfeited  to 
the  crown.  Ximenez  states  that  traveling  officials 
visited  from  time  to  time  the  different  provinces,  to 
observe  the  actions  of  the  regular  judges,  and  to  cor- 
rect abuses.  ^° 

1"  'Tenia  el  rey  ciertos  varones  de  gran  autoridad  y  opinion,  que  eran 
come  oidores,  y  cunocian  de  todos  los  pleitos  y  negocios  que  se  orreciun;' 
they  collected  the  royal  revenues  and  attended  to  the  expenses  of  the  royal 
familv.  'Tenia  en  cada  pueblo  gruiide  bus  cancillerias  con  sus  oidores,  que 
eran  las  cabczas  de  calpul;  pero  no  era  muy  grande  la  couiision  quctcnian.' 
'  Poderosos  Senores,  los  quales  esperaban  su  confirinacion  de  sus  estados  del 
dicho  rey.*  '  Aun  en  las  cosas  pequefias  y  de  poca  importancia  entraban  en 
consulta.'  'Unos  como  alquaciles  que  Servian  de  llamar  y  convocar  al  ]>uc- 
blc'  Ximenez,  Hist.  Ind.  Gnat.,  pp.  196-7,  201-2.  The  king's  lieuteimtits 
'tenian  su  jurisdicion  limitada,  la  qual  no  era  mas,  que  la  que  el  Seflor,  b 
Rei  les  concedia,  reservando  para  si,  v  su  Consejo  las  cosas  graves.'  These 
lieutenants  held  their  positions  for  life  if  they  were  qualitied  and  obedient, 
but  to  hold  them  they  must  have  been  promoted  from  lower  offices.    'KI 


THE  QUICHfi  NOBILITY. 


648 


The  following  is  the  Abbd  Brasseur's  account  of 
the  grades  of  nobility  taken  from  the  Quiche  manu- 
script published  under  the  title  of  Popol  Vuh: 
"Three  principal  families  having  a  common  origin 
constituted  the  high  nobility  of  Quiche,  modeled  on 
the  ancient  imperial  family  of  the  Toltecs.  The  first 
and  most  illustrious  was  the  house  of  Cawek,  the 
members  of  which  composed  the  royal  family  proper; 
the  second  was  that  of  Nihaib;  and  the  third  that  of 
Ahau  Quichd.  Each  of  these  houses  had  its  titles 
and  charges  perfectly  distinct  and  fixed,  which  never 
left  it,  like  the  hereditary  offices  of  the  English  court 
at  the  present  time ;  and  to  each  of  these  offices  were 
attached  fiefs,  or  particular  domains,  from  which  the 
titularies  drew  their  revenue,  their  attendants,  and 
their  vassals,  and  a  palace  where  they  lived  during 
their  stay  in  the  capital.  The  house  of  Cawek,  or 
royal  house  proper,  included  only  princes  of  the  blood, 
like  the  eldest  branch  of  the  Bourbons  in  Franco.  It 
was  composed  of  nine  chitiamital,  or  great  fiefs,  whose 
names  corresponded  to  those  of  the  palaces  occupied 
by  these  princes  in  the  capital,  and  whose  titles  were 
as  follows: — I.  Ahau  Ahpop,  or  'lord  of  the  princes,* 
title  of  the  king,  corresponding  nearly  to  'king  of 
kings,'  whose  palace  was  called  ciiha;  II.  Ahau  Ahpop 
Camha,  or  'lord  of  the  princes  and  seneschal'  (camha, 
he  who  cares  for  the  house,  majordomo),  whom  the 
Spaniards  called  the  second  king,  and  whose  palace  was 

consejo  no  era  de  qualesquiera  Personas,  sino  de  aqucllaa,  que  mas  cursadas 
estaban  en  la  misma  eosa,  de  que  se  trataba.'  They  HonietinieB  called  in  the 
aid  of  foreign  nations  to  depose  a  tyrant.  Torquenuula,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn, 
ii.,  pp.  339-40,  343,  386.  'There  was  no  instance  of  any  person  hemg 
appointed  to  a  public  office,  high  or  low,  who  was  not  selected  from  the  no- 
bility.'  Juarros,  Hist.  Guat,  pp.  190-1.  Some  members  of  the  counciU 
were  priests  when  religious  interests  were  at  stake.  Herrcra,  Hist.  Gen., 
dec.  iv.,  lib.  viiL,  cap.  x.  'Les  personnes  on  officiers  qui  scrvaient  le  sou- 
verain  ii  la  court  se  nonimaient  Lolmay,  Atziluinac,  Calel,  Ahuchan. 
C'etaient  les  factenrs,  les  contador,  et  trdsoriers.'  Teruaux-Compaiis,  Voy., 
s^rie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  418.  'De  I'assembl^e  des  princes  des  niaisons  de 
Cawek,  d'Ahau-Quich^  et  de  Nihaib,  rduiiis  avec  le  Galel-Zakik,  et  I'Ahau- 
Ah-Tzutuha,  se  composait  le  conscil  extraordinaire  du  nionarquc.*  Brasseiir 
de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  548-9.  The  king  'constitua 
vingt-dcux  grandes  dignities,  auxquelles  ii  (^leva  lea  membres  de  la  haute 
aristot  ratie.    Id. ,  pp.  496-7. 


64A 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


called  tziquinaha,  or  'house  of  birds;'  III.  Nina  Cho- 
coh  Cawek,  or  'grand  elect  of  Cawek;'  IV,  Ahau 
Ah  Tohil,  or  'lord  of  the  servants  of  Tohil,'  priests 
of  Tohil,  the  principal  Quichd  god;  V.  Ahau  Ah 
Gucumatz,  or  'lord  of  the  servants  of  Gucumatz,' 
(priests  of  Quetzal coatl);  VI.  Popol  Winak  Chituy, 
or  president  of  the  counsellors;  VII.  Lolmet  Queh- 
nay,  the  principal  receiver  of  royal  tributes,  or  min- 
ister of  finance;  VIII.  Popol  Winak  Pahoni  Tzalatz 
Xcaxeba,  or  'grand  master  of  the  hall  of  the  council 
of  the  game  of  ball;'  IX.  Tepeu  Yaqui,  'chief  or 
lord  of  the  Yaquis'  (Toltecs,  or  Mexicans). 

"  The  house  of  Nihaib,  the  second  in  rank,  had  also 
nine  chinamital,  with  names  corresponding  to  their 
palaces,  and  titles  as  follows:  I.  Ahau  Galel,  'lord 
of  the  bracelets,'  or  of  those  who  have  the  right  to 
wear  them,  and  chief  of  the  house  of  Nihaib;  II. 
Ahau  Ahtzic  Winak,  'lord  of  those  who  give,'  or  of 
those  who  made  presents  (especially  to  ambassadors, 
who  were  introduced  by  him);  III.  Ahau  Galel 
Camha,  'lord  of  the  bracelets,  and  seneschal;'  IV. 
Nimah  Camha,  'grand  seneschal;'  V.  Uchuch  Cam- 
ha, 'mother  of  the  seneschals;'  VI.  Nima  Camha 
Nihaib,  'grand  seneschal  of  Nihaib;'  VII.  Nim  Cho- 
coh  Nihaib,  'grand  elect  of  Nihaib;'  VIII.  Ahau 
Awilix,  'lord  of  Awilix'  (one  of  the  gods  of  the 
Quichd  trinity);  IX.  Yacol  Atam,  'grand  master  of 
feasts.' 

"The  third  house,  that  of  Ahau  Quiche,  had  only 
four  chinamital  with  the  following  titles:  I.  Ahlzic 
Winak  Ahau,  'great  lord  of  givers;'  II.  Lolmet 
Ahau,  'grand  receiver;'  III.  Nim  Chocoh  Ahau, 
'lord  grand  elect;'  IV.  Ahau  Gagawitz,  'lord  of 
Gagawitz'  (one  of  the  gods  of  the  Quiche  trinity)."" 

Respecting  the  Chiapanecs,  who  are  not  generally 
considered  as  the  descendants  of  the  peoples  who  in- 
habited the   country  in  Votan's  time,  we  have  no 

'*  Lists  of  the  nobility.  Brasseuv  de  Bourboiirg,  Popol  Vuh,  pp.  337-47; 
Id.,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toiii.  i.,  pp.  4.10-.S2. 


PIPILES  AND  NICARAGUANS. 


645 


knowledge  of  their  government  save  a  probably  un- 
foundod  statement  by  Garcfa  that  they  were  ruled  by 
two  chiefs,  elected  each  year  by  the  priests,  and  never 
had  a  king."  The  Pipiles  in  Salvador,  although  tra- 
ditionally among  the  partially  civilized  nations,  seem 
to  have  been  governed  in  the  sixteenth  century  by 
local  chieftains  only,  like  most  of  the  wild  tiibes 
already  described.  These  chiefs  handed  down  their 
power,  however,  to  their  sons  or  nearest  relatives. 
Palacio  tells  us  that  to  regulate  marriages  and  the 
planting  of  crops  was  among  the  ruler's  duties.  Squier 
concludes  that  all  these  petty  chiefs  were  more  or  less 
allied  politically,  and  acted  together  in  matters  affect- 
ing the  common  interests." 

Nicaragua,  when  first  visited  by  Europeans,  was 
divided  into  many  provinces,  inhabited  by  several  na- 
tions linguistically  distinct  one  from  another,  one  of 
them,  at  least,  speaking  the  Aztec  tongue ;  but  in  re- 
spect to  their  government  and  other  institutions,  the 
very  meagre  information  preserved  by  Oviedo  enables 
us  to  make  little  or  no  distinction  between  the  differ- 
ent tribes.  In  many  of  the  provinces  we  are  told  the 
people  lived  in  communities,  or  little  republics,  gov- 
erned by  certain  huehues,  or  'old  men,'  who  were 
elected  by  the  people.  These  elective  rulers  them- 
selves elected  a  captain-general  to  direct  their  armies 
in  time  of  war,  which  official  they  had  no  hesitation 
in  putting  to  death  when  he  exhibited  any  symptoms 
of  insubordination  or  acquired  a  power  over  the  army 
which  seemed  dangerous  to  the  public  good.  In  other 
and  probably  in  most  provinces  a  chieftain,  or  teitef 


J*  'Nunca  tuvieron  Rei,  sino  solo  elegian  los  Sacerdotcs  cadn  Afio  dos 
Capitanes,  que  eran  coino  Uovernadores,  h,  ^uieii  todos  obcdcciaii,  aiiiique 
era  maior  el  respeto,  i  veneracion,  que  tenian  h  los  Sacerdotes.'  Garcia, 
Oriffen  de  los  Ind.,  p.  329;  a  statement  repeated  in  Pimvntel,  Mem.  sobre 
la  Raza  Indigena,  ji.  27;  and  Heredia  ^  Sarmicnto,  Sermon,  p.  84.  Garcia 
r(>fers  to  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  xi.,  where  the  only  state- 
ment on  the  subject  is  that  'son  muy  respetados  los  principales. ' 

"  '  No  doubt  there  were  individual  chiefs  who  possessed  a  power  biipe- 
rior  to  the  others,  exercising  a  great  influence  over  them,  and  perhaps 
iirrofjating  a  qualiticd  authority.'  Squier's  Cent.  Amer.,  pp.  331-4;  Pal  cio. 
Carta,  p.  78. 


646 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


ruled  the  people  of  his  domain  with  much  the  same 
powers  and  privileges  as  we  have  noticed  in  Yucatan 
and  Ouatemala.  These  teites  had  their  petty  vassals 
and  lords  to  execute  their  orders,  and  to  acconij)any 
them  in  public  di8i)lays,  but  it  seems  they  could  claim 
no  strictly  personal  services  in  thuir  palaces  from  any 
but  members  of  their  own  household.  Peter  Martyr 
speaks  of  a  'throne  adorned  with  rich  and  princely 
furniture.'  These  rulers  affected  great  state,  and  in- 
sisted on  a  strict  observance  of  court  etitjuette.  They 
would  receive  no  message,  however  pressing  the  occa- 
sion, except  through  the  regularly  appointed  officials; 
and  one  of  them,  in  an  interview  with  the  Spaniards, 
would  not  condescend  to  open  his  royal  mouth  to  the 
leader  until  a  curtain  was  held  between  him  and  his 
foreign  hearers.  On  several  occasions  they  met  the 
Spaniards  in  a  procession  of  men  and  women  gaily 
decked  in  all  their  finery,  marching  to  the  sound  of 
shell  trumpets,  and  bearing  in  their  hands  presents 
for  the  invaders.  But  even  in  the  provinces  nominally 
ruled  l)y  the  teites,  all  legislative  power  was  in  the 
hands  of  a  council  called  monexico,  composed  of  old 
men,  who  were  elected  every  four  moons.  Without 
the  consent  of  the  monexico  the  chief  could  take 
action  in  no  public  matter  whatever,  not  even  in  war. 
The  council  could  decide  agai'  it  the  teite,  but  he  had 
the  right  to  assemble  or  dis&oive  it,  and  to  be  present 
at  all  its  meetings.  The  decisions  of  the  monexico 
were  made  known  in  the  market-place  by  a  crier, 
whose  badge  of  office  was  a  rattle.  The  lords  also, 
in  sending  an  ambassador  or  messenger  on  any  public 
business,  gave  him  a  fan,  bearing  which  credential  he 
was  implicitly  trusted  wherever  he  might  go.  Two 
members  of  the  council  were  chosen  as  executive  offi- 
cers, and  one  of  them  must  be  always  present  in  the 
market-place  to  regulate  all  dealings  of  the  buyers 
and  sellers.  Squier  says  that  the  council-houses  were 
called  grepons,  and  its  corridors  or  porticos  galpons; 
Oviedo   in  one   place   terms  the  buildings  galpones, 


THE  MAYA  PRIESTHOOD. 


M7 


and  in  another  applies  the  name  to  a  class  of  vassal 
chiefs." 

It  is  only  of  the  priesthood  as  connected  with  the 
government,  as  an  order  of  nobility,  as  a  class  of  the 
community,  that  a  mention  is  required  here :  In  their 
quality  of  priests  proper,  religious  teachers,  oracles  of 
the  gods,  leaders  of  ceremonious  rites,  confessors,  and 
sacrificers,  they  will  be  treated  of  elsewhere.  Their 
temporal  power,  directly  exercised,  or  in'1ir3ctly 
through  their  influence  upon  kings  and  chielr.iins, 
was  perhaps  even  greater  than  we  have  found  it 
among  the  Nahua  nations.  Votan,  Zamnd,  Cukulcan, 
and  all  the  other  semi-mythical  founders  of  ;:.lie  Mayn 
civilization,  united  in  their  persons  the  qualities  of 
high-priesi  and  king,  and  from  iheir  time  to  tVo  com- 
i'  :;  of  the  Spaniards  ecclesiastical  and  secular  au- 
thority marched  hand  in  hand.  In  Yucatan,  the 
Itzas  at  Chichen  were  ruled  in  the  earlier  times  by  a 
theocratic  government,  and  later  the  high-priest  of 
the  empire,  of  the  royal  family  of  the  Cheles,  became 
king  of  Izamal,  which  became  the  sacred  city  and  the 
headquarters  of  ecclesiastical  dignitaries.  The  gi- 
gantic mounds  still  seen  at  Izamal  are  traditionally 
the  tombs  of  both  kings  and  priests.  The  office  of 
chief  priest  was  hereditary,  the  succession  being  from 
father  to  son — since  priests  and  even  the  vestal  vir- 
gins were  permitted  to  marry — but  regulated  appar- 
ently by  the  opinions  of  kings  and  nobles,  as  well  as 
of  ecclesiastical  councils.  The  king  constantly  ap- 
plied to  the  high-priest  for  counsel  in  matters  of 
state,  and  in  turn  gave  rich  presents  to  the  head 
of  the  church;  the  security  of  the  temples  was  also 
confided  to  the  highest  officers  of  the  state.  The 
rank  of  Ixnacan  Katun,  or  superior  of  the  vestals, 
was  founded  by  a  princess  of  royal  blood. 

In  Guatemala  the  high-priests  vho  presided  over 

"  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  36-8,  52,  54,  104.  108,  11^.  torn,  iii., 
p.  231;  Squier's  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  1856,)  vol.  ii.,  pp.  340-0;  Herrera,  Hist. 
Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii. ;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  vi.,  lib.  iii.;  Scherzer, 
Wanderiingen,  p.  64. 


'l      ! 


\ 


648 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


i   i 


the  temples  of  the  Quiche  trinity,  Tohil,  Awilix,  and 
Guciimatz,  were  all  princes  of  the  three  royal  fami- 
lies; their  titles  have  been  given  in  the  lists  of  the 
Quiche  nobility;  and  one  of  the  most  powerful  kings 
is  said  to  have  created  two  priestly  titles  for  tiie 
family  of  Zakik,  to  each  of  which  he  attached  a 
province  for  its  su})port.  Ximenez  tells  us  that  in 
Vera  Paz  th.3  chief  priest,  next  in  power  to  the  king, 
was  elected  from  a  certain  lineage  by  the  people.  In 
the  j)rovince  of  Chiquimula,  Mictlan  is  described  as  a 
great  religious  centre,  and  a  shrine  much  visited  by 
pilgrims.  Here  the  })ower  was  in  the  hands  of  a 
sacerdotal  hierarchy,  hereditary  in  one  family,  whose 
chief  bore  the  title  Teoti  and  was  aided  by  an  ecclesi- 
astical council  of  live  members,  which  controlled  all 
the  priesthood,  and  from  whose  number  a  successor  to 
the  Teoti  was  appointed  by  the  chief  of  the  Pipiles, 
or,  as  some  authointies  state,  was  chosen  by  lot. 

Thus  we  see  that  while  the  priesthood  had  great 
power  over  even  the  highest  secular  rulers  in  all  the 
Maya  nations,  yet  the  system  by  which  the  liigli- 
priests  were  members  of  the  royal  families,  rendered 
their  power  a  support  to  that  of  royalty  rather  than 
a  cause  of  fear.  The  fear  which  kings  experienced 
towards  the  priests  seems  consequently  to  have  been 
altogether  superstitious  on  account  of  their  suj)er- 
natural  j)owers,  and  not  a  jealous  fear  of  any  jxjssible 
rivalry.  Ordinary  priests  were  ap[)ointed  by  the 
higher  authorities  of  the  church,  but  whether  the 
choice  was  confined  to  certain  families,  we  are  not  in- 
formed. It  is  altogether  probable,  however,  that 
such  was  the  case  in  nations  whose  lowest  secular 
officers  must  be  of  noble  blood.  ^' 

In   the  south  as  in  the   north,  the  status  of  the 


'5  On  the  status  of  the  prioHfliood  see:    Landa,  Rr/iirinii,  pp.  4'2,  H4, .")('), 
114,  1(U),  354;  Conolludo,  llisf.  Vw:,  i).  19S;  Hrrrrra,  Hint,   (irii.,  i\w.  iii., 

:u     ;..       _ ;:       J..     :..       l:i.     ..:::        ......      ..       im.      ..        ::        /i  ..•  .  7        //.■./ 


PLEBEIANS  AND  SLAVES. 


649 


lower  classes,  or  plebeians,  has  received  no  attention 
at  the  hands  of  the  Spanish  observers.  We  know 
that  in  Yucatan  the  nobles  were  obliged  to  support 
from  their  revenues  such  of  the  lower  classes  as  from 
sickness,  old  iyj;o,  or  other  disabling  cause  were  unable 
to  gain  a  livelihood.  It  has  been  seen  also  that  none 
of  plebeian  blood  could  hold  any  office,  the  only  ex- 
(teption  noted  being  the  attempt  of  one  of  the  Quiche 
kings  to  humiliate  the  aristocracy  by  raising  plebeian 
soldiers  to  the  newrank  of  Achihab,  'men'  or  'heroes.' 
The  lower  classes  of  freemen  were  doubtless  for  the 
most  part  farmers,  each  tilling  the  portion  of  land 
allotted  him  in  the  domain  of  a  noble;  and  beyond 
the  obligation  to  pay  a  certain  tax  from  the  product 
of  their  labor,  and  to  render  military  service  in  case 
of  necessity,  they  were  probably  independent,  and 
often  wealtliy.^' 

Lowest  in  the  scale  among  the  Mayas  as  elsewhere 
in  America  were  the  slaves.  Slavery  was  an  institu- 
tion of  all  the  nations  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and 
had  been  traditionally  for  some  centuries.  In  Yuca- 
tan, tradition  speaks  of  a  time  when  slavery  was  un- 
known; its  introduction  by  a  powerful  Cocomo  king 
was  one  of  the  acts  of  oppression  which  brought  about 
a  revolution  and  deposed  him  from  the  throne,  lour- 
ing the  power  of  the  Tutul  Xius  which  followed, 
slavery  is  said  to  have  been  abolished,  but  must — if 
indeed  the  tradition  be  not  altogether  unfounded— 

'6  '  L'idi'c  do  la  siipi'-rioritV'  do  caste  out  tolloiiiciit  i''\  idoiito  dans  lo  I'opol- 
Vii/i,  liar  oxaiiiplo,  quo  lo  prii/t/e,  o'cst-ii-diro  la  iiiaHso  i''tiaii;^oro  aiix  trilius 
t[iiiolioes,  u'ost  jamais  dosijjiio  que  sous  dos  iioiiiiiios  (raiiiiiiaiix;  oo  soiit 
les  fmirinis,  les  rats,  Ion  singes,  les  oisoaux,  etc'  Vitilli'l-lr-Dut'.,  in  Vluir- 
liny,  liiiiiirs  Aiii^r.,  p.  8H.  'Afostnnibravau  biiscar  en  Ins  piielilos  los 
iiiunoos  y  ciegos  y  que  li's  davan  lo  neeosario.'  Linu/a,  liilacinii,  p.  40.  '  Y 
iti:s  sofioros  daium  (tont'iiiadnres  a  los  puohlos,  a  los  <[uales  oncoinrndauau 
niuelio  la  paz,   v  luien  Irataniiento  do  la  gonta  nionuda.'    l/irrrni,    His'. 

lien.,  dec.   iv.,  liU.  x.,  "ai).   ii.     'Achih signilie  regulioreinont  lioios, 

jjuerrier;  il  semlile  touSofois  s'apj>Iiquor  il  ooux  qui  n'ap]iartenaient  \w\\\\  ii 
I'aristocratie, 'inais  a  uiie  elassc  intermediaire  entre  la  noMesse  et  les  serfs 
ou  paysans.'  lirn.isriir  i'c  Hoitrbourrf,  Popol  Viih,  pp.  H2-.S,  324-.');  Id.,  Hist. 
Nat.  Gil'.,  toni.  ii.,  i)p.  .5r»-r>8.  Among  the  I'ipiles  'los  que  no  eran  para  la 
guorrn,  cultivaban  las  lierras  millpas  del  oaziquc  i  papa  i  saoonlotes,  i  tic 
las  propias  Huyas  (tavau  un  tanto  para  la  gonte  do  guerra.'  J'nturio,  Cnrtn, 
p.  82.     Hoggais  mentioned  iu  Nieuruguu.  Gomaru,  Hist.  Intl.,  fol.  i:(»4. 


w  i 


ll 


650 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


have  been  re-introduced  at  a  still  later  period."  In 
the  annals  of  other  Maya  nations  no  time  seems  to  be 
noted  when  slaves  were  not  held.  This  unfortunate 
class  was  composed  chiefly  of  captives  in  war,  or  of 
those  whose  parents  had  been  such ;  the  condition  was 
hereditary,  but,  in  Yucatan  at  least,  the  children  had 
the  right  to  redeem  themselves  by  settling  on  unoccu- 
pied lands  and  becoming  tribute-payers.  Foreign 
slaves  were  also  brought  into  the  country  for  sale;  and 
Cortes  speaks  of  Acalan,  a  city  of  Guatemala,  as  a 
place  where  an  extensive  trade  in  human  kind  was 
carried  on."  In  Nicaragua  a  father  miufht  sell  him- 
self  or  his  children  into  bondage,  when  hard  pressed 
by  necessity;  but  in  such  cases  he  seems  to  have  had 
the  right  of  redemption."  In  Nicaragua  and  Yuca- 
tan the  thief  was  enslaved  by  the  owner  of  stolen 
property,  until  such  time  as  he  paid  its  value;  he 
could  even  be  sold  to  other  parties,  but  it  is  added 
that  he  could  only  be  redeemed  in  Nicaragua  with  the 
consent  of  the  cacique.  In  Yucatan,  if  a  slave  died 
or  ran  away  soon  after  his  sale  the  purchaser  was  en- 
titled to  receive  back  a  portion  of  the  price  paid.^ 

Kidnapping,  according  to  Las  Casas,  was  common 
in  Guatemala,  but  the  laws  against  the  offence  were 
very  severe.     He  who  sold  a  free  native  into  slavery 

"  Brasseur  (h  Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,iom.  ii.,  lip.  .3."),  -11,  70.  'Co- 
corn  file  itriinero  el  que  hizo  esclavos  pero  por  deste  inal  se  Hi<riiio  iisnr  law 
arnios  con  que  se  defendieron  para  que  no  fiiesseii  todos  esclavos.'  Lunda, 
Rclacion,  i>.  .W. 

18  'Ell  Ins ^ucrras.  ipic por su  nnibicion  liazian  vnos h, otros,  se  cautiiialmii, 
qiicdando  lieclios  cscliiuos  los  vciicidos,  que  cogiaii.  En  esto  craii  rij;iiro- 
smsimos,  y  lostratalmiiconaspcreza.'  Cogolfi-cio,  Ifist.  Y'ui\,  j))).  181-2;  C'ttr- 
rillo,  in  Soc.  Mrx.  Grmj.,  Botetin,  2d.'i  6poca,  toiii.  iii.,  p.  2(i7;  Brmscur  tk 
Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iom.  ii.,  {).  70;  Vortfs,  t'nrlns,  ji.  421;  Lax 
Casas,  in  Kingsborouffh's Mcx.  Aiitiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  144.  In  Nicara^jua Helps 
tells  us  tliat  only  tlie  coniinon  captives  were  enslaved,  the  chiefs  bciiij; 
killed  and  eaten.  Span.  Coiiq.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  2!V7. 

•9  '  .Acaesfe  que  veiiden  los  padres  &  los  hijos,  6  auii  rada  uiio  se  pucdc 
vender  li  si  proprio,  si  quiere  c  por  loque  quisiere.'  Ovicdo,  Hist.  Gen.,  tinii. 
iv.,  i»p.  51,  i>4;  Herrrrn,  Hist,  (fen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii. ;  Sqiiirr'n 
Niraraffua,  (Ed.  l85Ct,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  345.  Bienvenida  says  that  in  Yucatan  iis 
soon  as  the  father  dies  the  strongest  of  those  who  remain  enslave  the  oth- 
ers. In  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  sdrie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  331. 

*<>  Herrcra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii. ;  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind., 
fol.  204;  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Fwc,  pp.  181-2;  Pinientcl,  Mem.  sobrc  la  liuzc 
Indigena,  p.  34;  Fancourt't  Hist.  Yuc,  p.  117. 


TREATMENT  OF  SLAVES. 


651 


was  clubbed  to  death,  his  own  wife  and  children  were 
sold,  and  a  large  part  of  the  price  received  went  to 
fill  the  public  exchequer.'*^  Pimentel  concludes  that 
slaves  were  more  harshly  treated  in  Yucatan  than  in 
Mexico;  Gomara  and  Herrera  state  that  no  punish- 
ment was  decreed  to  him  v/ho  killed  a  slave  in  Nica- 
ragua; but  in  Yucatan  the  killer  of  another's  slave 
must  pay  the  full  value  of  the  property  destroyed, 
and  was  also  amenable  to  punishment  if  the  murdered 
slave  was  his  own.  In  Guatemala  if  a  freeman  had 
sexual  intercourse  with  the  female  slave  of  another 
he  had  to  pay  the  owner  her  full  value  or  purchase  for 
him  another  of  equal  value;  but  if  the  woman  were 
a  favorite  of  the  owner,  the  penalty,  though  still 
pecuniaiy,  was  much  increased.  In  the  province  of 
Vera  Paz,  as  Las  Casas  states,  if  slaves  committed 
fornication  with  women  of  their  own  condition,  both 
parties  were  slain  by  having  their  heads  broken  be- 
tween two  stones,  or  by  a  stick  driven  down  the 
throat,  or  by  the  garrote;  the  man,  however,  being 
sometimes  sold  for  sacrifice.  Among  the  Pipiles  a 
freeman  cohabiting  with  a  slave  was  himself  enslaved, 
unless  pardoned  by  the  high-priest  for  services  rendered 
in  war.  In  Yucatan,  as  it  is  expressly  stated,  and 
elsewhere  probably,  the  master  was  permitted  to  use 
his  female  slaves  as  concubines,  but  the  off*spring  of 
such  connection  could  not  inherit.  Thomas  Gage  tells 
us  of  a  town  in  Guatemala  whose  inhabitants  in  the 
olden  time  were  all  slaves  and  served  the  people  of 
Amatitlan  as  messengers.  The  only  distinguishing 
marks  of  slaves  that  are  mentioned  were  the  shear- 
ing of  the  hair  in  Yucatan,  and  marks  of  powdered 
pine  charcoal,  called  tile,  in  Nicaragua.^'' 

*'  Las  Casas,  in  Kiiiffsborough's  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  pp.   13fi,  144; 
Ilr.rrrra,  Gnmara,  and  Pimentel,  ubi  sup. 


;>/.t;  jernnKX-vompniis  ,  m  lyouveiir.s  .inntues  ur.s  y  o;/.,  io-t,t,  uiiii.  .\rvii., 
p)).  46-7;  Coffolluifo,  Hist.  Viic.,  p.  182;  Gage's  New  Survey,  p.  414;  (tviedo, 
Hist.  Gen.,  toiii.  i.,  p.  204. 


i 


652 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


Respecting  the  tenure  of  landed  property  among 
the  Maya  nations  the  little  information  extant  applies 
chiefly  to  Yucatan.  The  whole  country,  as  we  have 
seen,  was  divided  into  many  domains,  or  fiefs,  of  vary- 
ing extent,  ruled  over  by  nobles,  or  lords,  of  different 
rank.  Although  each  lord  had,  under  the  king, 
nearly  absolute  authority  over  his  domain,  yet  he 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  regarded  as  in  any  sense 
the  owner  of  the  lands,  or  to  have  had  a  right  to  sell 
or  in  any  way  alienate  them,  A  certain  portion  of 
these  lands  were  set  apart  for  the  lord's  support,  and 
were  worked  by  his  people  in  common;  the  rest  of  the 
land  seems  to  have  been  divided  among  the  people, 
the  first  occupant  being  regarded  in  a  certain  sense  as 
its  owner,  and  handing  it  down  as  an  inheritance  from 
generation  to  generation,  but  having  no  right  to  sell 
it,  and  being  also  obliged  to  contribute  a  certain  part 
of  its  products  to  the  lord  of  the  domain.  Cogolludo 
and  Landa  speak  of  the  land  as  being  common  prop- 
erty, yet  by  this  they  probably  do  not  mean  to  imply 
that  any  man  had  a  right  to  trespass  on  the  culti- 
vated fields  of  another,  but  simjjly  that  unoccupied 
lands  might  be  appropriated  by  any  one  for  purposes 
of  cultivation.  Game,  fish,  and  the  salt  marshes 
were  likewise  free  to  all,  but  the  hunter,  fisherman, 
or  salt-maker  must  pay  a  tribute  to  the  lords  and  to 
the  kinL!f.  In  Nicaragua  land  could  not  be  sold,  and 
if  tlie  owner  wished  to  change  his  residence  he  had 
to  leave  all  his  property  to  his  relatives,  since  nothing 
could  be  removed."' 


*3  'Las  tierras  nor  aora  es  de  comun,  y  assi  el  que  primero  las  ocupa  las 
possee.'  Landa,  Rdaeion,  \t.  130.  'Las  tierras  eran  comunes,  y  assi  eiitre 
los  Pueblos  no  auia  tcrmiiwis,  o  uioiones,  que  las  dividiesscn:  aumiuc  si  t'litn; 
vua  I'rovincia,  y  otra,  jHir  causa  de  las  guerras.'  Coffolliafo,  Hist.  Yw.,  \i. 
180.  Las  Caaas,  in  KiiKjsburougKs  Mex.  Aiifiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  1."?!),  s]K'aivs 
of  boundary  marks  Iwtween  the  property  of  diHerent  owners.  'Les  habi- 
tations «itait  pour  la  plupart  dispersoes  sans  former  de  village.'  Tenntiix- 
Compnns,  in  Nonrellrs  Annalfs  drs  Voij.,  1843,  toni.  xevii.,  p.  45.  'Limit 
qinilitd  de  seigneurs  heveditaires  ne  les  rendait  pas,  pour  cela,  niaftres  du 
sol  ni  proprietairea  des  habitants.'  lirnsseur  de  liourhourq.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  ii.,  pp.  50-8.  'I'roperty  was  mnch  respected  (in  Nicaragua);  but.... 
no  man  could  put  np  his  land  for  sale.     If  he  wished  to  leave  the  district, 


INHERITANCE  AND  TAXATION. 


653 


At  a  man's  death  his  property,  in  Yucatan,  was 
divided  between  his  sons  equally,  except  that  a  son 
who  had  assisted  his  father  to  gain  the  property 
might  receive  more  than  the  rest.  Daughters  in- 
herited nothing,  and  only  received  what  might  be 
given  from  motives  of  kindness  by  the  brothers.  In 
default  of  sons,  the  inheritance  went  to  the  brothers 
or  nearest  male  relatives.  Minor  heirs  were  en- 
trusted to  tutors  who  managed  the  estate,  and  from 
it  received  a  recompense  for  their  services.  Accord- 
ing to  Oviedo,  property  in  Nicaragua  was  inherited 
by  the  children,  but  if  there  were  no  children,  it  went 
to  the  relatives  of  both  father  and  mother.  Squier 
states  that  in  the  latter  case  all  personal  property 
was  buried  with  the  deceased." 

Taxes  and  tribute  paid  by  the  people  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  kings  and  nobles  consisted  of  the  products 
of  all  the  different  in'^'ustries.  The  merchant  con- 
tributed from  the  wares  in  which  he  dealt;  the  farmer 
from  the  products  of  the  soil,  chiefly  maize  and  cacao ; 
the  hunter  and  fisherman  from  the  game  taken  in  for- 
est and  stream.  Cotton  garments,  copal,  feathers, 
skins,  fjwl,  salt,  honey,  and  gold-dust  composed  a 
large  part  of  the  tribute,  and  slaves  are  also  men- 
tioned in  the  lists.  Personal  labor  in  working  the 
lands  of  the  lords,  and  in  supplying  his  household 
with  wood  and  water,  was  also  an  important  element 
of  taxation  in  the  provinces.  Ofiicials  were  appointed 
to  assess  and  collect  taxes  from  all  subjects.  In  Yu- 
ca^  m  the  tribute  of  tlie  king  and  that  of  the  local 
loi  i>.  were  kept  separate  and  were  attended  to  by  dif- 


liis  property  nussed  to  the  nearest  1)lood  relation,  or,  '.i  default,  to  the  mu- 
nicipality.' lioyle's  Ride,  vol.  i.,  p.  274;  Sqi(ier\i  Airanitjini,  (Kd.  185fi,) 
vol.  ii.,  p.  345;  Herrero,  Hixt.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii. 

2*  'Los  indios  no  adniittian  la.s  liijas  a  heredar  con  los  hernianos  sino  era 
por  via  dc  piedad  o  voluntad.'  Lamia,  Relacion,  pp.  13G-8.  '  Mejorauan  al 
que  nias  notahlementc  aula  ayudado  al  padre,  a  ^;anar  el  liazienda.'  Ikr- 
rcra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  .\.,  cap.  iv.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.;  Co- 
ifolltido.  Hint.  Vuc,  p.  180;  Carrillo,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geoa.,  Boletin,  2da  ejioca, 
ti)n».  iii.,  pp.  267-8;  Jirusneur  tie  liourbourg.  Hint.  Nat.  Cii\,  toni.  ii.,  p. 
70;  Pimentel,  Mem.  sobrc  la  Raza  Indigena,  p.  30;  Oi'iedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni. 
iv.,  p.  50;  Sqxaer,  in  Palacio,  Carta,  p.  119. 


654 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


ferent  officials ;  but  in  Guatemala  it  is  implied  that  all 
taxes  were  collected  together  and  then  distributed  to 
the  king  and  several  classes  of  nt)bles  according  to 
their  rank.  In  the  ancient  times  those  who  lived  in 
Mayapan  were  exempt  from  all  taxation.  In  Nica- 
ragua, we  are  told  that  the  teite  received  no  tribute  or 
taxes  whatever  from  his  subjects,  but  in  the  case  of  a 
war  or  other  event  involving  extraordinary  expense, 
the  council  decided  upon  the  amount  of  revenue 
needed,  and  chose  by  lot  one  of  their  number  to  assess 
and  collect  it.  Taxation  among  the  Mayas  does  not 
seem  to  liave  been  oppressive,  and  the  attempt  to  ex- 
tort excessive  tribute  contributed  largely  to  the  over- 
throw of  the  Cocome  power  in  the  twelfth  century.^' 
A  sale  of  property  or  other  contract  was  legalized 
in  Yucatan  by  the  parties  drinking  before  witnesses. 
A  strict  fulfillment  of  all  contracts  was  required  both 
by  the  law  and  by  public  sentiment.  Heirs  and  rel- 
atives were  liable,  or  at  least  assumed  the  liabilit}^ 
for  debts ;  and  often  paid,  as  did  the  lords  of  the  prov- 
ince, the  pecuniary  penalty  incurred  by  some  poor 
man,  especially  if  the  crime  had  been  committed  in- 
voluntarily or  without  malice.^ 

«  '  Hanno  aboiidanza  di  cottone,  &  ne  fanno  manti  che  sono  come  len- 
zuoli,  e  cainiscttc  Hciiza  inaniche,  e  qiiesto  s'^  il  principal  tributo  die  ilaiiiin 
iV  siioi  patroni.'  liemoni,  Hist.  Mondo  Nuom,  fol.  99.  'El  tributo  era 
inantas  iiequefias  de  alyodon,  gallinaa  de  la  tierra,  algmi  cacao,  donde  so 
cogia,  y  viia  resiua,  que  scruia  de  incienso  en  los  Tcinplos,  y  todo  se  dizc 
era  nuiy  poco  en  cantidad.'  Cogolltulo,  Hist.  Ytic,  p.  179.  'Allende  de  la 
casa  hazian  todo  el  ]mebb>  a  los  sefiores  sus  senienteras,  y  se  las  licnefieia- 
van  y  cogian  eu  cantidad  que  le  bastava  a  el  y  a  su  casa.'  Landa,  liela- 

cioii,  pp.    110-12,   13()-2.     'Sus  mayordomos que  rccibiau  los  tributes, 

y  los  dauan  a  los  sefiores.'  Hrrrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  ii. 
Some  authors  speak  of  a  tribute  of  virgins  and  of  a  coin  called  ciizcns. 
Carhajal  JCs/nnosa,  Hi.it.  Mex.,  toin.  i.,  p.  262.  'Jamais  TimpAt  n'etait 
reparti  par  tCtc,  niais  par  ville,  village  ou  hanieau.'  Br(i,<iseiir  de  Hour- 
hourg.  Hist.  Nnf.  Cii\,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  57-8,  .33,  553.  In  Guatemala,  'eii  lo 
tocantc  A  las  rciitas  del  rev  y  Senores,  habia  este  orden,  que  todo  venia  a 
xin  monton,  y  de  alll  le  damm  al  rey  su  parte,  despues  daban  d  los  Sefiores, 
segun  cada  uuo  era,  y  despues  daban  li  los  oficialcs,  y  &  quienes  el  rey  liiiria 
mercedes.'  Xiincnez,  Hi.it.  hid.  Guat.,  pp.  201-2.'  'lis  possedaient  Ics 
esclaves  milles  ou  femelles  (jue  ces  sujets  leur  payaient  en  tribut.'  Ter- 
naux-Cotiwaiis,  Vo;/.,  serie  i.,  tom.  x.,  jm.  4Hi-\7;  Id.,  in  Nouvelles  An- 
nates des  Vol/.,  184.1,  tom.  xcvii.,  p.  45;  Torqticmada,  Monarq.  Lid.,  torn. 
ii.,  pp.  345,  386;  Oviedc,  Hi.it.  Gen.,  tom.  iv.,  p.  104;  Squier's  Nicaragi:(>, 
(Ed.  1856,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  341;  Morelet,  Voyage,  tom.  i.,  p.  195. 

^  Cogolhido,  HtsL   ^«<c. ,  pp.  ISO-l ;  TernauX'Compaiis,  in  Xouvcllrs 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUSTICE, 


655 


The  administration  of  justice  and  the  execution  of 
the  laws  were  among  the  Mayas  entrusted  to  the 
officials  that  have  been  mentioned  in  what  has  been 
said  respecting  government.  Serious  crimes  or  other 
important  matters  affecting  the  interests  of  the  king, 
of  the  state,  or  of  the  higher  ranks  of  nobility,  were 
referred  directly  to  the  royal  council  presided  over  by 
the  monarch.  The  king's  lieutenants,  or  lords  of 
royal  blood  who  ruled  over  provinces,  took  cognizance 
of  the  more  important  cases  of  provincial  interest; 
while  petty  local  questions  were  decided  by  subordi- 
nate judges,  one  of  whom  was  appointed  in  each 
village  or  hamlet.  But  even  in  the  case  of  the  local 
judges  the  advice  of  a  council  was  sought  on  every 
occasion,  and  persons  were  appointed  to  assist  both 
judges  and  parties  to  the  suit  in  the  character  of  ad- 
vocates. Although  these  judges  had  the  right  to 
consult  with  the  lord  of  their  province,  and  the  latter, 
probably,  with  the  royal  council,  yet  after  a  decision 
was  rendered,  there  was  apparently  no  right  of  appeal 
in  any  case  whatever;  but  we  are  told  that  in  Yuca- 
tan at  least  a  royal  commissioner  traveled  through 
the  provinces  and  reported  regularly  on  the  manner 
in  which  the  judges  performed  their  duties,  and  on 
other  matters  of  public  import.  Both  judges  and 
advocates  might  receive  presents  from  all  the  parties 
to  a  suit,  according  to  Cogolludo,  and  no  one  thought 
of  applying  for  justice  without  Ijringing  some  gift 
proportioned  to  his  means.  In  Guatemala,  as  Las 
Casas  states,  the  judge  received  half  the  property  of 
the  convicted  party ;  this  is  probably  only  to  be  un- 
derstood as  applying  to  serious  crimes,  which  involved 
a  confiscation  of  all  property. 

In  Vera  Paz  the  tax-collectors  served  also  as  con- 
stables, being  empowered  to  arrest  accused  parties 
and  witnesses,  and  to  bring  them  before  the  judges. 


.ii 


in 


Annnlr.i  dcs  Voy.,  184.3,  torn,  xcvii.,  p.  46;  Brassfur  de  Bourhourg,  Hist. 
Xat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  70-1;  CarriUo,  in  Sue.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da 
t'lmca,  toiii.  iii.,  p.  268. 


656 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


Very  little  is  known  of  the  order  of  procedure  in  the 
Maya  courts,  but  great  pains  was  apparently  taken  to 
ascertain  all  the  facts  bearing  on  the  case,  and  to  ren- 
der exact  justice  to  all  concerned.  Court  proceed- 
ings, testimony,  arguments,  and  decisions  are  said  to 
have  been  altogether  verbal,  there  being  no  evidence 
that  written  records  were  kept  as  they  were  by  the 
Nahuas,  although  the  Maya  system  of  hieroglypliic 
writing  cannot  be  supposed  to  have  been  in  any  re- 
spect inferior  to  that  of  the  northern  nations.  Noth- 
ing in  the  nature  of  an  oath  was  exacted  from  a 
witness,  but  to  guard  against  false  testimony  in  Yu- 
catan a  terrible  curse  was  launched  against  the  per- 
jurer, and  a  superstitious  fear  of  consequences  was 
supposed  to  render  falsehood  impossible.  In  Guate- 
mala so  much  was  the  perjurer  despised  that  a  fine 
and  a  reprimand  from  the  judge  were  deemed  suffi- 
cient punishment.  Torture,  if  we  may  credit  Las 
Casas,  by  tying  the  hands,  beating  with  clubs,  and 
the  inhalation  of  smoke,  was  resorted  to  in  Vera  Paz 
to  extort  confession  from  a  person  suspected  of  adul- 
tery or  other  serious  crimes.  Great  weight  seems 
to  have  been  attached  to  material  evidence;  for  in- 
stance, it  was  deemed  important  to  take  the  thief 
while  in  actual  possession  of  the  stolen  property;  and 
a  woman  to  convict  a  man  of  rape  must  seize  and 
produce  in  court  some  portion  of  his  wearing-apparel. 
The  announcement  of  the  judge's  decision  Wjas,  as  I 
have  said,  delivered  verbally,  and  sometimes,  when 
the  parties  to  the  suit  were  numerous,  Cogolludo  in- 
forms us  that  all  were  invited  to  a  banquet,  during 
which  the  verdict  was  made  known.  As  there  was 
no  appeal  to  a  higher  tribunal,  so  there  seems  to  have 
been  no  pardoning  power,  and  the  judge's  final  deci- 
sion was  always  strictly  enforced.  Except  a  mention 
by  Herrera  that  the  Nicaraguan  ministers  of  justice 
bore  fans  and  rods,  I  find  no  account  of  any  distin- 
guishing insignia  in  the  Maya  tribunals. 

Punishments  inflicted  on  Maya  criminals  took  the 


MAYA  PUNISHMENTS. 


667 


form  of  death,  slavery,  and  pecuniary  fines;  impris- 
onment was  of  rare  occurren<'e,  and  apparently  never 
inflicted  as  a  punishment,  but  only  for  the  retention  of 
prisoners  until  their  final  punishment  was  lejy^ally  de- 
termined. Cowolludo  states  that  culprits  were  never 
beaten,  hut  Villaii^utierre  aflirms  that,  at  least  amonjif 
the  Itzas,  they  were  both  beaten  and  put  in  shackles; 
and  the  same  author  speaks  of  imprisonment  for  non- 
payment of  taxes  at  Coban.  Tlie  death  penalty  was 
inflicted  by  hanging,  by  beating  with  the  garrote,  or 
club,  and  by  throwing  the  condemned  over  a  preci- 
j)ice.  Ximenez  mentions  burning  in  Guatemala; 
Oviedo  speaks  of  impalements  in  Yucatan ;  those  con- 
demned to  death  in  Nicaragua  seem  to  have  been  sac- 
rificed  to  the  gods  by  having  their  hearts  cut  out;  and 
throwing  the  body  from  a  wall  or  precipice  is  the  only 
method  attributed  to  the  Pi[)ile8. 

At  a  town  in  Yucatan  called  Cachi,  Oviedo  men- 
tions a  sharp  mast  standing  in  the  centre  of  a  square 
and  used  by  the  people  for  impaling  criminals  alive. 
The  method  of  imprisonment,  as  described  by  Cogol- 
ludo,  consisted  in  binding  the  hands  behind  the  back, 
placing  about  the  neck  a  collar  of  wood  and  cords,  and 
confining  the  culprit  thus  shackled  in  a  wooden  cage. 
At  Campeche  a  place  of  punishment  is  mentioned  by 
Peter  Martyr  and  Torquemada  as  having  been  seen 
by  the  early  voyagers.  Three  beams  or  posts  were 
fixed  in  the  ground,  to  them  were  attached  three 
cross-beams,  and  scattered  about  were  blood-stained 
ari'ows  and  spears.  This  apparatus  would  indicate,  if 
it  was  really  a  place  of  punishment,  a  method  of  in- 
flicting the  death-penalty  not  elsewhere  mentioned; 
and  a  stone  structure  adjoining,  covered  with  sculp- 
tured emblems  of  punishment  is  suggestive  ceremo- 
nial rites  in  connection  with  executions.  The  death 
sentence  generally  involved  the  confiscation  of  the 
diminal's  property  and  the  enslaving  of  his  family. 
All  but  the  most  heinous  offences  could  be  expiated 
by  the  payment  of  a  fine  consisting  of  slaves  or  other 


Vol.  11—42 


958 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS, 


property,  and  the  whole  or  a  large  part  of  this  fine 
went  to  the  judges,  the  lords,  or  the  king. 

Murder  was  punished  in  all  the  nations  hy  death, 
but  '11  Yucatan  and  Nicaragua  if  there  wore  exten- 
uating circumstances,  such  as  great  provocation  or  ab- 
sence of  malice,  tlie  crime  was  atoned  by  the  j)ayment 
of  a  fine.  In  Yucatan  a  minor  who  took  human  life 
became  a  slave ;  the  killing  <>f  another's  slave  called 
for  payment  of  the  value  destroyed;  the  killing  of 
one's  own  slave  involved  a  slight  penalty  or  none  at 
all.  In  Nicaragua  no  penalty  was  decided  upon  for 
the  murder  of  a  chief,  such  a  crime  being  deemed  im- 
possible. 

Theft  was  atoned  by  a  return  of  the  stolen  property 
and  the  payment  of  a  fine  to  the  public  treasury.  In 
case  the  criminal  could  not  pay  the  full  value  he  was 
sold  as  a  slave  until  such  time  as  he  might  be  able  to 
redeem  his  freedom.  In  some  cases  the  amount  seems 
to  have  been  paid  with  the  price  he  brought  as  a 
slave,  and  in  others  he  served  the  injured  party. 
Fin«  s,  however,  in  most  cases  seem  to  have  been  j)iii(l 
by  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  guilty  party,  so 
that  the  number  of  persons  actually  enslaved  was 
perhaps  not  very  large.  In  Guatemala  stolen  articles 
of  trifling  value  went  with  the  fine  to  the  publii- 
treasury,  since  the  owner  would  not  receive  them. 
The  incorriijible  thief,  when  his  friends  refused  to  ])av 
his  fine,  was  st)metimes  put  to  death ;  and  death  was 
also  the  penalty  for  stealing  articles  of  value  from  the 
temple.  In  Nicaragua  the  thief  who  delayed  too  long 
the  payment  of  his  fine  was  sacrificed  to  the  gods; 
and  in  Salvador,  banishment  was  the  punishment  for 
trifling  theft,  death  for  stealing  larger  amounts. 
Landa  informs  us  that  in  Yucatan  a  noble  who  so  far 
forgot  his  position  as  to  steal  had  his  face  scarified,  n 
great  disgrace. 

Adultery  was  punished  in  Yucatan  and  Guatemala 
with  death;  in  the  latter  if  the  parties  were  of  tlu' 
common  people  they  were  thrown  from  a  precipiif. 


CRIMINAL  LODE. 


Fornication  was  atoned  by  a  fine,  or  if  the  afironted 
relatives  insiHted,  by  death.  A  woman  who  was  un- 
chaste was  at  first  reprimanded,  and  finally,  if  she 
persevered  in  her  loose  conduct,  enslaved.  Rape  in 
Guatemala  was  punished  by  death;  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  at  the  same,  by  slavery.  Marria<^e  with  a 
slave,  as  already  stated,  reduced  the  freeman  to  a 
slave's  condition;  sexual  connection  with  one's  own 
slave  was  not  regarded  as  a  crime.  He  who  commit- 
ted incest  in  Yucatan  was  put  to  death. 

Treason,  rebellion,  inciting  to  rebellion,  desertion, 
interference  with  the  payment  of  royal  tribute,  and 
similar  offences  endangering  the  well-being  of  the  na- 
tions, were  sufficient  cause  for  death. 

In  Guatemala  he  who  kidna[)})ed  a  free  person  and 
sold  him  into  slavery,  lost  his  life.  For  an  assault 
resulting  in  wounds  a  fine  was  imposed.  He  who 
killed  the  quetzal,  a  bird  reserved  for  the  kings,  was 
put  to  death;  and  the  same  fate  was  that  of  him  who 
took  game  or  fish  from  another's  premises,  if  the  in- 
jured party  was  an  enemy  and  insisted  on  so  severe  a 
j)enalty. 

The  Pipiles  condemned  a  man  to  be  beaten  for  ly- 
ing; but  the  same  offence  in  time  of  war  demanded 
capital  punishment,  as  did  any  disrespect  shown  for 
the  sacred  things  of  religion. 

Ximenez  states  that  in  Guatemala  the  halam,  or 
sorcerer,  was  burned;  the  same  offence  in  Vera  Paz, 
according  to  Torquemada,  caused  the  guilty  party  to 
be  beaten  to  death  or  hanged. 

A  strict  payment  of  all  just  debts  was  enforced, 
and  in  Guatemala  he  who  bought  many  things  on 
credit  and  failed  to  pay  for  them  was  finally  enslaved 
or  even  killed.  Both  here  and  in  Nicaragua  the  bor- 
rower was  obliged  to  return  or  pay  for  borrowed  arti- 
cles, and,  if  the  articles  were  products  of  the  soil, 
the  lender  might  repay  himself  from  the  borrower's 
Held.  He  who  injured  another's  property,  even  serv- 
ants in  the  lord's  palace  who  broke  dishes  or  fur- 


660 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


niture,  must  make  good  all  damage.  In  Yucatan, 
we  are  told  that  a  man  could  not  be  taken  for  debt 
unaccompanied  by  crime.  Some  additional  laws  and 
regulations  of  the  Maya  nations  will  appear  in  their 
appropriate  places  in  other  chapters." 

IT  On  the  Maya  laws  see:  Landa,  Relacion,  pp.  132-4,  176-8;  Ximetitz, 
Hist.  Ind.  Guat,  pp.  106-200,  208;  Ton/netttada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  pp. 
338-46,  386-02;  Las  Caaat,  in  KinynborougK's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  pp. 
135-46;  Coffolludo,  Hist.  Kuc.^p.  170-83;  Palacio,  Carta,  pp.  80-2;  Ovi- 
edo.  Hilt.  Gen.,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  229-30,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  60-1;  Peter  Martyr,  dec. 
iv.,  lib,  ii. ;  Villagutierre,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  p.  162;  Herrera,  Hist,  Gen., 
dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  x.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii. ;  Juarros,  Hist.  Guat., 
pp.  101-2;  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  263-4;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  59-61,  672-4;  Squier's  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  1856,)  vol. 
ii.,  p.  345;  /(/.,  Cent.  Amer.,  p.  334;  Ternaux-ComnaHS,  Voy.,  a&ne  i., 
torn.  X.,  pp.  417-18;  Id.,  in  Nouvelks  Annates  ties  Voy.,  1843,  torn, 
xcvii.,  pp.  46-7;  Helps  Span.  Conq.,  vol.  iii.,  pp.  266-7;  Fancourfs  Hist. 
Yuc,,  pp.  116-17;  Pimentel,  Mem.  sobre  la  Baza  Indigena,  pp.  29-34. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 


EDUCATION   AND   FAMILY   MATTERS   AMONG  THE  MAYAS. 

Education  of  Youth— Public  Schools  of  Guatemala  — Branches 
OF  Stldy  in  Yucatan— Marrying  Aoe  — Degrees  of  Consan- 
guinity allowed  in  Marriage  — Preliminaries  of  Marriage 
—Marriage  Ceremonies- The  Custom  of  the  Droit  du  Seiqn- 
EUR  IN  Nicaragua— Widows  — Monogamy  — Concubinage  — Di- 
vorce—Laws  Concerning  Adultery  — Fornication- Rape- 
Prostitution  —  Unnatural  Crimes  — Desire  fob  Children  — 
Child-birth  Ceremonies  —  Rite  of  Circumcision  —  Manner  of 
Naming  Children— Baptismal  Ceremonies. 

The  Maya  nations  appear  to  have  been  quite  as 
strict  and  careful  in  the  education  of  youth  as  the 
Nahuas.  Parents  took  great  pains  to  instruct  their 
children  to  respect  old  age,  to  reverence  the  gods,  and 
to  honor  their  father  and  mother.^     They  were,  be- 

>  'They  were  taught,  says  Los  Casas,  'que  honrasen  d  los  padres  y  lex 
fuet<cn  obedientea;  que  no  tuviesen  codicia  de  inuclios  biones;  que  no  adul- 
terascn  con  muger  agena;  (}ue  no  fornicasen,  ni  llcgasen  d  muger,  sine  &  la 
que  fuese  suya;  que  no  mirasen  6.  las  mugcres  para  codiciarlas,  diciendo 
que  no  traspasas^n  r'nbral  aseno;  que  si  anduviesen  de  noche  por  el 
]>ueblo,  que  Ilevasen  lunibre  en  la  nitvno;  que  siguiesen  su  camino  derecho, 
({ue  no  hajasen  dc  camino,  ni  subiescn  tampoco  del;  que  &  los  ciegos  no  les 
ousicsen  ofendiculo  para  que  cayesen;  d  los  lisiados  no  escarneciesen  y  de 
los  locos  no  se  riesen,  porque  todo  aquello  era  nialo;  que  trabajen  y  no 
cstubiesen  ociosos;  y  para  esto  desdc  niftos  les  ensenavan  como  liavian  de 
Imeer  las  sementeras  y  como  beneficiallas  y  cogellas.'  Kiiigsboroitgh's  Mex. 
Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  132.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  remarks  that  the  re- 
spectnil  term  of  you  instead  of  thou,  is  frequently  used  by  children  when 
addressing  their  parents,  in  the  Popol  Vuh.  Popol  Vuh,  p.  96.  The  old 
people  'cran  tan  estiniados  en  esto  que  los  mo^os  no  tratavan  con  viejos, 
aiuo  era  en  cosas  inevitables,  y  los  mofos  por  casar;  con  los  casados  sino 
inuy  poco.'  Landa,  Belacion,  p.  178. 

(661) 


602 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


sides,  encouraged  while  mere  infants  to  amuse  them- 
selves with  warlike  games,  and  to  practice  with  the 
bow  and  arrow.  As  they  grew  older,  the  children  of 
the  poor  people  were  taught  to  labor  and  assist  their 
parents.  The  boys  were  in  their  childhood  educated 
by  the  father,  who  usually  taught  them  his  own 
trade  or  calling;  the  girls  were  under  the  especial 
care  of  tlie  mother,  who,  it  is  said,  watched  very 
closely  over  the  conduct  of  her  daughters,  scarcely 
ever  permitting  them  to  be  out  of  her  sight.  Chil- 
dren of  both  sexes  remained  under  the  immediate 
control  of  their  parents  until  they  were  of  an  age  to 
be  married,  and  any  disobedience  or  contumacy  was 
severely  punished,  sometimes  even  with  death.  The 
boys  in  Guatemala  slept  under  the  portico  of  the 
house,  as  it  was  thought  improper  that  they  sliould 
observe  the  conduct  and  hear  the  conversation  of 
married  people."  In  Yucatan,  also,  the  young  people 
were  kept  separate  from  their  elders.  In  each  vil- 
lage was  an  immense  white-washed  shed,  under  the 
shelter  of  which  the  youths  of  the  place  amused 
themselves  during  the  day,  and  slept  at  night.' 

The  various  little  events  in  a  child's  life  whidi 
among  all  peoples,  savage  or  civilized,  are  regarded  as 
of  so  great  importance  by  anxious  mothers,  sut^li  as 
its  being  weaned,  its  first  step,  or  its  first  word,  were 
celebrated  with  feasts  and  rejoicing;  the  anniversaries 
of  its  birthday  were  also  occasions  of  much  merry- 
making. The  first  article  that  a  child  made  with  its 
own  hands  was  dedicated  to  the  gods.*  In  Yu(%'itaii 
children  went  naked  until  they  were  four  or  five  yenrs 
old,  when  the  boys  were  given  a  breech-clout  to  wear 

*  *  Dormian  en  los  p<irtalcs  no  boIo  riiando  liuciun  su  ayuno,  mas  aim 
casi  todo  el  afio,  ])or<iiic  no  Ics  cru  pcrniitido  tratur  ni  saber  <lc  Ion  iio^ocioH 
dc  los  castido.s,  ni  aim  sabian  cuando  habian  dc  casarsc,  liosta  el  tieiiipo  iiuf 
Ics  prcscntaban  las  niiijD^res,  porquc  cran  niiiy  siijctus  y  obediciitos  ti  siih 
padre?      Cuando  aquestus  niancclios  iban  &  sus  casas  d  ver  li  siis  ])tulroM 

tenian  su  cuentu  dc  que  no  hablasen  los  padres  cosa  que  fucse  menus 

honesta.'  Ximenez,  Hist.  hid.  Guat.,  p.  181. 

'  Landa,  Rnlacion,  p.  178. 

*  La«  Casas,  Hist.  Apologttica,  MS.,  cap.  clxxix.;  Brasaeur  dc  Hour- 
hourg.  Hist,  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  509. 


EDUCATION  OF  CHILDREN. 


and  a  piece  of  cloth  to  sleep  under;  girls  began  at 
the  same  age  to  wear  a  petticoat  reaching  from  the 
waist  downward."  In  Guatemala  children  were  left 
naked  till  they  were  eight  or  ten  years  of  age,  at 
which  time  tliey  were  required  to  do  light  liibor.* 
As  soon  as  a  child  reached  the  ajje  of  seven  years,  it 
was  taken  by  its  father  to  the  priest,  who  foretold  its 
future  destiny  and  instructed  it  how  to  draw  blood 
from  its  body,  and  perform  other  religious  observ- 
ances.' 

The  Mayas  entrusted  the  more  advanced  education 
of  youth  entirely  to  the  priesthood.  Jn  Guatemala 
the  youths  assisted  the  priests  in  their  duties,  and  re- 
ceived, in  turn,  an  education  suited  to  their  position  in 
life.  There  were  schools  in  every  principal  town,  at 
which  youths  were  instructed  in  all  necessary  branches 
by  competent  teachers.  The  principal  of  there  was  a 
seminary  in  which  were  maintained  seventy  masters, 
and  from  five  to  six  thousand  children  were  educated 
and  provided  for  at  the  expense  of  the  royal  treasury.* 
Girls  were  placed  in  convents,  under  the  superintend- 
ence of  matrons  who  were  most  strict  in  their  guard- 
ianship. It  is  said  that  they  entered  when  eight 
years  old,  and  were  not  free  until  about  to  be  nuir- 
ried." 

In  Yucatan,  social  distinctions  seem  to  have  been 
more  sharply  defined  than  in  Guatemala.  Here,  the 
schools  of  learning  were  only  open  to  the  children  of 
the  nobility ;  a  poor  man  was  content  to  teach  his  son 
his  own  trade  or  profession.  The  children  of  the  priv- 
ileged classes  were,  however,  very  highly  educated. 
The  boys  were  initiated,  we  are  told,  into  the  myste- 
ries and  strange  rites  of  their  religion ;  they  studied 

*  Landa,  Relncion,  p.  180. 

^  Ikrrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  Hb.  x.,  cap.  xiv. ;  Juatros,  Hist.  Guat., 
p.  195. 

'  Brasstur  de  Bourhonrg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  569. 

*  Juarros,  Hist.  Guut.,  ji.  87;  lirasseur  de  Jioitrhounj,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  ii.,  p.  569. 

*  Ximrnez,  Hist.  fnd.  GtMf.,  p.  191;  Junrros,  Hist.  Guat.,  p.  196;  liras- 
mnr  de  liourbourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  Utm.  ii.,  p.  569. 


I  I 


iM 


G64 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


law,  morals,  music,  the  art  of  war,  astronomy,  astrol- 
ogy, divination,  prophecy,  medicine,  poetry,  history, 
picture-writing,  and  eveiy  other  branch  of  knowledge 
known  to  their  people.  The  daughters  of  the  nobles 
were  kept  in  strict  seclusion,  and  were  carefully  in- 
structed in  all  the  accomplishments  required  of  a 
Maya  lady.'" 

In  Yucatan,  the  young  men  usually  married  at  the 
age  of  twenty  years."  In  Guatemala,  Las  Casas  tells 
us  that  the  men  never  married  until  they  were  thirty, 
notwithstanding  he  has  previously  made  the  extraor- 
dinary assertion  that  the  great  prevalence  of  unnatural 
lusts  made  parents  anxious  to  get  their  children  wed- 
ded as  early  as  possible."  Girls  among  the  higher 
classes  must  have  been  married  at  a  very  early  ago  in 
Guatemala,  since  it  is  related  that  when  a  young  no- 
ble espoused  a  maiden  not  yet  arrived  at  the  age  of 
puberty,  her  father  gave  him  a  female  slave,  to  lie 
with  him  until  the  wife  reached  maturity.  The  chil- 
dren of  this  slave  could  not  inherit  his  property,  how- 


ever 


The  Guatemalans  recognized  no  relationship  on  the 
mother's  side  only,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  marry 
their  ow^n  sister,  provided  she  was  by  another  father." 


'•  Landa,  Relacion,  pp.  42-4;  Carrillo,  in  Son.  Mex.  Gcotj.,  Boletin, 
'2da  «5i»oca,  torn,  iii.,  p.  269;  Morelet,  Voyage,  toiii.  i.,  p.  101;  lirasseur 
de  Bourbowg,  Hint.  Nat.  Viv.,  toin.  ii.,  pp.  61-2. 

"  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  toni.  i.,  p.  20.3;  Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  52;  Herrern,   Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  caj).  iv., 
miVH  thtit  in  later  times  they  married  at  twelve  or  fourteen. 
'  •*  Las  Casas,  in  Kiiigsborough's  Mex.  Antia.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  135. 

^"^  Ximenez,  Hist.  Iiid.  Guat.,  p.  208.  This  is  the  8am«  ptis.<uiKC  that 
Brassetir  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  it.,  p.  572,  cites  as  lioman, 
Rep.  Ind.,  lib.  ii. ,  cap.  x. 

'♦  'Lo8  Indies  de  la  Vera- Paz  niuchas  veces,  segun  el  Parentesco,  quo 
vsaban,  era  fiierfa  que  casasen  Hernianos  con  Hermnnas,  y  era  la  riiv"" 
csta:  Acostumbraban  no  casar  los  de  vn  Tribu,  6  Pueblo,  con  his  Mu<;(M'("^ 
del  mismo  Pueblo,  y  las  buscaban,  one  fucsen  de  otro;  porque  no  contnlHiii 
por  de  Bu  Familia,  y  Parentesco  los  Hijos  que  nacian  en  cl  Tribu  6  Liiiti>;>' 
agcno,  aunque  la  Muger  huvicse  prncedido  do  su  mismo  Linaue;  y  era  la 
ra^on,  porque  aquel  Parentesco  sc  atribula  h  solo  los  Hnnibres.  Por  manora, 
que  si  algun  Senor  dalm  su  Ilija  h  otro  de  otro  Pueblo,  aunque  no  tuvicsc 
otro  hcredero  este  Sefior,  sino  solos  los  Niotos,  Hijos  de  su  ITija,  no  los  re- 
conocia  por  Nietos,  ni  Parientes,  en  ra9on  de  hacerlos  herederos,  porser  Hi- 
jos del  otro  Seiior  de  otroa  Pueblos  y  osi  se  le  buscaba  al  tal  SeAor,  Mu>;tr 


DEGREES  OF  KINDRED. 


665 


Thus,  if  a  noble  lady  married  aii  inferior  in  rank  or 
even  a  slave,  the  children  belonged  to  the  order  of  the 
father,  and  not  of  the  mother."  Torquemada  adds 
that  they  sometimes  married  their  sisters-in-law  and 
step-mothers,'* 

Among-  the  Pipiles,  of  Salvador,  an  ancestral  tree, 
with  seven  main  branches,  denoting  degrees  of  kin- 
dred, was  painted  upon  cloth,  and  within  these  seven 
branches,  or  degrees,  none  were  allowed  to  marry, 
except  as  a  recompense  for  some  great  public  or  war- 
like service  rendered.  Within  four  degrees  of  con- 
sanguinity none,  under  any  pretext,  might  marry." 
In  Yucatan  there  was  a  peculiar  prejudice  against  a 
man  marrying  a  woman  who  bore  the  same  name  as 
his  own,  and  so  far  was  this  fancy  carried  that  he 
who  did  this  was  looked  upon  as  a  renegade  and  an 
outcast.  Here,  also,  a  man  could  not  marry  the  sis- 
ter of  his  deceased  wife,  his  step-mother,  or  his 
mother's  sister,  but  with  all  other  relatives  on  the 
maternal  side,  no  matter  how  close,  marriage  was 
perfectly  legitimate.  A  Yucatec  noble  who  wedded 
a  woman  of  inferior  degree,  descended  to  her  social 
level,  and  was  dispossessed  of  a  part  of  his  property. 


one  fuese  de  otro  Pueblo,  y  no  de  el  proprio.  Y  asi  succdia,  que  los  Hijos 
ue  c.stiu)  Mugcres,  no  tcnian  \wr  Parientes  i\  los  Dcudoa  de  su  Madre,  ynn 
estiir  en  otro  Pueblo,  y  esto  se  enticnde,  en  quanto  h  casarse  con  ellas,  quo 
lo  tenian  por  licito,  aunque  en  lo  deniiiH  xe  reconocian.  Y  porquc  la  cucnta  de 
su  Parentesco  era  entre  solos  los  Honibres,  y  no  por  parte  de  las  Mugcres. 
Y  por  esto  no  tenian  Inipedinicnto,  para  casarse,  con  los  tales  Parientes;  y 
asi  sc  casabau  con  todos  los  grados  de  Consanguinidad,  porquc  mas  por 
Hernuina  tcnian  qualquiera  Muger  de  su  Linage,  aunque  fuese  reniotislnia, 
y  no  tuviese  nienioria  del  grado,  en  que  le  tocaba,  que  la  Hija  de  su  projiia 
Madre,  conio  fuese  havida  de  otro  Marido,  y  por  este  error  sc  casaban,  con 
Ills  Hcrnuinaa  de  Madre,  yuo  de  Padre.'  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Iiul.,  toni. 
ii.,  p.  419. 

'*  Brajiseur  de  Botirhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  572. 

">  Mnnnrq.  Ltd.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  419. 

1^  '  En  lo  que  tocava  al  parentesco,  tcnian  un  arbol  pintado,  i  en  el  sicte 
ramos  que  signifaoava  siete  grados  de  parentesco.  Kn  cstos  grados  no  se 
|iiiclia  casar  nadie,  i  esto  se  cntendia  por  linea  recta  si  no  fuese  quealguno 
liuvjese  feclio  algun  gran  fecho  en  arnias,  i  haviu  de  scr  del  tercero  ^radu 
fiK'ra;  i  por  linea  traversa  tenia  otro  arbol  con  qiuitro  ramos  que  sigiiifica- 

));in  el  quarto  grado,  en  est«>s  no  se  podia  casar  nadic Ijualquiera  (|ne 

tenia  quenta  carnal  con  parienta  en  los  grados  susodichos  niorian  |)or  ello 
umbos.'  Pnlaeio,  Carta,  p.  80;  Iferrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii.,  cap. 
X.;  Squicr's  Cent.  Amer,,  p.  334. 


666 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


and  deprived  of  his  rank.^*  In  Nicaragua  no  one 
might  marry  within  the  first  degree  of  relationshij), 
but  beyond  that  there  was  no  restriction." 

The  question  of  dowry  was  settled  in  Guatemala  by 
the  relatives  of  the  young  couple.*  The  Yueateo 
son-in-law  served  his  father-in-law  for  four  or  five 
years,  and  the  omission  of  such  service  was  considered 
s;;andalous;''*  while  in  Nicaragua  the  dower  was  usu- 
ally paid  in  fruit  or  land.*" 

Each  of  the  Maya  nations  seems  to  have  had  a 
method  of  arranging  marriages  peculiar  to  itself  In 
Guatemala  the  whole  affair  was  managed  by  the  near- 
est relatives  of  the  betrothed  pair,  who  were  kept  in 
profound  ignorance  of  the  coming  event,  and  did  not 
even  know  each  other  until  the  day  of  the  wedding. 
It  seems  incredible  that  the  young  men  should  have 
quietly  submitted  to  having  their  wives  picked  out  for 
them  without  being  allowed  any  voice  or  choice  in 
the  matter.  Yet  we  are  told  that  so  great  was  their 
obedience  and  submission  to  their  parents,  that  there 
never  was  any  scandal  in  these  things.  If  this  be 
the  case,  what  a  strange  phenomenon  Guatemalan 
society  must  have  been,  with  no  love  affairs,  no  woo- 
ing })ermitted,  and  Cupid  a  banished  boy.  But,  for 
all  that,  many  a  Guatemalan  youth  may  have  looked 
coldly  upon  his  bride  as  he  thought  of  another  and, 
to  him,  fairer  face,  and  many  a  loyal  young  wife 
may  have  been  sometimes  troubled  with  the  vision  of 
a  comely  fortn  that  she  had  admired  before  she  saw 
her  lord. 

When  1  man  of  rank  wished  to  marry  his  son,  he 
sent  a  number  of  his  friends  with  presents  to  the; 

'!*  Ifenrrn,  ITist.  Geii.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iv.;  Landa,  Rdncion,  pp. 
1.34-fi,  140j  lirnsscurde  Bouvhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  61. 

'"  Torqwmada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  ton».  ii.,  p.  419;  Hquier's  Nicaragua,  (Eil. 
la'X),)  vol.  ii.,  p.  343. 

»•  Brasaetir  dc  Bourhouvg,  Hint.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  570. 

"  Brasseur  de  Bourhoiirg,  Hint.  Nat.  Civ.,  toin.  ii.,  p.  53.  '  Lo«  dotrs 
criin  de  vcHtidos,  y  cohoh  de  iwca  siistaiiciti,  lo  niiis  itc  gusUiua  en  loa  coiiilii- 
tes.'  Herrera,  Hint.  Gen.,  doc.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cnp.  iv. 

**  Oricdo,  Hist.  Cfii.,  toiii.  iv.,  p.  50;  Squier's  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  185fi,) 
vol.  ii.,  p.  343. 


PRELIMINARIES  OF  MARRIAGE. 


667 


parents  of  the  yoiin*^  girl  upor»  whom  his  choice  had 
tullen.  If  the  presents  were  refused  it  was  a  sign 
that  the  offer  of  alliance  was  declined,  and  no  farther 
steps  were  taken  in  the  matter;  but  if  they  were  ac- 
cepted it  showed  that  the  match  was  thought  a  desir- 
able one.  In  the  latter  case,  a  few  days  having 
elapsed,  another  embassy,  bearing  more  costly  gifts 
than  before,  was  dispatched  to  the  parents  of  the  girl, 
who  wore  again  asked  to  give  their  consent  to  the 
marriage.  Finally,  a  third  deputation  was  sent,  and 
this  generally  succeeded  in  satisfactorily  arranging 
the  affair.  The  two  families  then  commenced  to  treat 
each  other  as  relations,  and  to  visit  each  other  for  the 
purposes  of  determining  the  day  of  the  wedding  and 
making  preparations  for  the  event.  Among  the  lower 
classes  the  father  usually  demanded  the  bride  of  her 
parents  in  person.  It  was  customary  among  the 
Pi[)iles  of  Salvador  for  the  father  of  the  boy,  after 
having  obtained  the  consent  of  the  girl's  parents  to 
the  match,  to  take  her  to  his  house  when  she  was 
twelve  years  of  age,  and  his  son  fourteen,  and  there 
educate  and  maintain  her  as  if  she  were  his  own  child. 
In  return  he  was  entitled  to  her  services  and  those 
of  his  son,  until  they  were  able  to  sustain  themselves, 
and  of  a  suitable  age  to  marry.  The  parents  of  the 
couple  then  jointly  made  them  a  present  of  a  house 
and  gave  them  the  means  to  start  in  life.  Thereafter, 
if  the  young  man  met  his  father-in-law  in  the  street, 
he  crossed  to  the  other  side  of  the  way,  and  the  girl 
paid  the  same  courtesy  to  her  mother-in-law."* 

In  the  greater  part  of  Nicaragua  matches  were 
arranged  by  the  parents,  but  there  wore  certain  inde- 
pendent towns  in  which  the  girls  chose  their  husbands 
tVom  among  the  young  men,  while  the  latter  were  sit- 
ting at  a  feast.*' 

"  Ximenez,  Hist.  Ind.  Guat.,  pp.  204-0;  Brasseuv  de  Bourbourg,  Hiat. 
.Vat.  Civ.,  toin.  ii.,  pp.  569-71. 

"  Palacio,  Carta,  p.  78;  Squier'a  Cent.  Atner.,  p.  321. 

"  Gomara,  Hist.  lad.,  fol.  203;  Itcrrera,  Hint.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv., 
<'up.  vii.;  Spiier^s  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  1856,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  343. 


668 


THE  i-IAYA  NATIONS. 


rv  I''  vs! 


Mip:{M^lK 


I  have  already  alluded  to  the  fact  that  if  in  Gua- 
temala or  Yucatan  a  young  man  married  into  a  rank 
lower  than  his  own  he  lost  caste  in  consequence,  hence 
his  parents  were  the  more  careful  to  select  for  him  a 
bride  from  among  the  maidens  of  his  own  standing  in 
society.  Among  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan  when  the 
day  appointed  for  a  marriage  ceremony  arrived,  the 
invited  friends  assembled  at  the  house  of  the  bride's 
father,  where  the  betrothed  couple  with  their  parents 
and  the  officiating  priest  were  already  waiting.  For 
the  joyful  occasion  a  great  feast  was  prepared,  as  it 
was  customary  to  incur  a  large  expense  in  food  and 
wine  for  the  entertainment  of  invited  guests.  When 
all  were  present,  the  priest  called  the  bride  and 
bridegroom  with  their  parents  before  Imn  and  deliv- 
ered to  them  an  address  concerning  the  duties  of  the 
wedded  state.  He  then  offered  incense  and  certain 
prayers  to  the  gods,  concluding  the  ceremony  by  ask- 
ing a  blessing  from  heaven  for  the  newly  wedded 
couple.^  No  ceremonies  took  place  when  a  widow  or 
widower  was  married;  in  such  case  a  simple  repast  or 
the  giving  of  food  and  drink  one  to  another  yvus 
deemed  sufficient  to  solemnize  the  nuptials." 

It  was  customary  in  Guatemala,  when  all  prelimi- 
naries of  a  marriage  had  been  settled  and  the  day 
fixed  for  the  wedding,  for  the  bridegroom's  father  to 
send  a  deputation  of  old  women  and  principal  men 
to  conduct  the  bride  to  his  house.  One  of  those  sent 
for  this  purpose  carried  her  upon  his  shoulders,  and 
when  they  arrived  at  a  certain  designated  point  near 
the  bridegroom's  home,  she  was  met  by  other  men 
also  chosen  by  her  father-in-law,  who  offered  incense 
four  or  five  times  before  her  and  sacrificed  some  quail 
or  other  birds  to  the  gods,  at  the  same  time  givini;' 
thanks  for  her  safe  arrival.     As  soon  as  she  came  to 

<*  *  Haziase  vna  platica  de  como  ac  auia  tratadu,  y  niirado  aquel  casanii- 
cnto,  y  (jiic  qiiadraiia:  Iiecha  la  platica  el  Sacerdote  sahuiiiaua  la  casa;  y 
con  oraciones  bendezia  a  los  nouios,  y  quedauan  easados.'  Heirera,  Hist. 
Gin.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iv. 

"  lb.;  Limda,  Jiclacioii,  p.  142. 


MARRIAGE  CEREMONIES. 


969 


the  house  she  was  seated  with  much  ceremony  upon 
a  couch  covered  with  mats  or  rich  carpets;  immedi- 
ately a  number  of  singers  began  a  song  suited  to  the 
occasion;  musicians  played  on  their  instruments; 
dancers  came  forth  and  danced  before  her.*®  The 
consent  of  the  cacique  had  to  be  obtained  to  all  mar- 
riages that  were  celebrated  in  his  territory ;  before  the 
ceremony  the  priest  desired  the  young  man  and  his 
bride  to  confess  to  him  all  the  sins  of  their  past  life. 
No  person  was  allowed  to  marry  in  Yucatan  until  the 
rite  of  baptism  had  been  administered.*®  In  Gua- 
temala, if  the  betrothed  belonged  to  the  higher 
classes  of  society,  the  cacique  joined  their  hands 
and  then  tied  the  end  of  the  man's  mantle  to  a 
corner  of  the  woman's  dress,  at  the  same  time  advis- 
ing them  to  be  faithful  and  loving  toward  each  other. 
The  ceremony  ended,  all  partook  of  the  wedding  feast 
and  the  bride  and  bridegroom  were  carried  to  the 
house  intended  for  them,  upon  the  shoulders  of  some 
of  those  who  had  assisted  at  the  marriage ;  they  were 
then  conducted  to  the  bridal  chamber  and,  as  Xime- 
nez  tells  us,  received  instructions  from  two  of  the 
most  honored  old  women  respecting  certain  marital 
duties.* 

The  marriage  ceremonies  of  the  Pipiles  were  sim- 
ple and  unique;  matches  were  made  by  the  cacique 
and  carried  into  effect  under  his  direction.  At  the 
appointed  time  the  kinsfolk  of  the  bride  proceeded  to 
the  house  of  the  bridegroom,  whence  he  was  borne  to 
the  river  and  washed.  The  relatives  of  the  bride 
performed  the  same  act  of  cleansing  upon  the  person 
of  the  bride.     The  two  parties  with  their  respective 


^  'Llcgoda  d  casa,  luego  la  ponian  y  usentaban  en  un  tdlamo  bien  ade- 
rczado,  y  comcnzaban  graiides  bailes  y  cantares  y  otros  rcgocijoR  niuchoa, 
con  que  la  fiesta  era  niuy  solemne.'  Xinuinez,  Hist.  Ind.  Guat.,  p.  206; 
Brasscur  de  Bourboufff,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  570-1. 

** 'Sin  (51  ninguno  se  casaba.'  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  i.,  p.  183; 
Cogolludo,  Hist.  Ync,  p.  191;  Juarros,  Hist.  Guat.,  p.  196. 

^1*  '  A  la  noclie,  dos  inugcrcs  honradaa  y  viejas  nietianlos  en  una  pieza,  y 
•niscniibanloa  conio  liabian  de  haberse  en  el  niatrinionio.'  Ximenez,  Hist, 
Ind.  Guat.,  p.  206. 


670 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


charges  then  repaired  to  the  house  of  the  bride.  The 
couple  were  now  tied  together  by  the  ends  of  the 
blankets,  in  which  they  were  enfolded  naked  and  laid 
away — married."  After  the  ceremony  an  inter- 
change of  presents  took  place  between  the  relatives 
of  the  newly  married  couple  and  they  all  feasted  to- 
gether. 

Among  the  civilized  nations  of  Nicaragua,  when  a 
match  was  arranged  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  parents, 
some  fowls  were  killed,  cacao  was  prepared,  and  the 
neighbors  were  invited  to  be  present.  The  father, 
mother,  or  whoever  ^ve  away  the  bride,  was  asked  in 
presence  of  the  assembled  guests  whether  or  not  she 
came  as  a  virgin ;  if  the  answer  was  in  the  affirmative, 
and  the  husband  afterwards  found  that  she  had  been 
already  seduced,  he  had  the  right  to  return  her  to  her 
parents  and  she  was  looked  upon  as  a  bad  woman;  but 
if  the  parents  answered  that  she  was  not  a  virgin, 
and  the  man  agreed  to  take  her  for  a  wife,  the  marriage 
was  valid.*" 

When  they  were  to  be  united  the  cacique  took  the 
parties  with  his  right  hand  by  the  little  fingers  of 
their  left  hands  and  led  them  into  the  house  set  apart 
for  marriages,  leaving  them,  after  some  words  of  ad- 
vice, in  a  small  room,  where  there  was  a  fire  of  candle- 
wood.  While  the  fire  lasted  they  were  expected  to 
remain  perfectly  still,  and  not  until  it  was  burned  out 
did  they  proceed  to  consummate  the  marriage.  The 
following  day  if  the  husband  made  no  objection  in 
respect  to  the  girl's  virginity,  the  relations  and  friends 
assembled  and  expressed  their  gratification  with  loud 
cries  of  joy,  and  passed  the  day  in  feasting  and 
pleasure.^ 

31  Palacio  says  they  were  each  wrapped  in  a  new  white  mantle.  'Ain- 
1h)8  1o.-«  enbolvian  cada  qual  en  su  nianta  blanca  nueva.'  Carta,  p.  78.  Sec 
also  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  x.;  Squicr's  Cent.  Amrr., 
p.  H^3. 

3*  'Si  la  tonio  por  virgen,  y  la  lialla  corronipida,  desccha  la,  niaa  n<)(le 
otra  nianera.'  Goinara,  Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  263;  Ocieilo,  Hist.  Gen.,  tuni.  iv., 
p.  49. 

^  *Lo8  uovios  se  estdn  quedus,  niirando  c6nio  aquellapoca  tea  sc  quciiui: 


DROIT  DE  SEIGNEUR. 


671 


Notwithstanding  the  disgrace  attached  to  a  woman 
who  had  lost  her  virginity  before  marriage  and  con- 
cealed the  fact,  we  are  assured  by  Andagoya  that  in 
Nicaragua  a  custom  similar  to  the  European  'droit  du 
seigneur'  was  practiced  by  a  priest  living  in  the  tem- 
ple, who  slept  with  the  bride  during  the  night  pre- 
ceding her  marriage.^ 

A  widow  was  looked  upon  as  the  property  of  the 
family  of  her  deceased  husband,  to  whose  brother  she 
was  invariably  married,  even  though  he  might  have  a 
wife  of  his  own  at  the  time.  If  she  had  no  brother- 
in-law,  then  she  was  united  to  the  nearest  living  rela- 
tive on  her  husband's  side.**  In  Yucatan,  the  widow 
could  not  marry  again  until  after  a  year  from  her  hus- 
band's death.^ 

Monogamy  seems  to  have  been  the  rule  among  the 
Maya  nations,  and  many  authors  assert  positively  that 
polygamy  did  not  exist.  It  was  only  in  the  border 
state  of  Chiapas  that  the  custom  is  mentioned  by 
Remesal.  To  compensate  for  this,  concubinage  was 
largely  indulged  in  by  the  wealthy.  The  punishment 
for  bigamy  was  severe,  and  consisted,  in  Nicaragua, 

i  ucabada,  qucdan  casados  6  ponen  en  efetto  lo  domiis.'  Omedo,  ITist.  Gen., 
toil),  iv.,  p.  50.  *Kii  iMurieiidose  la  luiiibrc,  (|iie(lan  ciixuilos.'  Gomarn, 
Hist.  Iml.,  fol.  263;  Squier's  Nicuragun,  (Ed.  1850,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  343;  Boyle's 
Ride,  vol.  i.,  p.  273. 

34  'La  iiochc  diites  habia  dc  dortnir  con  la  novia  uno  que  tcnian  jior 
papa.'  Andagoija,  in  Navarretc,  Col.  de  Viages,  toni.  iii.,  p.  414;  Ifcrtrm, 
Hint.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  xii.  Uviedo  jierliaps  alludcM  to  tixia  cuit- 
toni  when  he  says:  'Muclios  hay  que  quicren  mas  las  corronipidas  que  no 
las  vircenes.'  Itist.  Gen.,  toni.  iv.,  p.  50;  Malte-Brun,  Precis  de  la  Geog., 
toni.  VI.,  p.  472. 

3i '  Coniunmentc  cstas  gcntcs  conipraban  la  nuigcr,  y  aquellos  denes  quo 
llevaban,  era  el  precio,  y  a.si  la  niugcr  jamas  volvia  &  casa  de  sus  padrc8 
aunque  enviudasc;  pon^ue  lue;;o  cl  horniano  del  nuicrto  la  toniaba  por  niu- 
ger  aunque  (Ifuese  casailo,  y  si  el  hermano  no  era  para  ello,  un  paricnte 
tenia  dcrccho  &.  ella.  Los  hijos  dc  lad  talcH  nui<;cre»  no  tcnian  por  dcudos 
il  los  tales  abuelos,  ni  li  los  dcnias  deudos  dc  las  niadrcs,  ]M>rque  la  cucnta 
de  su  pai'cntcsco  vcnia  por  linea  de  varoncs,  y  asi  no  tcnian  iinpcdinicntos 
])ara  uasarse  con  los  i>arientes  dc  sus  niadrcs,  csto  sc  cnticndc  para  contraer 
niatrinionio;  que  en  lo  denias  aniilltansc  y  querianse  unos  tl  otros.'  Xime- 
nez,Hist.  Ina.  Gunt.,  p.  207;  Las  Casaa,  in  Kitigshorough's  Mex,  Antiq., 
vol.  viii.,  p.  146;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  388;  Brasscur  de 
Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  671-2. 

'6  'No  «e  casavan  despucsde  viudos  un  afio,  por  no  conocer  honibrc  a 
mugcr  en  aqucl  ticnipo,  y  a  lo^  que  esto  no  guardavnn,  tcnian  jior  poco 
tcmplados  y  que  les  vcudriu  por  esso  alguu  luaL'  Landa,  Relacion,  p.  156. 


672 


THE  MAVA  NATIONS. 


of  baniHhment  and  confiscation  of  the  entire  property 
for  the  benefit  of  the  injured  wife  or  husband,  who  was 
at  liberty  to  marry  again,  a  privilef^e  which  was  not, 
however,  accorded  to  women  who  had  children.  Landa 
tells  us  that  the  Chichen  Itza  kings  lived  in  a  state  of 
strict  celibacy,  and  Diaz  relates  that  a  tower  was 
pointed  out  to  him  on  the  coast  of  Yucatan,  which 
was  occupied  by  women  who  had  dedicated  themselves 
to  a  single  life." 

With  their  loveless  marriages  it  was  fortunate  that 
divorce  could  be  obtained  on  very  slight  grounds.  I  n 
Yucatan,  says  Landa,  the  father  would,  after  a  final 
separation,  procure  one  wife  alter  another  to  suit  the 
tastes  of  his  son.  If  the  children  were  still  of  tender 
age  at  the  time  the  parents  separated,  they  were  left 
with  the  mother;  if  grown  up,  the  boys  followed  the 
father,  while  the  girls  remained  with  the  mother.  It 
was  not  unusual  for  the  husband  to  return  to  the  wife 
after  a  while,  if  she  was  free,  regardless  of  the  fact 
that  she  had  belonged  to  another  in  the  meantime.^ 
In  Guatemala  the  wife  couM  leave  her  husband  on 
the  same  slight  grounds  as  the  man,  and  if  she  re- 
fused to  return  to  him  after  being  requested  to  do  so, 
he  was  allowed  to  marry  again ,  she  was  then  consid- 
ered free,  and  held  of  no  little  consequence.     In  Nic- 


3T  Diaz,  Itiniraire,  in  Ternmix-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  13. 
'Todos  toman  niiichas  niiigeres,  einpero  viia  es  la  legitinia,'  says  Uomara, 
Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  263,  in  sfieaking  of  Nicarajgua.  'Coniunnientc  cudu  umi 
tiene  una  sola  inuger,  6  pocos  son  los  que  ticnen  mds,  ex9epto  los  prin9i- 
pales  6  el  que  puede  dar  de  comer  &  mds  mugeres;  6  los  ca^icpies  quanta» 
quieren.'  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iv.,  p.  37.  The  word  'miiger'  evidently 
means  women  who  lived  with  the  man,  the  wife  and  concubines,  fur,  on  i>. 
30,  it  is  stated  that  only  one  legitimate  wife  was  allowed.  The  punisli- 
ment  for  bigamy  helps  to  bear  this  out.  Villagutierre,  Hist,  Coiiq.  Itza,  pp. 
310,  499.  'Nuiica  los  yucattmeses  tomaron  mas  de  una.'  Landa,  Rdarion, 
pp.  142,  341.  This  view  is  also  taken  by  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yvc,  p.  193, 
wno  adds,  however:  'Contradize  Aguilar  en  su  informc  lo  de  vna  nui^'or 
sola,  diziendo,  que  tenian  muchas;'  but  this  may  refer  to  concubines. 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  55,  says:  'La  pluralit<5 
des  femmes  dtant  admises  par  la  loi,'  and  gives  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec. 
iv.,  lib.  X.,  cap.  iv.,  as  his  authority;  but  this  author  merely  refers  to  concu- 
binage as  being  lawful. 

M  Landa,  Relacion,  pp.  1.38-40.  'Tenian  grandes  pendencias,  y  muer- 
tes  sobre  ello,'  says  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iv.,  referring 
to  their  married  life. 


INTERCOURSE  OF  THE  SEXES. 


C78 


arasrua  the  husband  decided  whether  the   children 
were  to  remain  with  him  or  the  divorced  wife.* 

The  Mayas  seem  to  have  dealt  more  leniently  with 
adulterers  than  the  Nahuas.  In  Guatemala,  the 
married  man  who  committed  adultery  with  a  maiden 
was,  upon  complaint  of  the  girl's  relations,  compelled 
to  pay  as  a  fine  from  sixty  to  one  hundred  rare  feath- 
ers. It  generally  happened,  however,  that  the  friends 
of  the  woman  were  careful  to  keep  the  matter  secret, 
as  such  a  scandal  would  cause  great  injury  to  her 
future  prospects.  If  a  married  man  was  known  to 
sin  with  a  married  woman  or  a  widow,  both  were  for 
the  first  or  even  the  second  offence  merely  warned, 
and  condemned  to  pay  a  fine  of  feathers;  but  if  they 
persevered  in  their  crime,  then  their  hands  were 
bound  behind  their  backs,  and  they  were  forced  to 
inhale  the  smoke  of  a  certain  herb  called  tabacoyai/, 
which,  although  very  painful,  was  not  a  fatal  punish- 
ment. The  single  man  who  committed  adultery  with 
a  married  woman  was  obliged  to  pay  to  the  parents 
of  the  latter  the  amount  which  her  husband  had  paid 
for  her;  doubtless  this  fine  was  handed  over  to  the 
injured  husband,  who,  in  such  a  case,  repudiated  his 
wife.  It  sometimes  happened,  however,  that  the 
husband  did  not  report  tlie  matter  to  the  authorities, 
but  gave  his  unfaithful  wife  a  bird  of  the  kind  which 
was  used  in  sacrifices,  and  told  her  to  offer  it  to  the 
gods,  and,  with  her  companion  in  crime,  to  confess 
and  be  forgiven.  Such  a  husband  was  re<jfarded  as  a 
most  virtuous  and  humane  man.*"  A  noble  lady 
taken  in  adultery  was  reprimanded  the  first  time,  and 
severely  punished  or  repudiated  for  the  second  of- 
fence. In  the  latter  case  she  was  free  to  marry 
It  was  a  capital  crime  to  commit  adultery 


agam 


41 


"  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  60;  Las  Casas,  in  Kingnhorougli's 
Mrx.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  146;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hint.  Nat.  Civ., 
toin.  ii.,  p.  572. 

*"  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologitica,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol. 
viii.,  pp.  1.37-8. 

*'  lirasseur  de  Bourbovrg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  572. 
Vol.  II.   43 


m 

J 

III 


674 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


with  a  lord's  wife;  if  he  who  did  so  was  a  nohle, 
they  strangled  him,  but  if  he  was  a  plebeian,  they 
fluni^  him  down  a  precipice." 

Cofifolludo  says  that  among  the  Itzas  the  man  and 
woman  taken  m  adultery  were  put  to  death.  Tlio 
woman  was  taken  beyond  the  limits  of  the  town  to  a 
place  where  there  were  many  loose  stones.  There  she 
was  bound  to  a  post,  and  the  priest  who  had  jud<(ed 
her  having  cast  the  first  stone,  and  the  injured  hus- 
band the  second,  the  crowd  that  was  never  missing  on 
such  occasions  joined  so  eagerly  in  the  sport  that  the 
death  of  their  target  was  a  speedy  one.  The  male 
adulterer,  according  to  the  same  account,  was  also 
bound  to  a  post,  and  shot  to  death  in  the  same  man- 
ner with  arrows.** 

In  Vera  Paz,  incorrigible  adulterers  were  en- 
slaved." In  Nicaragua,  the  faithless  wife  was  re})u- 
diated  by  her  husband,  and  not  allowed  to  marry 
again,  but  she  had  the  right  of  retaining  her  dowry 
and  effects.  The  adulterer  was  severely  beaten  with 
sticks,  by  the  relations  of  the  woman  he  had  led 
astray.  The  husband  appears  to  have  taken  no  part 
in  the  matter.*"     In  Yucatan,  adultery  was  punished 

**  Torqueinada,  Monnrq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  387.  'Acontecioquexiirsc  vii 
Indio  contra  vn  Alcalde  de  sii  imcioii,  que  sin  pediinento  snyo  haiiui  ctisti<;ji(lo 
a  811  iniiger  jpur  ocliu  adulterius,  y  hecliolc  pagar  a  el  lu  condenacinn,  de  iiiii- 
nera  quo  aliende  de  sn  afrcnta,  le  lleuaua  bu  dinero.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen., 
dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  viii.  'Cuando  queria  que  la  inuger  se  huia  y  se  iba 
con  otro,  6  por  sencillas  ne  volvia  en  casa  de  sua  padres,  requerfala  cl  inurido 
que  volviese,  y  ai  no  qii'^ri;'*,  el  se  podia  casar  luego  con  otra,  porqiie  en  cste 
caso  las  mugeres  eran  (looiensas  y  libres.  Algunoe  sufrian  un  ano  a<;iinr- 
ddndolas;  pero  lo  tornun  en.'  casarse  luego,  porque  no  podian  vivir  sin  niii- 
geres,  d  causa  de  no  tencr  '^iiien  les  guisese  de  comer.'  Ximenez,  Hist.  Ind. 
Gnat,  p.  200. 

«3  Coffolludo,  Hint.  Yiic,  p.  699. 

**  'Quando  las  mugeres  eran  halladas  en  adulterio,  la  primera  vez  craii 
corregidas  de  palahra;  y  si  no  se  enmendalmn,  repudiiioanlas;  y  si  era 
Sefior,  hennano  6  pariente  del  Seiior  de  la  tierra,  luego  en  dejiinilola,  sc 
podia  casarse  con  quien  quisiere.  Losvasallos  Iiacian  tanibien  esto  lunchas 
veces,  pero  tenian  un  poco  de  mas  paciencia,  porque  las  corregian  dos  y 
cinco  veces,  y  llamaban  A  sus  parientes  para  que  las  reprehendiesen.  Pcni 
si  eran  incorregibles,  denunciaoan  ellas  delantc  del  Sefior,  el  cual  lus  man- 
daba  comparecer  ante  si  y  hacianlas  esclavas,  y  la  niisnia  pena  se  daba  :i  in» 
que  no  querian  hocer  vida  con  sus  mittidos.'  Ximenez,  Hist.  Ind.  Gun!.,  !>?• 
208-9. 

**  Oviedo  asserts  that  the  husband  avenged  his  own  honor.  The  Friar 
asks:    '^QuiS  pena  le  dau  al  adtiltero,  que  se  echa  con  la  muger  de  otro. 


ADULTEUY  AND  FORNICATION. 


675 


with  death.  According  to  Cogolludo,  offenders  of 
both  aexes  were  shot  to  death  with  arrows;  Landa 
tells  us  that  the  man  was  killed  with  a  stone  by  the 
husband  of  his  paramour,  but  the  woman  was  pun- 
ished with  disij^race  only.  It  is  said  that  in  nioru  an- 
cient times  adulterers  were  impaled  or  disemboweled. 
But  so  great  was  the  horror  in  which  the  Yucatecs 
held  this  crime,  that  they  did  not  always  wait  for 
conviction,  but  sometimes  punished  a  suspected  per- 
son by  binding  him,  stripping  him  naked,  shaving  off 
his  hair,  and  thus  leaving  him  for  a  time.*"  Among 
the  Pipiles  of  Salvador  he  who  made  advances  to  a 
married  woman,  and  did  nothing  worse,  was  banished, 
and  his  propoi'ty  was  conHscated.  The  adulterer,  if 
we  may  believe  Palacio,"  was  put  to  death;  Squier 
says  he  became  the  slave  of  the  dishonored  husband.** 

Simple  fornication  was  punished  with  a  fine,  to  be 
paid  in  feathers  of  a  certain  rare  bird,  which,  by  the 
laws  of  Vera  Paz  at  least,  it  was  death  to  kill  with- 
out express  permission,  as  its  plumage  formed  a  most 
valuable  article  of  trade  with  the  neighboring  prov- 
inces." But  if  any  complaint  was  raised,  such  as  by 
a  father  in  behalf  of  his  daughter,  or  by  a  brother  for 
his  sister,  the  seducer  was  put  to  death,  or  at  least 
made  a  slave."  In  Yucatan,  death  seems  to  have 
been  the  inevitable  fate  of  the  seducer." 

In  Guatemala  and  Salvador,  consummated  rape 
was  punished  with  death.     He  who  merely  attemj^ted 

The  Indian  answers:  'El  marido  della  rifie  con  ^1  6  le  da  de  palos;  pcro  no 
lomata.'  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  50.  Squier,  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  185(J,)  vol. 
ii.,  p.  343,  says  that  the  woman  was  also  severely  flog^d,  but  this  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  the  case.  Hec  Oomara,  Hist.  ImL,  lo\.  263;  Herrera, 
Hist.  Oen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii. ;  Boylt^s  Ride,  vol.  i.,  p.  273. 

**  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yue.,  p.  182;  Lattda,  Rdarion,  pp.  48,  17C;  Ter- 
naux-Compans,  in  Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voy.,  1843,  toni.  xcvli.,  p.  4^; 
Hertcva,  Hist.  Oen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  ii.;  Fancourfs Hist,  y'uc,  p.  117. 

"  Carta,  p.  80. 

*^Cent.  Amer.,p.  334. 

*»  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologttica,  MS.,  in  Kingsborough's  Mix.  Antiq., 
vol.  viii.,  j.n.  137,  144;  Torquemada,  Monarq.Ind.,  torn,  li.,  p.  387.  ^ 

*•  Las  Casas,  in  Kingsboroitgh's  Mex.  Anfiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  144;  Torque- 
tnada,  Monarq.  lad.,  toin.  ii.,  p.  388. 

"  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc.,  p.  182. 


''  ¥1 


I'M 


676 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


rape  was  enslaved."'  In  Nicaragua,  the  penalty  for 
this  crime  was  not  so  severe,  since  he  who  committed 
it  was  only  obliged  to  compensate  pecuniarily  the 
parents  of  his  victim;  though  if  he  could  not  do  tliis 
he  became  their  slave.  Ho  who  ravished  the  daughter 
of  his  employer  or  lord  was,  however,  always  put  to 
death.*"  Incest  is  said  to  have  been  an  unknown 
crime." 

Public  prostitution  was  tolerated,  if  not  encourasfed, 
among  all  the  Maya  nations.  In  every  Nicaraguan 
town  there  were  establishments  kept  by  public  women, 
who  sold  their  favors  for  ten  cocoa-nibs,  and  main- 
tained professional  bullies  to  protect  and  accomj)any 
them  at  home  and  abroad.  Parents  could  prostitute 
their  daughters  without  shame;  and  it  is  said,  further, 
that  during  a  certain  annual  festival,  women,  of  what- 
ever condition,  could  abandon  themselves  to  the  em- 
brace of  whomever  they  i)leased,  without  incurring 
any  disgrace."^  It  was  no  unusual  tiling  for  parents 
of  the  lower  orders  to  send  their  daughters  on  a  tour 
through  the  land,  that  they  might  earn  their  marriage 
poi-tion  by  prostitution.^ 

All  the  old  writers  aj)pear  anxious  to  clear  the  civi- 


^*  Las  Casas,  in  Kiiiqslioroiiffh^s  Mcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  144;  Torque- 
mada,  Mouarq.  Iiid.,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  388;  Hcrirrn,  Uist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib. 
viii.,  cap.  x. ;  Ptilacio,  Carta,  p.  82;  Siiuicr's  Vent.  Aiiier.,  p.  .S.34. 

*5  Ootnara,  Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  263;  Ovicdo,  Hist.  Oeii.,  toin.  iv.,  p.  51; 
Herrera,  Hist.  (?c».,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii. ;  Squier's  Nicaraqua,  (¥A. 
1856,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  343. 

^Ovicdo,  Hist.  Oen.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  .51;  Squier's  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  ISiid,) 
voi.  li.,  p.  343. 

5S  OiHcdo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  2.''>2,  316,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  .17,  51;  Gomara, 
Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  2G3-1;  Ilrrrern.  Hii!.  Gen.,  ilec.  iii.,  lil>.  iv.,  cap.  vii.; 
Muller,  Amerikanische  Urrdiijioiir.n,  p.  C63;  Squier's  Nicaragua,  (VA. 
1856,)  vol.  ii.,  pp.  ,34.1-4;  Bo)/le\i  Ride,  vol.  i.,  p.  273.  'Dailo  que  e  viilo 
que  en  otros  partes  de  las  Indian  usavan  del  ncfando  peccado  en  estoit  tales 
casas,  en  esta  tierra  ( Viicatan)  no  e  cntcndido  que  hizicsscn  tal,  ni  crcu  Iti 
hazian,  porquc  los  lla^'ados  dcHta  pcstilencial  niiseria  dizen  que  no  .son  aini- 
gos  de  mugcres  conio  cran  CHtoH,  ca  a  e.stos  higarcH  Uevavan  la>i  nuilaH  iiiii- 
gercs  publica.s,  y  en  cllos  usavau  dellas,  y  las  pobrcs  que  ciitie  csta  gento 
accrtava  a  toner  este  officio  no  obstante  que  recibian  dcllos  irualurdon, 
eran  tantos  los  iiio^o:-  que  a  cllas  acudian  quo  las  traian  acoHsadas  y  nuicr- 
tas."  Landa,  Jiclacioii,  p.  178. 

^  Andagot/a,  in  Navarrc/c,  Col.  de  Viujcs,  toni.  iii.,  p.  414;  Herreni, 
Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  v.,  ciU).  xii. ;  Squier's  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  1856,)  vol. 
ii,  p.  344;  Boyle's  Hide,  vol.  \.\  pp.  273-1. 


UNNATURAL  VICES. 


677 


s  civi- 


lized aborigines  from  the  charge  of  sodomy,  yet  the 
fact  that  no  nation  was  without  strict  laws  regarding 
this  unnatural  vice,  combined  with  the  admissions  re- 
luctantly made  by  the  reverend  fathers  themselves, 
seems  to  show  that  pederasty  certainly  was  not  un- 
known. Thus,  Las  Casas  says  that  sodomy  was 
looked  upon  as  a  great  and  abominable  sin  in  Vera 
Paz,  and  was  not  known  until  a  god,"  called  by  some 
Chin,  by  others  Cavil,  and  again  by  others  Maran,  in- 
structed them  by  committing  the  act  with  another 
deity.  Hence  it  was  held  by  many  to  be  no  sin,  in- 
asmuch as  a  god  had  introduced  it  among  them.  And 
thus  it  happened  that  some  fathers  gave  their  sons  a 
boy  to  use  as  a  woman;  and  if  any  other  approached 
this  boy  he  was  treated  as  an  adulterer.  Neverthe- 
less, if  a  man  committed  a  rape  upon  a  boy,  he  was 
punished  in  the  same  manner  as  if  he  had  ravished  a 
woman.  And,  adds  the  same  writer,  there  were  al- 
ways some  who  reprehended  this  abominable  custom.** 
[n  Yucatan  certain  images  were  found  by  Bernal 
Diaz  which  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  the  natives 
were  at  least  acquainted  with  stjdomy,"''  but  here 
again  the  good  father*  takes  up  the  cudgels  in  be- 


p.  51; 

1,  (Ed. 

.  18.56,) 

omara, 
vii.; 
(b:.l. 
c  viilo 
talcs 
crci>  Id 
)ii  aini- 
iiH  uni- 
jiiMite 
liirdoii, 
niuer- 

'^I'Tirrii. 
•>,)  vol. 


^7  A  dcmoM,  Los  Casas  calls  him,  but  tliesc  monks  spoke  of  all  the  New 
World  deities  as  'demons.' 

^^  Las  Casas,  in  Kingshoroufjh's  Mcx.  Aniiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  138.  Before 
this  he  writes:  '  Y  es  aqui  de  saber,  que  tenian  por  grave  ijecado  el  de  la 
Hotloinia  oomo  abajo  diremos,  y  comunmcntu  los  piidres  lo  aborrccian  y  pro- 
liibian  d  los  hijos.  Pero  por  caii»>a  de  que  fue»eu  instruidos  en  hi  religion, 
nianduvanlcs  dorn'iir  en  los  tcinji'os  donde  los  niozos  nmyorescn  aqiiel  vicio 
il  los  ninos  corronipian.  Y  tlcspucs  salidos  do  alii  mal  aeostunibrados,  di- 
licil  era  librarlos  de  aque)  vicio.  I'or  esta  causa  eran  los  padres  muy  soli- 
citos  de  casarlos  quan  nrcst'i  poilian,  por  los  apartar  de  aquclla  corrupcion 
vilissima  aunquo  casaltos  niucl-achos  contra  su  voluntad  y  forzados,  y  sola- 
nientc  por  aiiucl  rcspeto  lo  liacian.'  Id.,  pp.  LH-."). 

M  Cogolliido,  Hist.  I'lic,  p.   ISO. 

**  'Otro  acerrimo  infamador  de  cstas  nacioiies,  <|ue  Dios  Nuestro  Senor 
haya,  en  cuya  historia  crco  yo  que  tuvo  Dios  harto  poca  imrtc,  dixo  ser 
indicio  noto'rio  de  que  aquelhi).  giMites  eran  oontaminadas  del  vicio  nefando 
])or  haver  hallado  en  eierta  parte  de  aquella  tierra,  licchos  de  barro  ciertos 
ulolos  uuo  encinia  de  otro.  Como  si  entre  nucstros  pintores  6  ligidns  no  ne 
liiijii"  --ada  dia  tiguras  fcas  y  dedi versos actos,  que  no  hay  80|K'cha  por  nmlie 
"'  ,■!.•  ,  condcnarlos  todos  por  aqucllo,  haciendolos  reos  de  vicio  tan  indigno 
dc  sc  liablar,  no  carece  de  mo.y  culpable  tcnieridad,  y  asi  lo  que  ariba  dije 
fcngo  por  la  verdiwl,  y  lo  dcnias  por  falsos  testiinonios  dignos  de  divino  cas- 
tigo.'  Las  Casas,  iu  Kingsburough'n  Mcx.  A»Hq.,  vol.  vi;i.,p.  l47. 


678 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


In  Nicaragua  sodomites  were 


half  of  his  favorites 
stoned  to  death.®* 

The  desire  to  possess  children  seoms  to  have  been 
very  general,  and  many  were  the  prayers  and  oifer- 
ings  made  by  disappointed  parents  to  propitiate  the 
god  whose  anger  was  supposed  to  have  deferred  their 
hopes.  To  further  promote  the  efficacy  of  th«..i- 
prayers,  the  priest  enjoined  upon  man  and  wife  to 
separate  for  a  month  or  two,  to  adhere  to  a  simple 
diet,  and  abstain  from  salt.*^  Several  superstitious 
observances  were  also  regarded;  thus,  among  the 
Pipiles,  a  husband  should  avoid  meeting  his  father- 
in-law,  or  a  wife  her  mother-in-law,  lest  issue  fail 
them.^  These  observances  tend  the  more  to  ilhis 
trate  their  longing  to  become  parents,  since  the 
women  are  said  to  have  been  very  prolific.  Tlio 
women  were  delivered  with  little  difficulty  or  pain,®* 
yet  a  midwife  was  called  in,  who  attended  to  the 
motlier  s  wants,  and  facilitated  parturition  by  placing 
a  heated  stone  upon  the  abdomen.  In  Yucatan  an 
image  of  Ixchel,  the  goddess  of  childbirth,  was  ])laced 
beneath  the  bed.  Among  the  Pipiles  and  in  Guate- 
mala, the  woman  was  confessed  when  any  difficulty 
arose,  and  it  not  unfrequently  happened  that  an 
officer  of  justice  took  advantage  of  such  opportu- 
nities to  obtain  criminating  evidence.  If  the  wife's 
confession  alone  did  not  have  the  desired  etfect, 
the  husband  was  called  upon  to  avow  his  sins;  his 
maxtli  was  besides  laid  over  the  wife,  and  some- 
times blood  was  drawn  from  his  tongue  and  ojiis,  to 
be  scattered  towards  the  four  quarters  with  various 
invocations.®'     After  delivery  a  turkey  hen  was  ini- 


^ 


6'  Oi'icdo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  51j  Squier's  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  1856,) 
vol.  ii.,  p.  34.3. 

«*  'Que  comicRcn  cl  pan  seco  6  solo  maiz,  o  que  estuviesen  tantos  tliii^ 
en  el  oiiiiipo  nictidus  en  tilguna  cueva.'  Ximenez,  Hisl.  Ind.  Guut.,  ]>.  Vi'A- 

«•  Pidacio,  Carta,  |t.  78, 

*♦  In  V^era  Paz  'las  nuigcres  naren  conw  cabras,  niuchas  vezes  a  solus, 
tendidiis  en  el  sucio:  otra.s  por  los  caniinott,  y  luego  se  van  a  lauar  ul  lio.' 
Uerrcrn,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cuj).  xiv. ;  Lniida,  Rclnrioit,  )).  I!'-. 

^  'Lc  liazian  dezir  huh  pecados  i  si  no  paria,  liazia  que  hc  confcsase  ol 


CHILDBIRTH  AND  CIRCUMCISION. 


679 


molated,  and  thanks  rendered  to  the  deity  for  the 
happy  issue.  The  midwife  thereupon  washed  the 
child,  placed  a  bow  and  arrow  in  its  hands,  if  a  boy,  a 
spindle,  if  a  girl,  and  drew  a  mark  upon  its  right  foot, 
so  that  it  might  become  a  good  mountaineer. 

The  birth  of  a  son  was  celebrated  with  especial 
rejoicings,  and  extensive  invitations  issued  for  the 
feasts  that  took  place  on  or  about  the  day  when  the 
umbilical  cord  was  to  be  cut,"®  a  ceremony  which 
seems  to  have  borne  the  same  festive  character  as 
baptism  among  the  Nahuas  and  other  nations.  The 
ahgih,  astrologer,  wsis  asked  to  name  a  favorable  day 
for  the  rite.  The  cord  was  tlien  laid  upon  an  ear  of 
jjl  maize  to  be  cut  otf  with  a  new  knife  and  burned. 

The  grains  were  removed  from  the  cob  and  sown  at 
the  proper  season;  one  half  of  the  yield  to  bo  made 
into  gruel  and  form  the  first  food  of  the  child  aside 
from  the  mother's  milk,  the  other  half  to  be  sent  to 
the  ahgih,  after  reserving  a  few  grains  for  the  child 
to  sow  with  his  own  hands  when  he  grew  up,  and 
make  an  offering-  thereof  to  his  jfod.  At  the  same 
time  a  kind  of  circumcision  may  have  been  performod, 
a  rite  which  could  not,  however,  have  been  very  gen- 
eral, if  indeed  it  ever  existed,  for  Cogolludo  positively 
asserts  that  it  never  was  practiced  in  Yucatan,  and 
L  i!>.da  thinks  that  the  custom  of  slitting  the  foreskin, 
whiol}  the  devout  performed  before  the  idol,  may  have 
gjvo(^  rise  to  the  report.  Palacio  asserts  that  cer- 
tuiij  Indians  in  Salvador  are  known  to  have  scarified 
tiunitjclves  as  well  as  some  boys  in  the  same  manner."'' 

iiiar.'.  1  '.  '  .,i  no  pndin  con  er'.to,  si  havia  dicho  i  coiifesado  que  conofia  alf^uiio, 
iviir,  il  -.-u.sa  dc  iv\}wl  i  traiaii  de  hii  casa  la  inaiita  c  pafietcs  i  ctdTiola  li  la 
])reMada  piiratiiie  pariesc'  I'xiado,  Vurltt,  p.  70;  Las  Cuxns,  in  Kingsfio- 
roiiijICs  Mcx.  Aiiliq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  l.'V.). 

•*  It  would  seem  that  the  I'liild  reiiuiiiied  with  the  uavel-string  attached 
to  it  until  a  favorahle  day  was  selected  for  j)erforiiiini;  the  ceremony  of  cut- 
tiny  it.  'Euhahau  suertes  para  ver  (lue  dia  Hcria  Itneiio  i)ara  cortar  el  oni- 
1)li;j;o.'  And  further  on:  'Muchos  trious  de  in4lios  de  Centro- America  con- 
scrvau  hasta  hoy  al  naciniicnto  dc  un  nino  el  uso  dc  iiucmarle  el  oinblij^o; 
costiiiihrc  ImrUara  dc  que  mueron  muchos  ninos.'  This  would  indicate 
that  t'.io  cord  was  hurned  while  attached  to  the  infant.  Xiirfiifs,  Hist.  Ind. 
Gnat.,  pp.  103-4;  Torqwiwt  lit,  Mimnrq.  Inil.,  to:u.  ii.,  p.  44S. 

^'  in  Cczuri  'ciertoa  ludioa  idulutrarou  eu  un  niuntc  cu  sus  termiuos,  i 


i 


hi; 

m 


680 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


The  naming  of  the  child  was  the  next  import- 
ant affair.  Among  the  Pipiles  it  was  taken  to  the 
temple  on  the  twelfth  day,  over  a  road  strewn  with 
green  branches,®^  and  here  the  priest  gave  it  the  name 
of  its  grandfather  or  grandmother,  after  which  offer- 
ings of  cacao  and  fowl  were  presented  to  the  idol,  and 
some  gifts  to  the  xiiinister.  In  Guatemala  the  child 
was  named  after  the  god  to  whom  the  day  of  its  birth 
was  dedicated,  for  it  was  not  thought  desirable  to  call 
it  after  the  parents;  other  names  were,  however, 
applied  afterwards,  according  to  circumstances.®"  Las 
Casav  'i-\-h  that  the  parents  lost  their  name  on  the 
birth  «.r  first  sen  and  daua-hter,  the  father  beinyf 

called  '{^11.  c  of  Ek,'  or  whatever  might  be  the  name 
of  the  son,  and  the  m  )ther  receiving  the  cognomen  of 
'mother  of  Can,'  etc.™  The  Itzas  gave  their  children 
a  name  formed  of  the  combined  names  of  the  father 
and  mother,  that  of  the  latter  standing  first;  tlius,  in 
Canek,  can  is  taken  from  the  mother's  name,  ek  from 
the  father's.  In  Yucatan,  the  former  home  of  this 
people,  the  custom  was  almost  the  same,  exeej»t  that 
na  was  prefixed  to  the  names  of  the  parents;  thus, 
Na-Chan-Chel  denoted  son  of  Chel  and  Chan,  but  as 
the  name  of  the  father,  according  to  Landa,  was  jxn- 
petuated  in  the  son  only,  not  in  the  daughter,  it  fol- 

entre  ellos  que  uno  se  harp6  i  hcndid  su  nrcnbro,  i  que  circuncidiiron 
quutro  niuchuclios  ile  ilozc  ufius  iiiini  urrilia  ill  uso  judaico,  i  la  Haiii;rc  i|Hu 
salio  (Icllns  la  sacrilicaroii  d  iin  iilolo.'  Palacio,  Cartn,  i).  84.  'Se  liarpavaii 
el  Huperlhio  del  iiiicnibro  ver^on<;oso,  dcxaiidolo  coino  las  orcjas,  dc  lo  qiial 
se  eimafiocl  liistoriador  {general  dc  laa  Iiulias,  dizieiidoquc  8e  circuincidian.' 
Landa,  Rclarioii,  pp.  162-3.  'Ni  aqucUos  Keli;;iosos  DoniinicoH,  iii  el 
Obispo  de  Cliinpa,  liazicndo  tan  particular  iiiquisicion,  liazcn  inenioriu  dc 
aucr  hallado  tal  uosa. . .  .los  Indios,  ni  cstos  tioncn  tradicion  de  que  v.-sumscu 
tal  costumbre  sus  ascend ientcs.'  Corfollwlo,  Hint.  Yiin.,  p.  191.  'Tlicy  'are 
Circumcised,  but  not  all.'  Peter  Mnrtj/r,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  i.  Circumcision  was 
'un  usai^  general  dans  1' Yucatan,  observe  de  temps  immemorial:  elle  etait 
pratiquce  sur  les  petits  cnfants  dcs  Ics  premiers  jours  de  leur  uaissance.' 
lirnsseur  de  liourbounf,  J/int.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  51.  This  jmsitive  and 
isolated  assertion  of  the  Abbd  must  be  founded  upon  some  of  his  MSS.,  as 
usual. 

M  'Cortarban  ramos  verdcs  en  quo  pisase.'  Palacio,  Carta,  p.  7fl. 

69  Brassour  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  568,  refers  only 
to  the  first-born.  'Dabanlc  el  nonibre  del  Dia,  en  que  liavia  nacido,  o 
Begun  lo  quo  precedib  en  su  Naciniiento.'  Torquciiuida,  Monarq.  JiuL,  torn. 
ii.,  p.  448.  Xiiticnez,  Hint.  lad.  Guat.,  p.  193. 

1^  Hut.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  clxxix. 


NAMING  THE  CHILDREN. 


681 


lows  that  the  girl  could  not  have  been  named  in  the 
same  order;  it  is  possible  that  the  mother's  name  was 
placed  last,  and  served  as  surname  in  their  case.  In 
later  years  this  name  was  not  usually  imposed  until 
the  time  of  baptism ;  but  in  earlier  times  a  distinctive 
name  was  given  by  the  priest  at  the  time  of  taking 
the  horoscope,  shortly  after  birth.  The  name  of  the 
father  was  borne  till  the  marriage  day,  the  names  of 
both  parents  being  assumed  after  that  event.''^  On 
the  conclusion  of  the  above  ceremonies,  the  Guate- 
malan or  Pipile  infant  and  mother  were  taken  to  a 
fountain  or  river,  near  a  fall  if  possible,  to  be  bathed, 
and  during  the  bath  incense,  birds,  or  cacao  were 
offered  to  the  water,  api)arently  with  a  view  of  gain- 
ing the  good  will  of  the  god  of  that  element.  The 
utensils  which  had  served  at  the  birth,  such  as  warm- 
ing stone,  cups,  and  knife,  were  thrown  into  the  water 
at  the  same  time." 

The  mothers  were  good  and  patient  nurses,  suck- 
ling their  infants  for  over  three  years,  for  the  habit  of 
taking  warm  morning  drinks,  the  exercise  of  grinding 
maize,  and  the  uncovered  bosom,  all  tended  to  pro- 
duce large  breasts  and  an  abundant  supply  of  milk. 
(Otherwise  the  children  received  a  hardy  training, 
clothing  being  dispensed  with,  and  the  bare  ground 
serving  for  a  couch.  When  working,  the  mother  car- 
ried them  on  her  back;  in  Yucatan,  however,  they 
were  usually  borne  across  the  hip,  and  for  this  reason 

larufe   number   became  bow-le<2f<red.      Landa   also 


a 


•'of-i" 


mentions  anotlier  deformity,  that  produced  by  lioad- 


''i  'A  sns  hijos  y  hijas  sicnipre  llaniavan  del  nombre  del  padre  y  do  la 
madre,  el  del  padre  coiiio  propin  y  de  la  inadre  apellativo.'  Tlio  i)re-hap- 
tisinal  name  \vas  abandoned  wlion  the  father's  name  aHSunicd.  I.iuiila, 
Rdacion,  pp.  13(5,  1!)4.  Only  the  few  who  were  destined  to  reeeive  the 
baptism  obtained  the  distinctive  name.  Meilrl,  in  Nourr.lks  Annal<:i  tks 
Vol/.,  1813,  toni.  xcvii.,  pp.  44-5;   ViUagulicrrc,  Hist.  Coiiq.  Ilzit,  p.  489. 

"  Torqurmada,  Mnnarq.  Ind.,  toni.  ii.,  p.  448.  I'alacio,  Carta,  p.  76, 
states  that  tliis  ceremony  was  ]>erformcd  after  the  twelfth  day,  and  that  the 
mother  only  was  taken  to  be  bathed.  Jfi'rrcra,  Hist.  Gen. ,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii., 
<':ip.  X.,  aiid  Sqidur^s  Cent.  Amer.,  p.  33.'1;  Jirasseur  tie  liourbourg,  Hist. 
Xat.  Civ.,  torn.  iL,  p.  568. 


682 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


flattening,  whicli  is  to  be  noticed  on  the  sculptures 
of  the  Maya  ruins." 

It  is  related  by  all  the  old  Spanish  historians,  that 
when  the  Spaniards  first  visited  the  kingdom  of  Yu- 
catan they  found  there  traces  of  a  bajjtisnial  rite ;  and, 
strangely  enough,  the  name  given  to  this  rite  in  the 
language  of  the  inhabitants,  was  zihil,  signifying  'to 
be  born  again.'  It  was  the  duty  of  all  to  have  their 
children  baptized,  for,  by  this  ablution  they  believed 
that  they  received  a  purer  nature,  were  protected 
against  evil  spirits  and  future  misfortunes.  I  have 
already  mentioned  that  no  one  could  marry  unless  he 
had  been  baptised  according  to  their  customs;  they 
held,  moreover,  that  an  unbaptised  person,  whether 
man  or  woman,  could  not  lead  a  good  life,  nor  do  any- 
thing well.  The  rite  was  administered  to  children  of 
b 'th  sexes  at  any  time  between  the  ages  of  three  and 
twelve  3'^ears.  When  parents  desired  to  have  a  child 
baptised  they  notified  the  priest  of  their  intentions. 
The  latter  then  published  a  notice  throughout  the 
town  of  the  day  upon  which  the  ceremony  would  take 
place,  being  first  careful  to  fix  upon  a  day  of  good 
omen.  This  done,  the  fathers  of  the  children  wlio 
were  to  be  baptised,  selected  five  of  the  most  honored 
men  of  the  town  to  assist  the  ])riest  during  the  cere- 
mony. These  were  called  chacs.''*  During  the  three 
days  preceding  the  ceremony  the  fathers  and  assist- 
ants fasted  and  abstained  from  women.  When  the 
appointed  day  arrived,  all  assembled  with  the  children 
who  were  to  be  baptised,  in  the  house  of  the  giver  of 
the  feast,  who  was  usually  one  of  the  wealthiest  of 
the  parents.  In  the  courtyard  fresh  leaves  were 
strewn,  and  there  the  boys  were  ranged  in  a  row  in 
charge  of  their  godfathers,  while  in  another  row  weie 


w  'Allniuirles  las  f rentes  y  cabepon.'    'Comunmentc  todos  estevndos, 

porque villi  aliorcnjudos  en  los  qiiadriles.'  Lamia,  Belacion,  pp.  l!)"J-4, 

112;  Jniirron,  Hist.  Uuaf.,  p.  195. 

"*  C/iiic  or  Chann,  was  the  title  ^ivcii  to  certain  laymen  who  were  cIihIciI 
to  nHsist  the  priest  in  some  of  his  reiijrious  duties.  Also  the  iiiinic  of  a 
divinity,  protector  of  the  water  and  harvests.   See  Lamia,  Il-lnrU>ii,  p.  4S."). 


BAITISMAL  CEUEMONIES. 


the  girls  with  their  godmothers.  The  priest  now  pro- 
ceeded to  purify  the  house  with  the  object  of  casting 
out  the  devil.  For  this  purpose  four  benches  were 
placed  one  in  each  of  the  four  corners  of  the  court- 
yard, upon  Avhicii  were  seated  four  of  the  assistants 
holding  a  long  cord  that  passed  from  one  to  the  other, 
thus  enclosing  part  of  the  yard ;  within  this  enclosure 
were  the  children  and  those  fathers  and  officials  who 
had  fasted.  A  bench  was  placed  in  the  centre,  upon 
which  the  priest  was  seated  with  a  brazier,  some 
ground  corn,  and  incense.  The  children  were  directed 
to  approach  one  by  one,  and  the  priest  gave  to  each  a 
little  of  the  ground  corn  and  incense,  which,  as  tfiey 
received  it,  thev  cast  into  the  brazier.  When  this 
had  been  done  by  all,  they  took  the  cord  and  brazier, 
with  a  vessel  of  wine,  and  gave  them  to  a  man  to 
carry  outside  the  town,  with  injunctions  not  to  drink 
any  of  the  wine,  and  not  to  look  behind  him;  with 
such  ceremony  the  devil  was  expelled.'"  The  yard 
was'then  swept  clean,  and  some  ler.ves  of  a  tree  called 
cihom,  and  of  another  called  cojjo,  were  sclittered  over 
it.  The  priest  now  clothed  himself  in  long  gaudy- 
looking  robes,  consisting,  according  to  Landa,  of  a 
jacket  of  red  feathers  with  flowers  of  various  colors 
embroidered  thereon;  hanging  from  the  ends  wore 
other  long  feathers,  and  on  his  head  a  coronet  of 
j)lumes.  From  beneath  the  jacket  long  bands  of 
cotton  hung  down  to  the  ground.  In  his  hand  he 
held  some  hyssop  fastened  to  a  short  stick.  The 
chacs  then  put  white  cloths  upon  the  children's 
heads  and  asked  the  elder  if  they  had  committed 
any  sins;   such  as  confessed  that  they  had,  were  then 


"  Who  was  selected  to  take  the  wine,  brazier,  and  cord  outside  tlie  town, 
or  what  he  did  witii  it  afterwards,  we  are  not  told.  (Joi^oUiido  says:  'I)a- 
han  i\  vn  Indio  vn  vaso  del  vino  mie  aeostunihrahan  l)eber,  y  enihiaoaiilc 
fiiera  del  Piichlo  con  el,  niandandmc,  (|ue  ni  lo  bebiesse,  ni  niirasse  atriis, 
con  <iue  crcian  quedalta  totalinente  cxpulso  el  dcnionio.'  Ili.sf.  Vw.,  p.  1{)I. 
'En  un  viiso  eiiviaban  vino  fucra  del  pueblo,  con  orden  al  indio  que  no  lo 
lieiiiese  ni  niirase  atras,  y  con  csto  pensaban  que  luibian  ecliado  al  denio- 
nio.'  Vrytin,  Jlist.  Aiit.  31  J.,  tout,  i.,  p.  18.3;  Jlcrreru,  Hint.  Gen.,  dcc.iv., 
lib.  .\.,  cap.  iv. 


I'  III 


684 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


placed  apart.  The  priest  then  ordered  the  people  to 
sit  down  and  be  silent;  he  next  blessed  the  boys,  and 
offeriiii^  up  some  prayers,  purified  them  with  the  hys- 
sop with  much  solemnity.  The  principal  officer  who 
had  been  elected  by  the  fathers,  now  took  a  bone, 
and  having  dipped  it  in  a  certain  water,  moistened 
their  foreheads,  their  features,  and  their  finij^ers  and 
toes.'"  After  they  had  been  thus  sprinkled  with 
water  the  priest  arose  and  removed  the  cloths  from 
the  heads  of  the  children,  and  then  cut  off  with  a 
stone  knife  a  certain  bead  that  was  attached  to  the 
head  from  childhood;  they  were  then  given  by  one  of 
the  assistants  some  flowers  to  smell,  and  a  pipe 
through  which  they  drew  some  smoke,  after  which 
they  were  each  presented  with  a  little  fot>d,  and  a 
vessel  full  of  wine  was  brouLjht  as  an  oflferinjr  to  the 
gods,  who  were  entreated  to  receive  it  as  a  thanks- 
giving from  the  boys;  it  was  then  handed  to  one  of 
the  officials,  who  had  to  drink  it  at  one  draught.  A 
similar  ceremony  took  place  with  the  female  childten, 
at  the  conclusion  of  which  their  mothers  divested 
them  of  a  cord,  which  was  worn  during  their  child- 
hood, fastened  round  the  loins,  having  a  small  shell 
that  hunef  in  front.  The  removal  of  this  sijjnified 
that  they  could  marry  as  soon  as  their  parents  per- 
mitted." The  children  were  then  dismissed,  and 
their  fathers  distributed  presents  among  those  who 
had  assisted  at  the  ceremony.  A  grand  banquet 
called  emku,  or  'the  descent  of  god,'  was  then  held, 
and  during  the  nine  succeeding  days  the  fathers  of 
the  children  fasted,  and  were  not  to  approach  their 


wives, 


78 


76  'Esta  agiia  hazian  de  ciertas  flores  y  de  cacao  inniado  y  desleido  con 
agiia  virgcn  que  cllos  dczian  traida  de  los  concavuss  dc  los  arbolcs  o  dc  los 
iiiontcs.'  Laiida,  Relacioii,  p.  150. 

77  'Los  varoncillos  usavanlcs  sicmpre  poner  pegada  a  la  ca1)e9a  en  los 
cabcllos  de  la  eoronilla  una  contezuela  ulanca,  y  a  las  muchachas  traiaii 
ccriidiiB  iior  las  renes  niuy  abaxo  con  un  cordel  delgado  y  en  el  una  con- 
chuela  asida  que  les  veuiu  a  dar  cncima  de  la  parte  honesta,  y  deltas  dos 
cosa«  era  entre  ellos  pcccado  y  cosa  muy  fea  quitarla  de  las  mochachas 
antes  del  baptismo.'  Landa,  Relar.ion,  pp.  144,  146. 

78  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  says  they  leastcd  nine  days:    'Tous  ensemble, 


DOMESTIC  DISCIPLINE. 


685 


The  Nicaraguan  husbands  are  said  to  have  been  so 
much  under  the  control  of  their  wives  that  they  were 
obliged  to  do  the  housework  while  the  women  attended 
to  the  trading.  The  latter  were,  moreover,  great 
shrews,  and  would  on  the  slightest  provocation  drive 
their  offending  husbands  out  of  the  house;  we  are 
told  that  it  was  no  unusual  occurrence  for  the  neigh- 
bors to  be  suddenly  called  in  to  appease  some  unfor- 
tunate man's  Xantippe.'*  The  women  of  Yucatan 
were  renowned  for  their  modesty  and  conjugal  faith- 
fulness. Landa,  one  of  the  first  bishops  of  Yucatan, 
relates  an  anecdote  illustrating  this  trait.  Alonso 
Lopez  de  Avila,  during  the  war  against  Bacalar,  took 
prisoner  a  very  beautiful  Indian  girl.  Struck  by  her 
beauty  the  captor  endeavored  by  all  means  to  induce 
her  to  gratify  his  desires,  but  in  vain.  She  had  prom- 
ised her  warrior-husband,  who  during  those  perilous 

prfitres  et  parents,  festoyaicnt  apr^s  cela,  pendant  nenf  jours,  les  pfercs 
etmit  obli<^(;s,  diirnnt  cet  intervalle,  dc  s'abstciiir  de  leurs  feiiinics.'  Hist. 
Xnl.  Oil'.,  toin.  ii.,  p.  52.  He  appears  to  liavc  misunderstood  CojjoUudo,  to 
wlioin  he  refers,  since  that  author's  words  are,  'acabando  la  fiesta  en  ban- 
({uetcs,  y  en  los  nuevc  dins  si4;uieiitcs  no  auiaii  de  Uegar  a  sus  niugeres  los 
padres  de  los  ninos.'  Hist.  Vw.,  p.  191.  'Allende  de  los  tres  dias  que  se 
avia,  coino  por  ayno,  absteaido,  se  avia  dc  abstener  nueve  mas  y  lo  liazian 
iiiviolableinente.  Landa,  Jivlarion,  p.  154.  See  further:  Veylia,  Hist.  Ant. 
Mrj.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  182-3;  Ddn'lu,  Teatro  Edes.,  toni.  i.,  p.  205;  Laet,  Novua 
Of^is,  p.  272;  Ternaiix-Compans,  in  Nouvelles  Annales  ties  Voij.,  1843, 
torn,  xevii.,  pp.  44-5. 

"i^  Aiidugoi/a,  in  Navarrctc,  Col.  de  Viaj'cs,  torn,  iii.,  p.  414;  Herrera, 
Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  xii. ;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen., 
toni.  iv.,  pp.  39,  61,  103;  Malte-Briin,  Pricis  de  la  Oiog.,  torn,  vi.,  p.  472; 
Goinara,  Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  263,  .  In  Guatemala  'il  est  i\  rcmarnuer  ici  que 
quand  il  s'agit  simultanement  d'hommes  ct  de  fcmmes  dans  le  discours,  les 
fcinines  out  presque  toujours  la  prusdance  sur  les  honimes.'  'C'cst  peut-6tre 
en  nicmoire  de  la  m^rc  de  Hun-Alipu  que  les  femnies-chefs  en  bicn  des  con- 
trees  devaient  leurs  prerogatives.'  Brassciir  dc  Bourboiirg,  J'opol  Vuh,  pp. 
93-4.  In  Yucatan  tne  women  'son  zclosas  y  algunas  tanto  que  ponian  las 
inanos  a  las  de  (juien  tcnian  zelos,  y  tan  colcricas,  cnojadas,  aunque  harto 
niansas,  que  solian  dar  buclta  de  pelo  algunas  a  los  maridos  con  hazerlo 
cllos  nocas  vezes.'  Laiidn,  Rr/nrioii,  ])p.  188,  190.  The  women  of  Yucatan 
hail.  However,  their  duties  to  perform.  'Son  grandes  travajadoras  y  vivi- 
doras,  porque  deltas  cuclgan  los  mayorcs  y  mas  trabajos  de  la  sustentacion 
dc  sus  ca.sas  y  educacion  dc  sus  liijos,  y  pnga  dc  sus  tributos  y  con  todocsso 
si  cs  mencster  llevan  algunas  vezes  mayor  carga,  labrando  y  sembrando  sus 
niautcnimientos.  Son  a  maravilla  grangeras,  velando  de  n(  m  cl  rate  quo 
de  servir  sus  casas  les  qucda,  ycndo  a  los  mercados  a  comprar  y  vender  sua 
cosillas.' The  women  joined  and  aided  one  another  in  the  work,  as  weav- 
ing, etc.  'Elles  avaient  leurs  saillics  et  leurs  Imns  mots  pour  railler  ct 
conter  des  avcntures  ct  par  moment  aussi  pour  murmurer  de  leurs  maris.* 
Id.,  p.  190. 


!i     ;  t; 


itiii 


686 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


times  was  constantly  face  to  face  with  death,  that 
none  but  he  should  ever  call  her  wife;  how  then, 
while  perhaps  he  yet  lived,  could  she  become  anoth- 
er's mistress.  But  such  arguments  did  not  quench 
the  Spaniard's  lust,  and  as  she  remained  steadfast,  he 
ordered  her  to  be  cast  among  the  bloodhounds,  who 
devoured  her — a  martvr  at  the  hands  of  the  men  who 
pretended  to  preach  Jesus  Christ,  and  him  crucified.* 

M  Landa,  Bdacion,  p.  186. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


FEASTS   AND    AMUSEMENTS    OF   THE    MAYAS. 

Special  Observances  —  Fixed  Feasts  —  Sacrifice  of  Slaves- 
Monthly  Feasts  of  the  Yucatecs  — Renewal  of  the  Idols 
—Feast  of  the  Chacs  —  Hunting  Festival  — The  Tuppkak— 
Feast  of  the  Cacao-Planters— War  Feast— The  Maya  New 
Year's  Day— Feasts  of  the  Hunters,  Fishers,  and  Apiarists 
—Ceremonies  in  honor  of  Cukulcan  —  Feast  of  the  Month 
OF  MoL  — Feast  of  the  Years  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  and  Cauac— 
YucATEC  Sacrifices— The  Pit  of  Chichen  —  Sacrifices  of  the 
PiPiLEs  —  Feast  of  Victory— Feasts  and  Sacrifices  in  Nicar- 
agua-Banquets—Dances— Musical  Instruments— Games. 


Though  the  information  concerning  the  feasts,  reH- 
gious  and  otherwise,  of  the  Maya  nations,  is  not  so 
full  as  that  touching  the  Nahuas,  yet  there  is  no 
doubt  that  the  former  people  were  quite  as  fond  of 
such  matters  as  the  latter. 

The  Quiches  had  many  festivals  and  special  observ- 
ances, in  some  of  which  the  whole  people  took  part, 
while  others  were  performed  by  private  persons 
through  excess  of  piety.  They  always  made  a  sacri- 
fice before  commencing  any  work  of  importr  -  f 
There  were  four  special  things  for  which  they  be- 
sought the  gods;  namely,  long  life,  health,  progeny, 
and  the  necessaries  of  life.  They  had  particular  ora- 
tories where  they  went  upon  occasions  of  great  dis- 
tress, and  drew  blood  from  several  parts  of  their  body. 
When  they  desired  to  have  sons  they  sacrificed  at 

(687) 


► 


088 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


fountains.  They  had  oratories  in  thick  groves,  and  if 
they  found  a  spot  where  a  larji^o  tree  grew  over  a 
spring,  they  held  the  phice  to  l)p  divine,  because  two 
divinities  met  in  the  tree  and  in  the  i)ool.* 

The  religious  feasts  in  which  all  the  people  took 
part  were  held  on  certain  fixed  days  of  the  calendar. 
One  of  their  most  notable  and  solemn  festivals  was 
more  a  time  of  penance  and  vigil  than  of  feasting. 
When  the  season  of  its  celebration  ajjproached,  the  loid 
of  a  province  with  the  principal  men  held  a  council  and 
sent  for  a  diviner,  and  advised  with  him  concerning  the 
day  upon  which  the  sacrifice  should  take  ])lace.  The 
wise  man  at  once  began  his  sorceries,  and  cast  lots  in 
order  to  ascertain  what  day  would  be  the  most  propi- 
tious. When  the  day  was  fixed,  all  men  had  from  that 
time  to  sleep  in  hou.ses  apart  from  their  wives  during 
a  period  of  sixty  or  eighty  days,  or  even  longer,  ac- 
cording to  the  severity  demanded.  Upon  each  of  these 
days  every  one  had  to  offer  sacrifice  by  drawing  1 '  od 
from  his  arms,  thighs,  tongue,  and  other  parts  "s 
body.  This  they  did  at  certain  hours  of  the  di.^.  ^ 
night,  and  also  burned  incense.  They  could  not  bathe 
while  the  observances  lasted.  From  the  day  when 
this  lent  began,  the  slaves  who  were  to  be  sacrificed 
were  allowed  a  certain  freedom,  and  permitted  to  go 
about  the  town  wheresoever  they  pleased.  On  the 
neck  of  each,  however,  was  fastened  a  ring  of  gold, 
silver,  or  copper,  through  which  a  stick  was  passed, 
and  as  a  further  precaution  against  escape  each  was 
accompanied  by  a  guard  of  three  or  four  men.  They 
were  at  liberty  to  enter  any  house,  whether  it  was 
that  of  the  supreme  lord  or  of  the  poorest  man,  and 
wherever  they  applied  for  food  or  drink  it  was  given 
them.  The  same  liberty  was  accorded  to  the  guard. 
When  the  day  of  sacrifice  arrived,  the  high-priest 
attired  hjmself  in  his  finest  vestments.     These  con- 

•  'Los  universalcs  sacrificios  se  ofrecian  ordinariamcntc  ciiando  vcnian 
las  fiestas,  las  ciialcs  habia  en  iinas  provincias  cinco,  y  ca  otras  scis,  6  su 
ofrecian  por  neccsidad  particular,  por  uno  de  estos  dos  respectos.'  Ximcnez, 
Hist  Jna.  Ouat.,  p.  177;  Las  Casas,  Sist.  Apologitica,  MS.,  cap.  clxxix. 


SACRIFICIAL  TESTIVALS. 


689 


sinted  of  certain  cloaks,  with  crowns  of  ^old,  silver, 
<»r  other  metal,  adorned  with  precious  .stones.  The 
idols  were  placed  upon  a  frame  ornamented  with  gold, 
silver,  and  jljoius,  and  decked  with  roses  and  other 
Howors.  The  slaves  were  then  brought  in  procession 
to  the  temple  yard  amid  songs,  music,  and  dancing; 
and  the  idols  were  set  upon  altars,  before  which  were 
the  sacrificial  stones.  As  the  holir  of  sacrifice  drew 
near,  the  supreme  lord,  and  principal  men  with  him, 
repaired  to  the  room  where  the  slaves  were  waiting; 
each  then  seized  his  slave  by  the  hair  and  carried  him 
before  the  god,  crying  with  a  loud  voice:  O  God  our 
Lord,  remember  thy  servants,  grant  them  health,  off- 
spring, and  prosperity,  so  that  they  may  increase  and 
serve  thee.  Give  us  rain,  O  Lord,  and  seasonable 
weather  to  support  us,  that  we  may  live,  hearken  to 
our  prayers,  aid  us  against  our  enemitv ,  give  us  com- 
fort and  rest.  On  reaching  the  altar  tiie  sacrificing 
priest  stood  ready,  and  the  lord  placed  the  victim  in 
his  hands.  He  then,  with  his  ministers,  opened  the 
hreast  with  the  sacrificial  knife,  tore  out  the  heart 
and  offered  it  to  the  idol,  at  the  same  time  anointing 
it  with  the  blood.  Each  idol  had  its  holy  table;  the 
Sun,  the  Moon,  the  East,  the  West,  the  North,  and 
the  South  had  each  one.  The  heads  of  the  sacrificed 
were  put  on  stakes.  The  flesh  was  seasoned,  cooked, 
and  partaken  of  as  a  holy  thing.  The  high-priest 
and  supreme  lord  were  given  the  hands  and  feet,  as 
the  most  delicate  morsels,  and  the  body  was  distrib- 
uted among  the  other  priests.  All  through  the  days 
of  the  sacrificing  great  liberty  was  permitted  to  the 
people,  grand  banquets  were  held,  and  drunken  revels 
ensued.' 


II  I 


II 11 


' '  Aquel  dia  era  lihcrtado  pam  hacer  grandes  banqiietes  y  borracheras, 
y  aai  86  mataban  iiifinitas  aves,  iiuicha  caza  y  vinos  inuy  difcrciites,  liacian 
■nuchas  danzas  y  bailes  en  prescncia  dc  loa  idolos.  Duraluiu  aqiiestas 
fietitas,  tre8,  cinco  y  Bicte  diaa,  segun  lo  que  ordenaban  los  ininistros,  y  lo 
deciiin  cunudo  habian  de  comenzar.  En  cstoa  dias,  en  cada  turde  andaban 
en  nrocesion  con  grandes  cantos  y  nn^sicas,  llcvando  al  idolo  jMir  las  callcs 
y  plazas,  y  donde  habia  lugar  preeminente,  hacian  altares  v  ponian  mesas, 
y  ulli  paraban,  y  como  nosotros  representanios  farsas,  asi  elfos  jugabau  d  la 
Vol.  II.    44 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS, 


Concerning  the  religious  feasts  u,nd  observances  of 
the  Yucatecs,  Landa  is  the  best  and  most  complete 
authority,  and  I  will  therefore  take  from  his  work 
such  scattered  notices  as  he  gives. 

In  the  month  of  Chen  they  worked  in  fear  and 
trembling,  making  new  idols.  And  when  these  were 
finished,  those  for  whom  they  were  made  gave  pres- 
ents of  the  best  they  had  to  those  who  had  modeled 
and  carved  them.  The  idols  were  then  carried  from 
the  building  in  which  they  had  been  made  to  a  cabin 
made  of  I'^aves,  where  the  priest  blessed  them  with 
much  solemnity  and  many  fervent  prayers,  the  artists 
having  previously  cleansed  themselves  from  the  grease 
wi+h  which  they  had  been  besmeared,  as  a  sign  of 
fasting,  during  the  entire  time  that  they  remained  at 
work.  Having  then  driven  out  the  evil  spirit,  and 
burned  the  sacred  intense,  the  newly  made  images 
were  placed  in  a  basket,  enveloped  in  a  linen  cloth, 
and  delivered  to  their  owners,  who  received  them 
with  every  mark  of  respect  and  devotion.  The  priest 
then  addressed  the  idol-makers  for  a  few  moments 
on  the  excellence  and  importance  of  their  profession, 
and  on  the  danger  they  would  incur  by  neglecting  the 
rules  of  abstinence  while  doing  such  sacred  work. 
Finally,  all  partook  of  an  abundant  repast,  and  made 
amends  for  their  long  fast  by  indulging  freely  in  wine. 

In  one  of  the  two  months  called  Chen  and  Yax,  on 
a  day  determined  by  the  priest,  they  celebrated  a  feast 
called  ocna,  which  means  the  renovation  of  the  tem- 
ple in  honor  of  the  Chacs,  whom  they  regarded  as 
the  gods  of  the  fields.  During  this  festival,  they  con- 
sulted the  oracle  of  the  Bacabs.^  This  feast  was  cel- 
ebrated every  year.  Besides  this,  the  idols  of  baked 
clay  and  the  braziers  were  renewed  at  this  season, 
because  it  was  customary  for  each  idol  to  have  its  own 
little  brazier,  in  which  incense  was  burned  before  it; 

pelota  delante  de  sua  dioses.'  Ximencz,  Hist.  Ind.  Giiat.,  p.  187;  Las  Casm, 
Hisf.  Apolugetica,  MS.,  cap.  clxxvii. 

3  The  manner  in  which  this  was  done  will  be  described  elsewhere  in 
this  chapter. 


FESTIVALS  OF  ZAC  AND  MAC. 


691 


work, 
made 
wiue. 
ax,  on 
feast 
e  teiu- 
led  as 
y  con- 
■is  oel- 
baked 
season, 

re  it; 

%s  Cnsns, 
kvhcrc  in 


and,  if  it  was  necessary,  they  built  the  god  a  new 
dweUing',  or  renovated  the  old  one,  taking  care  to 
])lace  on  the  walls  an  inscription  commemorating  these 
things,  in  the  characters  peculiar  to  them. 

In  the  month  of  Zac,  on  a  day  appointed  by  the 
priest,  the  hunters  held  a  feast  similar  to  that  which,  as 
we  shall  presently  see,  took  place  in  the  month  of  Zip. 
This  was  for  the  purpose  of  averting  the  anger  of  the 
gods  from  them  and  the  seed  they  had  sown,  because 
of  the  blood  which  had  been  shed  in  the  chase;  for 
they  regarded  as  abominable  all  spilling  of  blood,  ex- 
cept in  sacrifice.*  They  never  went  olit  to  hunt  with- 
out first  invoking  their  gods  and  burning  incense  be- 
fore them ;  and  on  tlieir  return  from  a  successful  hunt 
they  always  anointed  the  grim  visages  of  the  idols 
with  the  blood  of  the  game.  On  another  day  of  this 
month  a  great  feast  was  held,  which  lasted  for  ti.ree 
days,  attended  with  incense-burning,  sacrifices,  and 
general  orgies.  But  as  this  was  a  movaI)le  feast,  the 
priests  took  care  to  give  notice  of  it  in  advance,  in 
order  that  all  might  observe  a  becoming  fast. 

During  the  month  of  Mac,  the  old  people  celebrated 
a  feast  in  honor  of  the  Chacs,  goda  of  the  cornfields, 
and  of  another  deity  named  Yzamna.  Some  days 
before  this  the  following  ceremony,  called  in  their  lan- 
guage tuppkak,^  was  observed.  Having  brought 
together  all  the  reptiles  and  beasts  of  the  field  that 
could  be  procured  in  the  country,  they  assembled  with 
them  in  the  court  of  the  tem})le,  in  the  corners  of 
which  were  the  chacs  and  the  })riests,  to  drive  away 
the  evil  spirit,  each  having  by  his  side  a  jug  filled 
with  water.  Stjiiiding  on  end,  in  tlie  centre,  was  an 
enormous  bundle  of  dry  and  fine  wood,  whidi  was  set 
on  fire  after  some  incense  had  been  burned.     As  the 


♦  Te  qui,  d'accord  avcc  diver?  nntre^  indiros,  niintiiircniit  hien  (jue  I'cf- 
fii><i()n  dii  8UII};,  ct  Hiirtoiit  dii  snug  liiiiuiiiii,  duim  Ich  HaorilicoH,  etait  d'ori- 
ftint't^rangerc,  nahiiiitl  probaltlenient,'  lirassrur  de  Bourbourg,  in  Lantln, 
liilacion,  p.  247. 

'  Meaning  'aueni^hinK  of  fire.'  lirasunir  dc  fiourboitrg,  in  Landa,  Re- 
InrioH,  p.  254.     Vzanina  is  otlierwiM;  called  Zannid. 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


wood  burned,  the  assembled  crowd  vied  with  each 
other  in  tearing  out  the  hearts  of  the  victims  they 
had  brought  with  them  and  casting  them  into  the 
flames.  If  it  had  been  impossible  to  procure  such 
large  game  as  jaguars,  pumas,  or  alligators,  they 
typified  the  hearts  of  these  animals  by  incense,  which 
they  threw  into  the  fire;  but  if  they  had  them,  they 
were  immolated  like  the  rest.  As  soon  as  all  the 
hearts  were  consumed,  the  chacs*  put  out  the  fire 
with  the  water  contained  in  theii  pitcher^.  The  ob- 
ject of  this  feast  and  of  that  which  folio  ,»ed  was  to 
obtain  an  abundance  of  water  for  their  cornfields  dur- 
ing the  year.  This  feast  was  celebrated  in  a  different 
manner  from  others,  because  no  one  fasted  before  it, 
with  the  exception  of  the  beadle  (munidor)  of  the  oc- 
casion. On  the  day  of  the  feast  called  tuppkak,  the 
people  and  the  priests  met  once  more  in  the  court- 
yard of  the  temple,  where  was  erected  a  platform  of 
stone,  with  steps  leading  up  to  it,  the  whole  tastefully 
decorated  with  folia;jce.  The  priest  gave  some  incense 
to  the  beadle,  who  burned  in  a  brazier  enough  to 
exorcise  the  evil  spirit.  This  done,  the  first  step  of 
the  platform  was  with  great  solemnity  smeared  with 
mud  taken  from  a  well  or  cistern;  the  other  8tej)s 
were  stained  a  blue  color.  As  usual,  they  ended 
these  ceremonies  by  eating  and  drinking  and  makini^ 
merry,  full  of  confidence  in  the  efficacy  of  their  rites 
and  ceremonies  for  this  year. 

In  the  month  of  Muan  the  cacao -planters  held  a 
festival  in  honor  of  the  gods  Ekchuah,  Chac,  and 
Hobnil,  who  were  their  patron  deities.'  To  solemnize 
it,  they  all  went  to  the  plantation  of  one  of  their 
number,  where  they  sacrificed  a  dog  having  a  spot  on 
its  skin  of  the  color  of  cacao.     They  burned  incense 

•  This  word  rhacs,  which  befot"!  was  interpreted  as  the  'cods  of  tlip 
cornfields,'  probably  here  means  tlie  priests  of  tiiose  deities.  In  u  former 
chapter  we  nave  seen  the  word  applied  to  those  who  assisted  at  the  riti-  of 
baptism. 

T  '  Ekchunh,  evrit  ailleurs  Echnah,  <itait  le  patron  dcs  marchaniU  et  iia- 
turcllenicnf.  dvsuai'uos,  niarchandise  et  iionnaie  &  iafois.'  Brasseurde  Hour- 
bourg,  in  Landu,  RelacioH,  p.  261. 


rites 


d  a 
aiul 
inize 
thoir 
ot  oil 
ense 

of  the 
foriiior 
ritf  of 

et  111*- 
liiiiir- 


WAK-FEAST  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  PAX. 


098 


to  their  idols,  and  made  offerings  of  blue  iguanas, 
feathers  of  a  particular  kind  of  bird,  and  game. 
After  this  they  gave  to  each  of  the  officials*  a  branch 
of  the  cacao-plant.  The  sacrifice  being  ended,  they 
all  sat  '^.own  to  a  repast,  at  which,  it  is  said,  no  one 
was  allowed  to  drink  more  than  three  glasses  of  wine. 
All  then  went  into  the  house  of  him  who  had  given 
the  feast,  and  passed  the  time  pleasantly  together. 

In  the  month  of  Pax,  a  feast  was  held,  called 
Pacumchac,  which  was  celebrated  by  the  nobles  and 
priests  of  the  villages,  together  with  those  of  the 
great  towns.  Having  assembled,  they  passed  five 
nights  in  the  temple  of  Cit  Chac  Coh,"  praying  and 
offering  incense.  At  the  beginnins;  of  these  five 
days,  they  went  all  together  to  the  house  of  the  gen- 
oral  of  their  armies,  whose  title  was  Nacon,  and 
carried  him  in  state  to  the  temple,  where,  having 
l)laced  him  on  a  seat,  they  burned  incense  before  him 
as  though  he  had  been  a  god.  But  though  they 
prayed  during  these  five  nights,  they  did  not  by  any 
means  fast  in  the  day-time,  but  ate  and  drank  plenti- 
fully, and  executed  a  kind  of  grand  war-dance,  which 
they  called  holkan  okot,  which  is  to  say,  'dance  of 
the  warriors.'  The  five  days  being  passed,  the  real 
business  of  the  feast  began,  which,  as  it  concerned 
matters  of  war  and  victory,  was  a  very  solemn  affair. 
It  was  commenced  witli  ceremonies  and  sacrifices 
similar  to  those  already  described  as  taking  place  in 
the  month  of  Mac.  Then  tlie  evil  spirit  was  expelled 
in  the  usual  manner,  after  which  were  more  prayers, 
offerings,  and  incensing.  While  all  this  was  going 
on,  the  nobles  once  more  took  the  Nacon  upon  their 
shoulders,  and  carried  him  in  procession  round  the 
temple.      On   their   return  a  dog  was  sacrificed,  its 

'  'OflfSciales;'  this  may  mean  officiating  pricBts,  or  oversenrs  on  the 
|>!antations,  or  almost  anytliinu  else. 

*  'Cit  parait  6tre  une  sorte  ue  cochon  sauva^rc;  chac  est  le  nom gcnt'riqHO 
•Ics  dieux  de  la  pluie,  des  campagnes,  des  fruits  de  la  tcrre,  etc.  Coh  est 
li'  |>uma  oil  ".ion  aindricain;  suivant  d'autres,  chac-coh  est  le  leopard.'  lirnn- 
siiir  de  Bourboiirg,  in  Lanilu,  Itclncion,  p.  '265, 


lii 


^m 


.  ^i'. 


if 

'lift?  ii>' 


,ii .  I 


694 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


heart  being  torn  out  and  presented  to  the  idol  be- 
tween two  dishes.  Every  one  present  then  shattered 
a  large  jug  filled  with  some  beverage,  which  com- 
pleted this  part  of  the  festival.  The  usual  banquet  fol- 
lowed, after  which  the  Nacon  was  again  placed  upon 
the  shoulders  of  the  nobles  and  carried  to  his  house. 
There,  the  nobles  and  priests  partook  of  a  grand 
banquet,  at  which  all  got  drunk,  except  the  Nacon; 
the  people,  meanwhile,  returning  to  their  homes.  On 
the  morrow,  having  slept  off  the  effects  of  the  wine, 
the  guests  of  the  Nacon  received  from  him  large  pres- 
ents of  incense  which  had  been  previously  blessed. 
He  also  took  advantage  of  this  opportunity  to  deliver 
a  long  discourse,  in  which  he  recommended  his  hear- 
ers to  observe  scrupulously  in  both  town  and  country 
the  feasts  of  the  gods,  in  order  to  obtain  a  prosperous 
and  abundant  year.  As  soon  as  the  Nacon  had  fin- 
ished speaking,  there  was  a  general  and  noisy  leave- 
taking,  and  the  guests  separated,  and  set  out  for  their 
respective  homes.  There  they  occupied  themselves  in 
celebrating  the  festivals  proper  to  the  season,  keeping 
them  up  sometimes  until  the  month  of  Pop.  These 
feasts  were  called  Zabacilthan,  and  were  observed  as 
follows.  The  people  of  each  place  or  district  sought 
amongr  the  richest  of  their  number  for  some  who  were 
willing  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  celebration,  and 
recommended  them  to  take  the  matter  into  considera- 
tion, because  it  was  customary  to  make  merry  during 
the  three  last  months  of  the  year.  This  having  been 
settled,  all  met  in  the  house  of  one  of  these  prominent 
men,  after  having  driven  away  the  evil  spirit  as  usual. 
Copal  was  burned,  offerings  were  made,  and  the  wine- 
cup,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  chief  attraction  on 
these  occasions,  was  not  neglected.  And  all  through 
these  three  months,  the  excesses  in  which  the  people 
indulged  were  pitiful  to  see;  cuts,  bruises,  and  eyes 
inflamed  with  drink  were  plentiful  amongst  them;  to 
gratify  their  passion  for  drink  they  cast  themselves 
away. 


THE  MAYA  NEW  YEAR'S  DAY. 


695 


During  the  last  five  days  of  the  month  of  Cumhu, 
which  were  the  last  days  of  the  year,  the  people  sel- 
dom went  out  of  their  houses,  except  to  place  offer- 
ings in  the  temples,  with  which  the  priests  bought 
incense  to  be  burned  in  honor  of  the  gods.  They 
neither  combed  their  hair  nor  washed  themselves  dur- 
ing these  five  days;  neither  men  nor  women  cleansed 
themselves;  they  did  no  work  of  any  kind  lest  some 
misfortune  should  befall  them. 

The  first  day  of  the  month  of  Pop,  the  Maya  New 
Year's  Day,  was  a  season  of  rejoicing,  in  which  all  the 
nation  took  part.  To  give  more  importance  to  the 
event,  they  renewed  at  this  time  all  the  articles  which 
they  used,  such  as  plates,  cups,  baskets,  clothes,  and 
the  dresses  of  the  idols ;  they  swept  their  houses  and 
cast  everything  into  the  place  where  they  put  their 
rubbish;  and  no  one  dared  to  touch  what  was  cast 
away,  even  though  greatly  in  need  of  it.  To  prepare 
for  this  feast,  princes,  priests,  and  nobles,  and  all  who 
wished  to  show  their  devotion,  fasted  and  abstained 
from  their  wives  for  la  longer  or  shorter  periixl,  some 
for  three  months  preceding  it,  some  for  two,  accord- 
ing to  their  ideas  of  propriety,  but  none  for  less 
than  thirteen  days.  During  this  season  of  abstinence, 
they  ate  their  meat  unseasoned,  which  was  considered 
severe  discipline.  At  this  time,  also,  they  elected  the 
officers  who  were  to  assist  the  priest  at  the  ceremony. 
The  priest  prepared  a  number  of  little  balls  of  fresh 
incense  on  small  boards  made  for  the  purpose,  for 
those  who  fasted  to  burn  before  the  idols.  Great  care 
was  taken  not  to  break  thy  fast  after  it  had  been  once 
commenced ;  for  if  this  were  done  it  was  thought  that 
misfortune  must  inevitablv  ensue. 

New  Year's  Dav  haviniif  arrived,  all  the  men  assem- 
bled  in  the  courtyard  of  the  temple.  Women  could 
assist  at  no  feast  which  was  celebrated  witliin  the 
temple,  except  those  who  went  to  take  i)art  in  par- 
ticular dances;  on  other  occasions,  however,  the 
women  were  allowed  to  be  present.     On  the  day  in 


M 


O 


'  c  !^ 


SM 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


question  the  men  came  alone,  adorned  with  paint,  and 
cleansed  from  the  grease  with  which  they  had  been 
bedaubed  during  the  days  of  penance.  When  all 
were  assembled,  with  offerings  of  food  and  newly 
fermented  wine,  the  priest  purified  the  temple  and 
seated  himself  in  the  centre  of  the  court,  clothed  in 
his  robes  of  office,  tad  having  by  his  side  a  brazier 
and  the  balls  of  incense  before  mentioned.  After  thu 
evil  spirit  had  been  expelled,  all  present  offered  up 
prayers,  while  the  assistants  kindled  the  new  fire  for 
the  year.  The  priest  now  cast  one  of  the  balls  of 
incense  into  the  brazier,  and  then  distributed  the 
remainder  among  the  assembled  worshipers.  The 
nobles  came  first  in  the  order  of  their  rank,  and  as 
each  received  a  ball  from  the  priest,  who  gave  it  with 
great  solemnity,  he  dropped  it  gently  into  the  brazier 
and  stood  still  until  it  was  consumed.  The  inevitable 
banquet  and  orgies  terminated  the  ceremonies.  This 
was  the  manner  in  which  they  celebrated  the  birth  of 
the  new  year.  During  the  month,  some  of  the  most 
devout  anions^  them  repeated  the  feast  in  their  own 
homes,  and  this  was  particularly  done  by  the  nobles 
and  priests,  who  were  ever  foremost  in  religious  ob- 
servances. 

During  the  month  of  Uo  the  priests  and  sorcerers 
began  to  prepare  for  a  festival  called  pocam,  which 
was  solemnized  by  the  hunters  and  fishers  on  the  sev- 
enth day  of  the  next  month,  which  was  Zip.  Havin«^ 
assembled,  clothed  in  their  ornaments,  at  the  house  of 
the  prince,  they  expelled  the  evil  spirit,  and  then 
uncovered  their  books  and  exposed  them  upon  a 
carpet  of  green  leaves  and  branches,  which  had  l)een 
prepared  for  this  purpose.  They  next  invoked  with 
reverence  a  deity  named  Cinchau  Yzamnu,  who  had 
been,  they  said,  the  first  priest.*"    To  him  they  offered 

'*  ' Cinchau- Yzamnd  est  wne  orthographe  erron^,  si  I'oii  eii  juge  apros 
lea  lemons  pr«5c^deiite8;  c'est  prol)al)lciiieiit  line  iiiauvaisc  abreviatioii  ilc 
Kinich-AliHU-Ytzamnd,  doniie,  d'aillciirs,  coinine  I'invciiteiir  des  Icttres  ct 
de  rdcritnrc,  raiitenr  de  tons  Ics  nonis  iniposds  an  Yucatan.'  Jirasseiir  (If 
Bourbourg,  in  Lunda,  Jiclacion,  pp.  'J8I-.5. 


FESTIVITIES  IN  YUCATAN. 


697 


various  gifts,  and  burned  balls  of  incense  in  his  honor. 
In  the  meantime  others  took  a  vessel  and  a  little 
verdigris  with  some  pure  water,  which  had  to  be  pro- 
cured from  a  wood  into  whose  recesses  no  woman  had 
ever  penetrated.  They  now  cleaned  the  leaves  of 
their  books  by  moistening  them ;  this  done,  the  wisest 
among  them  opened  a  volume  and  examined  the  pros- 
pects of  the  coming  year,  which  he  declared  aloud  to 
all  present.  He  concluded  with  a  brief  discourse,  in 
which  he  advised  them  how  to  avoid  coming  evils. 
Jollity  now  reigned  and  the  wine  flowed  freely — a 
consummation  which  many  of  the  old  priest's  hearers 
had  doubtless  been  long  looking  forward  to  impa- 
tiently. The  solemnities  on  this  occasion  were  varied 
at  times  by  performing  a  dance  called  okot  nil. 

On  the  following  day  the  doctors  and  sorcerers  with 
their  wives  came  together  in  the  house  of  one  of  their 
number.  The  priests,  having  driven  away  the  evil 
spirit,  brought  to  view  their  medicine-bags,  in  which 
they  kept  a  immber  of  charms,  some  little  images  of 
Ixchel,  goddess  of  medicine,  from  whom  the  feast 
was  named  ihcil  ixchel,  and  some  small  stones  called 
<tm,  which  they  used  in  their  sorceries.  Then  with 
great  devotion  the  doctors  and  sorcerers  invoked  the 
gods  of  medicine,  Yzanina,  Citbolontum,  and  Ahau 
Chamahez,  while  the  priests  burned  incense,  and  the 
assistants  painted  themselves  blue,  the  color  of  the 
books  used  by  the  priests.  Bearing  their  medicine 
bags  in  their  hands,  they  then  joined  in  a  dance 
called  chantunyab,  after  which  the  men  seated  them- 
selves in  a  row  on  one  side,  and  the  women  on  the 
other;  a  day  was  appointed  for  holding  tut.  Feast  dur- 
ing the  ensuing  year,  and  then  the  usual  drunken 
orgies  commenced.  It  is  said  that  the  priests  ab- 
stained from  wine  on  this  occasion,  perhaps  because 
the  women  were  present;  but  they  took  tlieir  share, 
nevertheless,  and  reserved  it  for  a  more  private  op- 
portunity. 

On  another  occasion  the  hunters,  with  their  wives. 


m 


698 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


assembled  in  the  house  of  one  of  their  number,  and 
performed  there  certain  ceremonies.  The  first  pro- 
ceeding was,  of  course,  to  expel  the  evil  influence; 
then  the  priests,  who  were  never  absent  from  these 
meetings,  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  room  some  in- 
cense, a  brazier,  and  some  blue  coloring  material. 
Next,  the  huntsmen  prayed  with  great  devotion  to 
the  gods  of  the  chase,  Acanum,  Zuhuy  Zipi,  Tabai, 
and  others,  and  cast  incense  into  the  brazier.  While 
this  was  burning,  each  took  an  arrow  and  a  deer's 
head,  which  the  priest's  assistants  had  painted  blue; 
thus  equipped,  some  danced,  holding  hands;  others 
pierced  their  ears  or  their  tongue,  and  passed  througli 
the  holes  which  they  made  seven  leaves*  of  an  herb 
called  etc.  Then  priests  and  their  assistants  made 
offerings  to  the  gods  and  joined  in  the  dance.  Fi- 
nally, the  festivities  closed  by  all  present  becoming, 
to  quote  the  words  of  Bishop  Landa,  'as  drunk  as 
baskets.' 

The  next  day  it  was  the  turn  of  the  fishermen  to 
celebrate  a  feast,  which  they  did  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  hunters,  except  that  instead  of  a  deer's  head, 
they  smeared  their  fishing  implements  with  color; 
neither  did  they  pierce  their  ears,  but  cut  round  about 
them,  and  after  doing  this  they  executed  a  dance 
called  cJwhom.  Then  they  consecrated  a  large  tree, 
which  they  left  standing.  After  the  fetist  had  been 
duly  celebrated  in  the  towns,  it  was  customary  for 
the  nobles  and  many  of  the  people  to  go  down  to  the 
coast  on  a  grand  fishing  expedition.  The  patron  di- 
vinities of  the  fishermen  were  Ahkak  Nexoi,  Ahpua, 
Ahcitz,  and  Amalcum." 

"  'C'etaient  \h  sans  donte  les  dieux  de  la  pficlic,  h  propos  desqiicls  Co- 
c^lludo  dit  les  imrolcs  siiivuntes:  "On  dit  aiissiiqiie  bien  apres  la  conciuete, 
les  Indicns  de  la  ))rovinec  <le  Titzimin,  quund  ils  allaicnt  {iCclicr  Ic  loiijj;  <lc 
la  c6tc  de  Ciiotlci),,  avant  dc  sc  nicttrc  a  la  p6clic,  conunen^-iiiciit  par  des 
sacrifices  et  des  oblations  a  Iciirs  faux  dieiix,  leur  otl'rant  des  chandcllcs,  des 
rdaux  d'argent  et  des  cuzvnn,  qui  sont  leurs  i^nieraudes,  et  d'autres  pierres 
prdcieuses,  en  certain  endriiits,  an  ku  et  oratoires  qui  se  voient  encore  dans 
les  bras  <le  mer  (estuaires)  et  les  la<rHnes  saldes  qu  il  y  a  sur  cette  c6te  vor.-- 
le  Rio  de  Lagartos."^  {Hist.  Yur.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  iv.);  Brusseiir  de  Bum- 
hourg,  in  Landa,  Relacion,  pp.  292-3. 


FEAST  OF  THE  APIARISTS. 


699 


In  the  month  of  Tzoz,  the  apiarists  prepared  for 
a  feast  which  was  to  take  place  in  the  next  month, 
called  Tzec,  by  a  fast,  which  was,  however,  optional 
with  all  except  the  priests  who  were  to  officiate,  and 
their  assistants.  The  day  of  celebration  having  ar- 
rived, the  participants  came  together  in  the  house  of 
him  who  gave  the  feast,  and  performed  nearly  the 
same  ceremonies  as  the  hunters  and  fishermen,  except 
that  they  drew  no  blood  from  their  bodies.  The  ap- 
iarists had  for  their  patron  deities  the  Bacabs,  and 
particularly  Hobnil.  They  made  many  propitiatory 
offerings  at  this  time,  especially  to  the  four  gods 
of  abundance,  to  whom  they  presented  four  dishes 
adorned  with  figures  of  honey.  The  usual  drunken 
bout  was  not  omitted. 

After  the  mysterious  departure  of  Cukulcan,"  the 
Maya  Quetzalcoatl,  from  Yucatan,  the  })eople,  con- 
vinced that  he  had  gone  to  the  abode  of  the  gods, 
deified  him,  and  built  temples  and  instituted  feasts 
in  his  honor.  These  latter  were  scrupulously  (ob- 
served throughout  the  entire  country  up  to  the  time 
of  the  destruction  of  Mayapan;  but  after  that  event 
they  were  neglected  by  all  the  provinces  but  that 
of  Mani."  In  remembrance,  liowever,  of  the  respect 
shown  of  old  to  Cukulcan,  these  provinces  sent  annu- 
ally, by  turn,  to  Mani  four  or  five  magnificent  feather 
banners,  which  were  used  in  the  ceremonies  there. 
On  the  sixteenth  day  of  the  month  of  Xul,  all  the 
nobles  and  priests  of  Mani,  being  jorepared  by  fast 

•*  '  Ciiculean,  ^crit  qiielquefoiH  Kukiilcan,  vient  ile  kiik,  oiacaii  qui  parait 
6tre  Ic  ni6iiie  que  Ic  quetzal;  hou  dutcriniuatif  cnt  kukul  ({ui  uiii  ii  run,  ser- 
pent, fait  exacteinent  le  nieinc  nu)t  que  Quetzal  Cohiiatl,  Herj)eiit  aux 
plumes  vertes,  ou  tie  (.Quetzal.'  Urasscur de  Bourbourg,  in  Landa,  lldacion, 
p.  35. 

1*  'La  province  tie  Mani  avait  ete  colonisee  par  Ics  Tutul-XiuB,  dont 
I'originc  (5tait  toltfeijue  ou  naliuatl ;  les  fOtes  de  Kukulcan  se  bornaut  h 
cettc  province  aprbs  la  destruction  tic  Mayapan,  nc  laisscnt  ]ioint  tie  <loutc 
Hur  I'origine  dc  ce  persunnagc,  et  donnent  lieu  de  pcnser  que  le  rcste  du 
Yucatan,  tout  en  venerant  jusqu'ii  un  certain  point  ce  niytlie  ou  ce  pro- 
plifete,  avait  gard^  au  fond  la  religion  qui  avuit  pnjcc<le  celle  dc«  Toltfeques. 
Ce  serait  iiu  ])oint  d'liistoirc  tl'une  grandc  inipt)rtance  au  point  de  vue  plii- 
losopliiquc.  Nous  troi'iverons  uIuh  loin  d'autrcH  indices  du  culte  priniitif 
des  Mayas.'    Jirasneur  de  Bouroourg,  in  Laiidu,  Eelacion,  pp.  300-1. 


l! 

■  I 
H 


:•  m 


ft 


''I 


JM 

■■I 


I' 


700 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


and  penance  for  the  occasion,  came  together,  and  with 
them  came  a  considerable  multitude  of  people.  In 
the  evening  all  set  out  in  procession  from  the  house 
of  the  lord,  and,  accompanied  by  a  large  number  of 
professional  actors,  proceeded  slowly  towards  the 
temple  of  Cukulcan,  which  had  already  been  deco- 
rated in  a  suitable  manner.  Upon  arriving  they 
placed  the  banners  on  high  in  the  temple,  offered 
prayers,  and  going  into  the  courtyard  spread  out 
their  idols  upon  green  leaves  and  branches;  then  they 
burned  incense  in  many  places,  and  made  offerings  of 
meat  cooked  without  pepper  or  salt,  bean-soup,  and 
calabashes.  After  this,  those  who  had  observed  the 
fast  did  not  go  home,  but  passed  five  days  and  five 
nights  in  the  temple,  praying,  burning  copal,  and  exe- 
cuting sacred  dances.  During  this  time  the  actors 
went  from  one  house  to  another,  representing  their 
plays  and  receiving  gifts  from  those  whom  they  en- 
tertained. At  the  end  of  the  five  days  they  carried 
all  their  earnings  to  the  temple  and  distributed  them 
among  the  watchers  there.  Afterwards  all  returned 
to  the  prince's  palace,  taking  with  them  the  banners 
and  the  idols.  Thence  each  betook  himself  to  his 
home.  They  said,  and  confidently  believed,  that  Cu- 
kulcan descended  from  heaven  on  the  last  day  of  the 
feast  and  received  personally  the  gifts  which  were  pre- 
sented to  him.  This  festival  was  called  chic  kaban. 
During  the  month  of  Yaxkin  it  was  the  custom  to 
prepare  for  a  general  festival,  called  olohzabkamyax, 
held  in  the  month  of  Mol,  in  honor  of  all  the  gods. 
At  this  feast,  after  the  usual  preliminary  rites,  they 
smeared  with  blue  coloring  matter  the  instruments 
used  in  every  profession,  from  the  sacred  implements 
of  the  priests  to  the  distaffs  of  the  women,  and  even 
the  doors  of  their  houses.  Children  of  both  sexes 
were  daubed  in  the  same  manner,  but  instead  of  col- 
oring their  hands  they  gave  them  each  nine  gentle 
raps  on  the  knuckles.  The  little  girls  were  brought 
to  the  feast  by  an  old  woman,  who  for  that  reason 


FESTIVAL  TO  INSl  UK  A  CHOP. 


701 


was  called  ixmol,  conductress.  The  blows  were  given 
to  the  children  in  order  that  they  niij^ht  become 
skilled  workmen  in  the  profession  ot*  their  fathers  or 
mothers.     The  usual  conclusion  ensued. 

During  the  month  of  Mol  the  apiarists  had  another 
festival  similar  to  that  of  the  month  of  Tzoo,  in  order 
to  induce  their  patron  gods  to  cause  the  flowers  to 
grow,  from  which  the  bees  gathered  honey. 

The  Mayas  depended  sa  much  upon  the  produce  of 
the  soil  for  their  sustenance  that  a  failure  of  the  crops 
was  one  of  the  heaviest  misfortunes  that  could  fall 
upon  them.  To  avoid  this  they  made  four  idols, 
named  Chiehac  Chob,  Ek  Balam  Chac,  Ahcan  Uolcab, 
and  Ahbuluc  Balam."  Having  placed  them  in  the 
temple,  and,  according  to  custom,  burned  incense  be- 
fore them,  they  presented  them  with  two  pellets  of  a 
kind  of  resin  called  kik,  some  iguanas,  some  bread,  a 
mitre,  a  bouquet  of  flowers,  and  a  stone  upon  which 
they  set  great  value.  Besides  this,  tliey  erected  a 
great  wooden  arch  in  the  court,  which  they  filled  with 
wood,  taking  care  to  leave  openings  through  which  to 
pass  backwards  and  forwards.  The  greater  part  of 
the  men  then  took  each  a  long  stick  of  dry  wood,  and 
while  a  musician  mounted  on  the  top  of  the  pile  sang 
and  beat  a  drum,  all  danced  reverently  and  in  good 
order,  as  they  did  so  passing  in  and  out  the  wood-pile. 
This  they  kept  up  until  evening,  when,  leaving  their 
sticks  behind  them,  they  went  home  to  eat  and  rest. 
During  the  night  they  returned,  and  each  taking  his 
faggot,  lit  it  and  applied  it  to  the  pile,  which  burned 
fiercely  and  rapidly."  As  soon  as  the  heap  was  re- 
duced to  red-hot  ashes,  those  who  had  danced  gathered 


I 


•*  ' Ek-balam-ehac  signifie  tigre  noir  dieu  des  champs:  ce  sont  du  reste 
des  noins  doiiiK's  au  tigre  encore  aujourd'hiii.  Ahcan  est  le  serpent  niAIe 
en  general.  Ahhuluc- Balam  signine  Celui  des  onze  tigres.'  Jiraxseur  de 
Bourbourg,  in  Latula,  Relaciou,  pp.  230-1. 

li  'Ne  croirait-on  pas  lire  la  description  de  cette  ffite  des  Scythes,  rnpptor- 
tee  par  Hdrodote,  et  one  M.  VioUet-Leduc  a  inser^e  dans  sea  Anfiquift's 
mexicaines,  forniant  rintroduction  de  I'Duvrage  de  M.  Desire  Charnay: 
('ids  el  Raines  am^ricaines,  page  WV  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  in  Landa, 
Relaeion,  pp.  232-3. 


h: 


709 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


about  it,  and  (jassed  barefooted  ovor  the  coals,  some 
without  injury,  and  some  with;  this  they  believed 
would  avert  misfortune  and  a[H)easo  the  anger  of  the 
gods.»« 

It  was  customary  in  all  the  towns  of  Yucatan  to 
erect  at  the  limits  of  each  of  the  four  quarters,  east, 
west,  north,  and  south,  two  heaps  of  stones,  facing 
each  other,  and  intended  to  be  used  during  the  cele- 
bration of  two  solenui  festivals,  which  were  as  fol- 
lows. In  the  year  of  which  the  dominical  letter  was 
kan,  the  sign  was  hobnil,  and,  according  to  the  Yuca- 
tecs,  these  both  ruled  in  the  south.  They  made  this 
year,  of  baked  earth,  an  idol  which  they  called  Kiuiu 
Uayeyab,  and  having  made  it  they  carried  it  out  to 
the  hea})s  of  stones  which  lay  towards  the  south. 
They  then  selected  a  principal  man  of  the  j)lace,  aiul 
in  his  house  they  celebrated  the  feast.  For  this  ]tur- 
pose  they  made  another  image,  of  the  god  Bolon 
Zacab,"  and  placed  it  in  the  chosen  house,  in  a  prom- 
inent place,  so  that  all  who  arrived  might  see  it. 
This  done,  the  nobles,  pri  sts,  and  people  came  to- 
gether, and  set  out  by  a  ro.id  swept  clean,  ornamented 
with  arches,  and  strewed  with  foliage,  to  the  southern 
heaps  of  stones,  where  they  gathered  about  the  idol 
Kanu  LTayeyab.  The  priest  then  incensed  the  god 
with  forty-nine  grains  of  maize,  ground  up  and  mixed 
with  copal;  the  Uvobles  next  placed  incense  in  the 
brazier,  and  burned  it  before  the  idol.  The  incense 
burned  by  the  priest  was  called  zacah,  that  used  by 
the  nobles,  chahalte.  When  these  rites  were  com- 
pleted the  head  of  a  fowl  was  cut  off  and  offered  to 
the  idol,  which  was  now  placed  on  a  litter  ciilled 
kajit^,^^  and  upon  its  shoulders  were  placed  o  ler  i  > 
images,  as  signs  of  abundance  of  wn+<       hi  a  good 

>*  Landa,  Relation,  pp.  2.10-2. 

"  'Baton  est  I'atljectif  iiunidral  neuf,  zacab,  u  la  racini'  est  lii<\ 
blaiic,  est  le  nom  d'une  sorte  ile  inais  nioiilii,  doiit  oi,  *  niic  ■  loce  d'or- 
gcut.  Cette  statue  (.'tait-elle  line  image  allcj^orique  de  I '  I  (ir<r  i  otfcrt  on 
cctte  occasion  ? '  liritxsrur  de  Bourbourg,  in  Landa,  Rrlnrioii.    \>\i.  212-13. 

•8  'KanU,  bois  j.uine;  c'est  probablement  le  cfedre.'  Brasstui  dc  Bour- 
bourg, in  Landa,  Relac%o:>,  p.  213. 


MAYA  FESTIVALS. 


Toe 


year,  and  tliese  ima«^e8  were  frightful  to  Iwhold. 
Amid  dances  and  jfeneral  rejoicing  the  idol  was  car- 
ried towards  the  house  where  the  statue  of  Bolon 
Zaca'>  had  heen  placed,  and  while  the  [irocession 
was  on  the  road,  the  nolilrs  and  priests  parttxik  of  a 
beverage  made  from  four  iiundred  and  fifteen  grains 
of  roasted  maize,  whidi  they  called  piru/a  kakla. 
Arrived  at  their  destiiuition,  they  placed  the  image 
that  they  carried  opposite  the  idol  which  they  found 
there,  and  made  uumy  offerings  of  food  and  drink, 
which  were  afterwards  divided  among  the  strangers 
who  were  present,  the  officiating  })riest  receiving  t»idy 
the  leg  of  a  deer.  Some  of  the  devotees  drew  l)h)od 
from  th.'r  bodies,  scarified  their  ears,  and  anointed 
with  the  blood  a  stone  idol  named  Kanal  Acantun. 
They  modeled  a  heart  of  dough  of  maize  and  of 
calabash-seeds,  and  offered  it  to  the  idol  Kanu  Ua- 
yeyab.  And  in  this  manner  they  honored  both  the 
idols  during  the  entire  time  of  the  feast,  burning 
before  them  incense  of  copal  and  ground  maize,  for 
they  held  it  certain  that  misfortune  would  overwhelm 
them  if  tliey  neglected  these  rites.  Finally,  the 
statue  of  Bolon  Zacal)  was  carried  to  the  temple, 
and  the  other  image  to  the  western  entrance  of  the 
town,  where  it  remained  until  the  next  celebration  of 
the  feast. 

The  ceremonies  of  the  new  year,  under  the  sign  of 
inuhic  were  very  similar  to  those  just  described, 
though  held  in  honor  of  other  deities.  A  dance  j)er- 
formed  upon  a  high  scaffolding,  attended  with  sac- 
rifices of  turkeys;  another  executed  by  the  old  people, 
holding  little  baked -clay  images  of  dogs  in  tlieir 
hands;  and  the  sacrifice  of  a  peculiarly  marked  dog, 
were,  however,  additional  features.  The  same  may 
be  said  of  the  new  year  under  the  sign  of  yx,  and  of 
the  new  year  under  the  Fign  of  ca?mc,  when  the  rites 
which  were  performed  were  sufficiently  like  those 
which  have  gone  before  co  need  no  further  description.*' 

19  Laudu,  RclacioH,  pp.  210-32. 


If 

il 


15 


r  1^ 
' .  it 


! 


i 


.4, 


■It 

:!t 


704 


THE  MAVA  NATIONS, 


The  gods  of  the  Yucatecs  required  far  fewer  hu- 
man lives  at  the  hands  of  their  worshipers  than  those 
of  the  Nahusis.  The  pages  of  Yucatec  history  are 
not  marr  jd  by  the  constant  blood-blots  that  obscure 
the  Nah'ta  record.  An  event  which  in  Mexico  would 
be  the  aeath-signal  to  a  hecatomb  of  human  victims, 
would  in  Yucatan  be  celebrated  by  the  death  of  a 
spotted  dog.  The  office  of  sacrificer  which  in  Mexico 
was  one  of  the  highest  honors  to  which  a  priest  could 
attain,  was  in  Yucatan  regarded  as  uncleai.'  and  de- 
grading.^ Nevertheless,  the  Yucatec  religion  was  nt)t 
free  from  human  sacrifice,  and  although  captives  taken 
in  war  v/ere  used  for  this  purpose,  yet  it  is  said  that 
such  was  their  devotion,  that  should  a  victim  be  want- 
ing they  would  dedicate  their  children  to  the  altar 
rather  than  let  the  gods  be  deprived  of  their  due.^' 
But  it  seldom  happened  that  more  tlian  one  victim 
was  sacrificed  at  a  time,  at  least  in  earlier  days,  and 
even  then  he  was  not  butchered  as  by  the  Nahuas, 
but  was  shot  through  the  heart  with  arrows  before 
being  laid  upon  the  sacrificial  stone.** 

At  Chichen  Itza  human  sacrifices  were  made  in  a 
peculiar  manner.  In  the  centre  of  the  city  was  an 
immense  pit,  containing  water,  and  surrounded  on  all 
sides  by  a  dense  grove,  which  served  to  render  the 
spot  silent  and  solitary,  in  spite  of  its  j)osition.  A 
circular  staircase,  rudely  cut  in  the  rock,  descended  to 
the  edge  of  the  water  from  the  foot  of  an  altar  whicii 
stoml  upon  the  very  brink  of  the  pit.*^     At  first,  only 

"  'Lii  rlmrge  de  Xnron  etiiit  double:  I'mi  dtiiit  |K!rj>«^tiic'l  et  jwu  honora- 
ble, imrfotiiic  c'etait  liii  (iiiioiivi'iiit  In  poitriiie  aiix  virtiiiit's  luiuiuiiie!*  qn'oii 
sacriliuit.'  Lniiila,  lirlacion,  p.  I(il.  '  Kl  olicio  de  iibrir  td  |iL'rlio  u  liw  sii- 
crilicailoB,  que  en  Mexico  era  estiiiiado,  aqiii  era  ]m)>;o  liuiirom>.'  IJerrcni, 
Hist,  (rfii.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iv. 

«i  lb. 

*'  Lniidn,  Rrlacion,\y  UtCr.  Ilfrrera,  iibi  sup. 

*^  Tiie  present  api>caraiiec  oi  tht*  pit  is  thus  described  by  Stephens :  'Set- 
ting out  from  the  Castillo,  at  fanic  distance  we  ascended  a  wood- d  elevation, 
which  seemed  an  artificial  ca  iseway  !t;ui!<ng  to  the  scnote.  The  senote  whs 
the  largest  and  w.ldest  we  lia<*  seen;  in  tho  midst  of  a  thi.-k  forest,  an  iin 
niensc  circular  hole,  with  crajtKed,  i)erpcnd'cular  sides,  irees  j{rowin>;  out 
of  them  and  overhanging  tho  brink,  and  i-till  as  if  Uie  genius  of  silemc 
reigned  within,     A  liuwk  was  suilinir  nrjund  it,  )joking  down  into  the 


anmii 


SACRIFICES  AT  CHICKEN  ITZA. 


706 


animals  and  incense  were  offered  here,  as  the  teach- 
in*^  of  Cukulcan  forbade  the  sacrifice  of  human  vic- 
tims, but  after  the  departure  of  the  great  Maya 
apostle  the  Yucatecs  returned  to  the  evil  of  their 
ways,'**  and  the  pit  of  Chichen  was  once  more  polluted 
with  human  bodies.  At  first  one  victim  sufficed,  but 
the  number  gradually  increased,  until,  during  the  later 
years  of  Maya  independence,  hundreds  were  immo- 
lated at  a  time.  If  some  calamity  threatened  the 
country,  if  the  crops  failed  or  the  requisite  supply  of 
rain  was  wanting,  the  people  hastened  to  the  pit  of 
horror,  to  offer  prayers  and  to  appease  the  wrath  of 
the  gods  with  gifts  of  human  life.  ( )n  the  day  of 
sacrifice,  the  victims,  who  wore  generally  young  vir- 
gins, were  taken  to  the  temple,  clothed  in  the  gar- 
ments appropriate  to  the  occasion,  and  conducted 
thence  to  the  sacred  |)it,  accompanied  by  a  nmltitude 
of  priests  and  priestesses  of  all  ranks.  There,  while 
the  incense  burned  on  the  altar  and  in  the  braziers,  the 
officiating  priest  explained  to  them  the  things  for  which 
they  were  to  implore  the  gods  into  whose  presence 
they  were  about  to  be  introduced.  A  long  cord  was 
then  fastened  round  the  body  of  each  victim,  and  the 
moment  the  smoke  ceased  to  rise  from  the  altar,  all 
were  hurled  into  the  gulf  The  crowd,  which  had 
gathered  from  every  part  of  the. country  to  see  the 
sacrifice,  immediatelv  drew  back  from  the  brink  of 
the  pit  and  continued  to  pray  without  cessation  for 
some  time.  The  IxKlies  wrre  then  drawn  up  and 
buried  in  the  nei«>hborini>'  y^rove.^ 

water,  Imt  without  oncp  flapping;  itM  wiiijpi.  The  water  was  of  a  jjreeniwli 
liut>.  A  iiiyi«teri(Mis  iiitliieiice  Heeiiietl  tii  jivrvadi;  it,  in  tiiii/ii:!  *.vitli  tliv  iiirt- 
tiirical  afC4iuiit  that  tlio  well  of  t'hicliLMi  was  a  plan'  of  pil};r\iiia);e,  ami 
tliat  hiitnan  victiiL.i  wore  thrown  into  it  in  MU'ritice.  In  oim>  place,  on  the 
very  hriiik,  were  the  remains  of  a  stone  strncture,  protiahly  eonniTteil  with 
ancient  Hii|H>rHtitiouM  rites;  (H'rhaiH  the  i)lacc  from  which  tlie  victims  were 
thrown  into  the  dark  well  heneatli.'   VHi'iitmi,  vol.  ii.,  p.  'V24. 

'i*  We  have  Hceii  that  even  the  memory  of  Cukulean  was  neglected  in 
ail  the  pmvincra  of  Yucatan  hut  one. 

^  lirrrrrn,  Hint.  Gen,,  t\w.  iv.,  lih.  x.,  cap.  i.;  MeiM,  in   Xouir/tr.i  An- 
iiiilf.i  fiejt  Vol/.,  184.1,  toin.  xcvii.,  l>.  43;  lintsmiir  ile  Bourbourtf,  Hint.  .V«^ 
'  '>.,  toni.  i'.,  pp.  44-5. 
Vol.  II.    48 


\h 


-  -  \- 


1    '  ', 


¥b 


■J 


706 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


The  Pipiles  had  two  idols,  one  in  the  figure  of  a 
man,  called  Quetzalcoatl,  the  other  in  the  shape  of  a 
woman,  called  Itzqueye.     Certain  days  of  their  cal- 
endar were  specially  set  apart  for  each  of  the  deities, 
and  on  these  the  sacriHces  were  made.     Two  very  sol- 
emn sacrifices  were  held  in  each  year,  one  at  the  com- 
mencement of  summer,  the  other  at  the  beginning  (A' 
winter.     At  these,  Herrera  says,  only  the  lords  were 
present.**     The  sacrifice  was  made  in  the  interior  of 
the  temple,  and  the  victims  were  boys  between  the 
ages  of  six  and  twelve  years,  bastards,  born  among 
themselves.     For  a  day  and  a  night  previous  to  tlie 
sacrifice,  drums  and  trumpets  were  sounded  and  on 
the  day  following  the  people  assembled.    Four  j)riests 
then  came  out  from  the  temple,  each  bearing  a  small 
brazier  with  burning  incense;  together  they  turned  in 
the  direction  of  the  sun,  and  kneeling  down  offered  up 
incense  and  ]>rayers;  they  then  did  the  same  toward 
the  four  cardinal  points.*^    Their  prayers  finished,  they 
retired  within  four  small  chapels  built  at  the  four  cor- 
ners of   the  temple,  and   there   rested.     They  next 
went  to  the  house  of  the  high-priest,  and  took  thence 
the  boy  who  was  to  be  sacrificed  and  conducted  liini 
four  times  round  the  court  of  the  temple,  dancing 
and  singing.      When  this  ceremony  was  finished,  tlie 
high-priest  came  out  of  his  house,  with  the  diviner 
and  guardian  of  the  sanctuary,  and  ascended  the  stej)s 
of  the  temple,  with  the  caciijue  and   principal  men, 
who,  however,  remained  at  the  door  of  the  sanctuary. 
The  four  priests  now  seized  the  boy  by  the  arms  and 
legs,  and  the  guardian  of  the  temj)le  coming  out  with 
little  bells  on  his  wrists  and  ankles,  opened  the  left 
breast  of  the  victim,  tore  out  the  heart,  and  handed  it 
to  the  high-priest,  who  placed  it  in  a  small  embroid- 
ered purse  which  he  carried.    The  four  priests  received 

*i  Ilerrcra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  x. 

"  'Ivtinsc  (lorcchos  toilos  qiiatro  jiiutus  li  do  sale  cl  .si)I,  i  so  hiiicavan  de 
rodillaa  ante  el,  i  le  zamnavan  diciciido  palalmix  d  iiivocacioiics,  i  csto  fcclm 
3c  divid'.ait  liacia  quatro  j)arte8,  lest,  oest,  nortc,  siir,  i  predii.'avaii  hub  ricto." 
i  ccrcaiuiiiaa,'  Patacio,  Carta,  p.  68. 


VIPILE  FEAST  OF  VICTORY. 


707 


the  blood  of  the  victim  in  four  jicaras,  or  bowls,  made 
from  the  shell  of  a  certain  fruit,  and  descending  one 
after  the  other  to  the  courtyard,  sprinkled  the  blo(xi 
with  their  right  hands  in  the  direction  of  the  cardi- 
nal points.  If  any  blood  remained  over  they  returned 
it  to  the  high-priest,  who  placed  it  with  the  purse 
containing  the  heart  in  the  body  of  the  victim  through 
the  wound  that  had  been  made,  and  the  body  was 
interred  in  the  temple.  This  was  the  ceremony  of 
sacrifice  at  the  beginning  of  each  of  the  two  sea- 
sons. 

When  information  was  received  from  their  war 
chief  that  he  had  gained  a  victory,  the  diviner  ascer- 
tained to  which  of  the  <;ods  sacrifice  was  to  be  made. 
If  to  Quetzalcoatl,  the  ceremony  lasted  fifteen  days; 
if  to  Itzqueye,  five  days ;  and  upon  each  day  they  sac- 
rificed a  prisoner.  These  sacrifices  were  made  as  fol- 
lows: All  those  who  had  been  in  the  battle  returned 
home  in  procession,  singing  and  dancing,  bringing 
with  them  the  captives  who  were  to  he  sacrificed, 
their  wrists  and  anicles  decorated  with  feathers  and 
chalchiuites,  and  their  necks  with  strings  of  cacao- 
nibs.  The  high- priests  and  other  ministers  went  t»ut 
at  the  head  of  the  populace  to  meet  them  with  nmsic 
and  dancing,  and  the  caci<jues  and  captains  delivered 
over  those  who  were  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  high-priest. 
Then  they  all  went  together  to  the  courtyard  of  their 
feufia,  or  temple,  where  they  continued  dancing  day 
and  night  during  the  time  the  sacrifices  lasted.  In 
the  middle  of  the  court  was  a  stone  bench  on  which 
the  victim  was  stretched,  four  priests  holding  him  by 
the  feet  and  hands.  The  sacrificing  priest  then  came 
forward,  adorned  with  many  feathers  and  loaded  with 
little  bells,  holding  in  his  hand  a  flint  knife,  with 
which  he  opened  the  breast  of  the  victim,  tore  out 
the  heart,  brandished  it  toward  the  cardiiial  points, 
and  finally  threw  it  into  the  air  with  suflicient  force 
to  cause  it  to  fall  directly  in  the  middle  of  the  court, 
saying:  "  Receive,  Oh  God,  this  thank-offering  for  the 


I  .  ii,.j 


\  ■  'ill 


I  1 


706 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


victory."**  This  sacrifice  was  public  and  beheld  by 
all  the  people.  The  men  drew  blood  from  their  pri- 
vate parts,  and  the  women  from  their  ears,  tongue, 
and  other  parts  of  the  body ;  as  the  blood  flowed  it 
was  taken  up  with  cotton  and  offered  by  the  men  to 
Quetzalcoatl,  by  the  women  to  Itzqueye. 

When  the  Pipiles  were  about  to  undertake  any 
hunting  or  fishing  expedition,  they  first  made  an  offer- 
ing to  their  gods.  For  this  purpose  they  took  a  liv- 
ing deer,'*'  and  leading  it  to  the  temple  yard,  they 
there  strangled  and  afterwards  flaved  it,  saving  the 
blood  in  a  vessel.  The  liver,  lungs,  and  stomach 
were  chopped  in  small  pieces,  which  were  afterwards 
laid  aside  with  the  heart,  head,  and  feet.  The  re- 
mainder of  the  deer  was  cooked  by  itself,  and  the  blood 
likewise,  and  while  this  was  being  done  the  people 
danced.  The  high-priest  with  his  assistant  next  t(X)k 
the  head  by  the  ears,  and  each  of  the  four  priests  one 
of  the  feet,  while  the  guardian  of  the  sanctuary  put 
the  heart  into  a  brazier  and  burnt  it  with  copal  and 
ulli  to  the  god  who  was  the  protector  of  hunting. 
After  the  dance,  the  head  and  feet  were  scorched  in 
the  fire  before  the  idol  and  given  to  the  high-priest 
to  be  eaten.  The  flesh  and  blood  were  eaten  by  the 
other  ministers  of  the  temple  before  the  idol,  and  the 
same  was  done  with  other  animals  sacrificed.  The 
entrails  of  fish  were  burned  before  the  idol.*' 

Among  the  civilized  nations  of  Nicaragua,  it  wyuid 
ap[)ear  there  were  eighteen  distinct  festivals,  corre- 
sponding with  i,he  eighteen  months  in  their  calendar.^* 

^  *  Yiin  cl  wicristnn  v  wicuiialc  con  In  nauaiii  ol  coruyon,  y  nrrojaiinlo  si  I 
<lio8,  o  a  lu  tliosa,  y  (tezia,  Tonia  el  fruto  dcsta  vitoria.'  Ilrrrera,  Hist. 
Gen.,  (lee.  iv.,  iili.  viii.,  cap.  x. 

«»  nra.H«i!  11-  di'  Bourbourg  says:  'cerf  blanc'  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toin.  ii., 
p.  .5.'»7. 

30  '[>o  saorificc  dii  cerf  blanc,  d'alxml  iiii  des  plus  aujjustes,  devint.,  plus 
tard,  rotlVaiide  roniiiiuiic  et  exclusive  des  chasseurs  qui  desiraicnt  se  rciiilir 
favoralilcs  les  dieux  protecteurs  do  la  chasse  ct  des  fordts. '  /'/.,  p.  .'m";  /''*- 
lario.  Carta,  pp.  74-<5. 

"  '  Kchauan  las  fiestas  (luc  oran  diez  y  ocho,  couio  los  mcsea  subidos  cii  cl 
gradario,  usacritieaderoque  tenian  los  patios  de  los  toiuplos.'  Hrrrrrn,  //iv'- 
Grn.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cup.  vii.  In  tlio  evi<lcuce  takeu  by  Fray  l''riinvis<<> 
de  nobodillathe  number  uf  festivals  is  given  a»  twenty -one  and  eleven;  I 


SACRIFICES  IN  NICAUAGUA. 


709 


These  were  proclaimed  by  the  priest,  holding  the  in- 
strument of  sacrifice  in  his  hand,  from  the  steps  lead- 
ing to  the  sacrificial  altar  in  the  court  of  the  temple. 
Ho  made  known  who  and  how  many  were  to  be  sac- 
rificed, and  whether  they  were  to  be  prisoners  taken 
in  battle  or  individuals  reared  among  themselves  for 
the  purpose.**  When  the  victim  was  stretched  upon 
the  stone,  the  officiating  priest  walked  three  times 
round  him,  singing  in  a  doleful  tone ;  he  then  opened 
the  victim's  breast.  j)lucked  out  his  heart,  and  daubed 
his  face  with  the  blood.  He  next  dismembered  the 
body  and  gave  the  heart  to  the  high-priest,  the  feet 
and  hands  to  the  king,  the  thighs  to  him  who  had 
captured  him,  the  entrails  to  the  trumpeters,  and 
the  remainder  to  the  ])eople,  that  all  might  eat.** 
The  heads  of  those  sacrificed  were  set  as  trophies  on 
trees  ai)pt)inted  for  the  purpose.^  If  the  person  sac- 
rificed had  been  bought,  they  buried  the  entrails, 
hands,  and  feet,  in  a  gourd,  and  burned  the  heart 
and  all  the  rest.^^  As  it  wtis  lawful  for  a  father  to 
sell  his  own  children,  and  each  j)er.son  himself,  they 
therefore  did  not  eat  the  flesh  of  such  sacrifices  lie- 
cause  they  were  their  own  countrymen  and  relations. 

must  therefore  leave  the  reader  to  decide  for  himself  which  is  correct.  'Y. 
— Ell  nil  lino  tcncinos  vcyiite  e  iiii  diiis  de  ficiitas  (e  no  juntos  estos  dins). . 
....F. — Kn  el  tieinpo  de  nquclias  on\ie  fiestas,  que  deyis  que  teneys  cada 
afio.'  Oi'ifflo,  Hist.  Gcn.,UtM-  iv.,  |>i».  47,  M. 

M  '  For  there  are  two  Ivindcs  of  hiiinane  sacrifices  with  them:  the  one,  of 
enemies  taken  in  tlie  warrcs,  the  otiicr  of  sucli  as  are  brought  vp  and  iiiuin- 
tained  at  home.'  Peter  .^ftirti/i;  dec.  vi.,  lili.  vi. 

^^  'And  whosocucr  NJiouid  liaue  no  parte  nor  portion  of  the  sacrificed 
eiicmie,  would  thinke  he  HJioulde  bee  ill  ac<'epfed  tliat  yeere.'  Ih. 

'^*  '  Euerv  King  iiouriHhctli  his  appointed  trees  in  a  tielde  iieerc  vnto  him, 
ohseruiiig  tlk>  names  of  euery  hostile  country,  where  they  hange  the  heads 
of  their  sacrificed  enemies  taken  in  the  warres.'  lb. 

^*  Herrera  gives  a  similar  account  of  the  disposal  of  the  liody,  but  adds: 
'Saluoque  ]>oniaii  la  cabova  en  los  nrlwles.'  Jfi.st.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv., 
cap.  vii.  I  think  it  improbable  that  the  heads  were  treated  in  the  same 
manner  as  those  of  their  enemies.  Peter  Martyr  savs  nothing  distinctly  of 
the  disiHisal  of  the  head,  but,  speaking  of  the  sacrifice,  stiys  'they  reiier- 
dice  all  iHtrts  thereof,  and  partly  bury  thcin  Itceforc  the  dui-cs  of  their  tem- 
ples, as  the  fectc,  handes,  and  Isiwels,  which  they  cast  together  into  a 
gourde,  the  rest  (together  with  the  hartes,  making  a  great  fire  within  the 
vi(>w  of  those  hostile  trees,  with  shril  hynis,  and  applauses  of  the  Priestes) 
they  bnrne  among  the  ashes  of  the  former  siuTificcs,  iieiicr  thence  remooued, 
lying  in  that  ficlde.'  Uec.  vi.,  lib.  vi. 


710 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


When  they  ate  the  flesh  of  foreigners  sacrificed,  they 
held  exciting  dances,  and  passed  the  days  in  drunken 
revels  and  smoking,  but  had  no  sexual  intercourse 
with  their  wives  while  the  festival  lasted.^  At  cer- 
tain feasts  they  offered  blood  drawn  from  their  own 
bodies,  with  which  they  rubbed  the  beard  and  lips  of 
the  idol. 

The  priests  wore  white  cotton  cloaks,  some  short 
and  small,  others  hung  from  the  shoulders  to  the  heels, 
with  bands  having  bags  attached,  in  which  they  car- 
ried sharp  stone  knives,  papers,  ground  charcoal,  and 
certain  herbs.  The  lay  brothers  bore  in  their  hands 
little  flags  with  the  idol  they  held  most  in  veneration 
painted  thereon,  and  small  purses  containing  powder 
and  awls;  the  youths  had  bows  and  arrows,  darts  and 
shields.  The  idol,  in  form  and  ap[>earance  very  friglit- 
ful,  was  set  upon  a  spear  and  carried  by  the  eldest 
priest.  The  ascetics  marched  in  file,  singing,  to  the 
place  of  worship.  They  spread  mantles  and  strewed 
roses  and  flowers,  that  the  standards  might  not  touch 
the  ground.  The  procession  halted ;  the  singing  ceased ; 
they  fell  to  prayer.  The  prelate  clapped  his  hand; 
some  drew  blood  from  the  tongue,  others  from  the 
ears,  from  the  privy  member,  or  from  whatever  part 
their  devotion  led  them.  They  took  the  blotxl  on 
paper  or  on  their  fingers  and  smeared  the  idol's  face. 
In  the  meantime  the  youths  danced,  leaped  about,  and 
shook  their  weapons.  Those  who  had  gashed  them- 
selves, cured  their  wounds  by  an  application  of  pow- 
dered charcoal  and  herbs  that  they  carried  for  the 
purpose.  In  these  observances  they  sprinkled  niaizf 
with  the  blood  from  their  privy  parts,  and  it  was  dis- 
tributed and  eaten  as  blessed  bread.*' 


^  'En  aqiiellas  (icstas  no  trabaxamos  ni  entendemoa  en  nidR  de  cnil><>r- 
rachuriiMs;  ]M>ro  no  dorininios  con  nuestras  ningercs,  6  nciucllos  diiiH,  j)i>r 
quitnr  la  ocoNion,  ducrnicn  ellas  dcntro  en  cowi  e  noHotnm  fuera  tlcllii:  o  iil 
que  en  talcs  dia8  se  eclia  con  su  niiiger,  nucstros  tliosei*  Ics  dan  doiciiriii 
luego,  de  que  niuercn;  6  por  esso  nin^pino  ioona  ha^er,  |M>r<iue  aiiuellos  <lias 
8on  dcdicados  li  uuctitroM  dioaes.'  Omeilo,  Ifi»t.  Gen.,  toni.  iv.,  p.  5*2. 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  (icn.,  dee.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  vi., 
lib.  vi.,  vii.,  Sqiiier,  in  Pulacio,  Carta,  p.  116. 


BANQUETS  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 


711 


Like  the  Mexicans  the  Mayas  had  a  great  prodi- 
lection  for  entertaining  each  other  at  banquets,  and  it 
is  related  of  them  that  they  often  spent  on  one  such 
occasion  a  sum  that  it  had  taken  them  many  months 
to  earn.  Seasons  of  betrothal  and  marriage  were  al- 
ways  enlivened  by  sumptuous  feasts.  Whenever  any 
contract  had  to  })e  arranged,  a  feast  was  given  and  the 
act  of  eating  and  drinking  together  in  public  and  be- 
fore witnesses  sufficed  to  make  such  contract  valid.** 
The  lords  and  principal  men  gave  feasts  to  each  other, 
and  as  it  was  incumbent  upon  all  the  guests  to  return 
the  compliment,  there  must  have  been  a  continual 
round  of  feasting.  Cogolludo  states  that  meat  was 
eaten  at  banquets  only,  and  this  may  in  some  measure 
account  for  the  frequency  with  which  they  occurred, 
and  the  etiquette  that  required  the  invitation  to  be 
returned. 

They  observed  a  certain  formality  at  their  enter- 
tainments, seating  themselves  either  in  twos  or  fours. 
Each  of  the  guests  received  a  roasted  fowl,  some 
bread,  and  an  abundance  of  cacao.  When  the  meal 
was  finished,  presents  were  distributed  to  the  guests, 
each  being  presented  with  a  mantle,  a  small  stool, 
and  a  handsome  cup.  Beautiful  women  acted  as  cup- 
bearers, and  when  one  of  these  presented  a  cup  of 
wine  to  a  guest,  she  turned  her  back  to  him  while 
he  drank.  The  feast  lasted  until  all  were  intoxi- 
cated, and  then  the  wives  led  their  drunken  husbands 
home.  When  a  marriage  banquet,  or  one  in  com- 
memoration of  the  deeds  of  their  ancestors,  was  given, 
no  return  invitation  was  expected.**  Their  entertain- 
ments were  usually  enlivened  by  a  company  of  dancers 
and  musicians,  who  performed  dramatic  representa- 
tions under  the  leadership  of  one  who  was  called 
kolpop,  or  master  of  the  ceremonies;  he  gave  instruc- 

M  'En  las  vciitns,  y  contratos,  no  auiaescritos  que  obligasncn,  ni  cartuH 
lie  pai>ago,  que  BatisfacieHHen;  pero  qucilaba  el  contratu  valiilo  con  que 
liehicsHcn  publicainentc  dclante  dc  tcHtigos.'  Coijoilmfo,  I  fist.  Yuc,  pp. 
ISO-!. 

™  Landtt,  Relavioii,  pp.  122-4. 


! 


k:l. 


718 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


tions  to  the  actors,  directed  the  singers  and  musicians, 
and  from  him  all  had  to  take  their  cue.  The  actors 
were  called  balzam,  a  name  corresponding  to  jester  or 
mimic.  As  women  were  not  permitted  to  take  part 
in  the  mummeries,  their  places  were  supplied  by  men. 
Their  movements  during  the  play  were  grave  and 
monotonous,  yet  they  were  clever  in  mimicry  and 
caricature,  which  they  frequently  made  use  of  as  a 
means  of  reproving  their  chief  men.*"  The  plays 
were  generally  of  a  historical  character,  having  for 
their  subject  the  great  deeds  of  their  ancestors ;  their 
songs  consisted  of  ballads  founded  upon  local  tradi- 
tions and  legendary  tales. *^ 

A  favorite  dance  of  the  Mayas  was  one  called  co- 
lomche;  a  large  number  of  men  took  part  in  it,  some- 
times as  many  as  eight  hundred.  These  formed  a 
ring,  and  were  accompanied  during  their  movements 
by  a  number  of  musicians.  WJien  the  dancing  began, 
two  of  the  actors,  still  keeping  step  Avith  the  rest, 
came  out  from  the  ring,  one  holding  in  his  hand  a 
bunch  of  wands  and  dancing  upright,  while  the  otlier 
cowered  down,  still  dancing.  Then  he  who  had  the 
wands  threw  them  with  all  his  force  at  his  companion, 
who  with  great  dexterity  parried  them  with  a  short 
stick.  When  the  two  had  finished,  they  returned  to 
their  former  position  in  the  circle,  and  two  others 
took  their  place  and  went  through  the  same  perform- 
ance, the  rest  following  in  their  turn.  They  had 
also  war  dances,  in  which  large  numbers  joined,  the 
performers  holding  small  flags  in  their  hands.*'* 

They  had  a  variety  of  musical  instruments,  prom- 
inent among  which  was  the  tunkul,  which  was  almost 

*o  'Son  graciosos  en  lo»  motes,  y  chistes,  que  dizcn  h,  siis  niayores,  y 
luezes:  si  son  rijjurosos,  ainbiciosus,  nuarientos,  rcpresentando  los  sucessus 
line  con  cllos  les  passan,  y  auu  lo  que  v^n  i\  su  Minmtro  Doctrincro,  lo 
(tizen  delante  dfel,  y^  vezes  con  vna  sola  palabra.'  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yiir., 
p.  187. 

*'  See  Carrillo,  in  Soc.  Mcx.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  ^jjoca,  toni.  iii.,  j)]).  -•'>''. 
261;  Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toni.  ii.,  pp.  65-7;  Hrrreni, 
Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cajj.  iv. ;  Ternaux-Conipans,  in  Nouvelles  .\n- 
nales  des  Vo>/.,  184.S,  toni.  xcvii.,  p.  47. 

«  Landa,  Eelacion,  pp.  126,  128. 


the  St 
They 
cover( 
they 
rine  s 
at  tht 


MUSIC  AND  DANCES. 


718 


the  same  thing  as  the  teponaztli  of  the  Mexicans.*' 
They  had  other  drums  made  of  a  hollow  trunk  and 
covered  at  one  end  with  deer-skin,  tortoise  shells  that 
they  struck  with  deer's  horns,  trumpets, — some  of  ma- 
rine shells  and  others  of  hollow  canes  with  a  calabash 
at  the  end, — whistles  and  flutes  made  from  bone  and 
cane,  besides  various  kinds  of  rattles."  Landa  says 
that  in  every  village  there  was  a  large  house  or  rather 
shed,  for  it  was  open  on  all  sides,  in  which  the  young 
men  met  for  amusement.**  Oviedo,  who  witnessed 
some  dances  and  games  among  the  Nicaraguans,  thus 
describes  one  he  saw  at  Tecoatega  after  the  harvest- 
ing of  the  cacao.  As  many  as  sixty  persons,  all  men, 
though  a  number  of  them  represented  women,  took 
part  in  a  dance.  They  were  painted  of  various  colors 
and  patterns,  and  wore  upon  their  heads  beautiful 
tufts  of  feathers,  and  about  their  persons  divers  orna- 
ments, while  some  wore  masks  like  birds'  heads. 
They  performed  the  dance  going  in  couples  and  keep- 
ing at  a  distance  of  three  or  four  steps  between  pair 
and  pair.  In  the  centre  of  a  square  was  a  high  pole 
of  more  than  sixty  feet  in  height  driven  firmly  into 
the  ground;  on  the  top  was  seated  a  gaudily  painted 
idol  which  they  called  the  god  of  the  caaujnat,  or  ca- 
cao ;  round  the  top  were  fixed  four  other  poles  in  the 
form  of  a  square,  and  rolled  upon  it  was  a  thick  grass 
rope  at  the  ends  of  which  were  bound  two  boys  of 
seven  or  eight  years  of  age.  One  of  them  had  in  one 
hand  a  bow  and  in  the  other  a  bunch  of  arrows ;  the 
other  boy  carried  a  beautiful  feather  fan  and  a  mirror. 

*'  '  El  timbal  yucateco  (tankul  6  fiiiikiil, )ch  cl  inRtrntncnto  mas  notable 
<le  la  miisica  yucateca,  y  en  j^eiieral  de  la  iniisiea  aincricana,  que  ai'Diiipa- 
ilalmn  \a»  daiizaH  6  bailee  .sairratloM,  y  cl  nmiilire  iiiaya  dc  e.sc  notable  in- 
striiniento,  nos  rcvela  hasta  hoy  el  carilcter  Ha<;rado  de  a<inollas  (iestaM,  put'H 
el  nonihrc  dc  tunkiil  6  (ankul,  Hi<;uitica  lij^eramentc  la  bora  de  laaduraeion.' 
I'nrrillo,  in  Sor.  Mcx.  Ifcoij.,  Bolctin,  2«la  epoea,  toni.  iii.,  p.  2.59.  I  bave 
one  of  these  inHtrunients  in  my  ]H)s»ics8ion. 

*♦  Landa,  Rclarioit,  pp.  124,  126;  Hrnvra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x., 
cap.  iv. ;  CogoUudo,  Hist.  Yuc,  pp.  77,  18(J;  Carrillo,  in  Son.  Mix,  tSrotf., 
Boletin,  2da  epoca,  toni.  iii.,  p.  260;  Brtuseur  de  lioiirbounj.  Hist.  iV«/. 
Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  lip.  64-5. 

*^  Landa,  lielacion,  p.  178. 


rf: 


TU 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


At  a  certain  step  of  the  danco  the  boys  came  out  from 
the  square  and  the  rope  bejjan  to  unroll ;  they  went 
round  and  round  in  the  air,  always  going  further  out 
and  counterbalancing  one  another,  the  rope  still  un 
rolling.  While  they  were  descending,  the  sixty  men 
proceeded  with  their  dance  to  the  sound  of  singers 
beating  drums  and  tabors.  The  boys  passed  through 
the  air  with  much  velocity,  moving  their  arms  and 
legs  to  present  the  appearance  of  flying.  When  they 
reached  the  ground  the  dancers  and  singers  gave  some 
loud  cheers  and  the  festival  was  concluded.**  Another 
favorite  amusement  was  a  performance  on  a  swinging 
bar.  For  this  two  tall  forked  posts  were  firmly 
planted  in  the  ground;  across  them  and  resting  in  the 
forks  a  pole  was  strongly  bound.  This  pole  passed  at 
right  angles  through  a  hole  In  the  centre  of  a  thick 
bar,  made  to  revolve  upon  it  and  of  very  light  wood; 
near  the  end  of  the  bar  were  cross  sticks  for  the  per- 
formers to  take  hold  of  A  man  placed  himself  at 
each  end,  and  when  the  bar  was  set  in  motion  they 
went  tumbling  round  and  round,  to  the  delight  of  the 
spectators.*^ 


*»  This  is  very  similar  t<)  the  Nahiia  game,  dcscrilicd  on  pu<rc  2!)5,  et  fH>q., 
of  UiiH  volume. 

♦'  Oviciio,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  93-4,  111-1'2,  pi.  v.,  lig.  i.,  ii. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

FOOD,  DRESS,  COMMERCE,  AND  WAR  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  MAYAS. 

iNTnoDUt'TioN  OF  AGRICULTURE— QiricHi:;  Tradition  of  thk  Discov- 
ery OF  Maize— Maize  Culture— Superstitions  of  Farmers 
Hunting  and  Fishing— Domestic  Animals,  Fowl,  and  Hees— 

PRESEBVATIt)N    AND    COOKINO     OF     FoOD  —  MEALS        DlUNKS    AND 

Drinking-Habits—Cannidalism— Dress  of  the  Mayas— Max- 
TLis,  Mantles,  and  Sandals— Dress  of  Kings  and  Priests- 
Women's  Dress— Hair  and  Beard  — Personal  Decoration  — 
Head-Flattening,  Perforation,  Tattooing,  ani>  Painting- 
Personal  Habits— Commerck—Currency—Markets— Sui'ERsTi- 
tionsofTravelers— Canoes  and  Balsas— War— Military  Lead- 
ers—Insignia— Armor— Weapons— Fortifications— Battles- 
Treatment  of  Captives.     . 

The  tierm  caliente  and  the  low  forest-clad  foothills 
of  the  Usumacinta  region  on  the  confines  of  Yucatan, 
Guatemala,  ChiapaH,  and  Tahasco,  present  claims  as 
stroiiif  at  least  as  those  of  any  other  locality  to  be 
considered  the  birth-place  of  American  civilization. 
Here  apparently  Votan  and  Gucumatz,  denii-o^ods  or 
civilizers,  won  their  first  triumphs  over  the  powers  of 
barbarism.  In  the  most  remote  times  to  wliich  we 
are  carried  by  vague  tradition  and  mythic  fable,  gods 
with  strangely  human  attributes,  or  men  of  wonder- 
ful supernatural  powers,  newly  arrived  in  this  land, 
took  counsel  one  with  another  how  they  might  sub- 
ject to  their  power  and  reclaim  from  barbarism  the 
native   bands  of  savages,  or  'animals,'  who   roamed 

(715) 


^1 


716 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


naked  through  the  forests,  and  subsisted  on  roots  and 
wild  fruits.  The  discussion  of  the  tradition  with  ref- 
erence to  its  historic  signification,  is  foreign  to  my 
present  purpose,  but  as  the  story  inchides  the  tradi- 
tional origin  of  agriculture  and  the  discovery  of  inaizu 
luider  the  form  of  a  new  creation,  it  is  an  appropriate 
introduction  to  the  present  chapter  on  the  food,  dreHs, 
and  commerce  of  the  Maya  nations.  The  story  runs 
as  follows  in  the  aboriginal  Quiche  annals:' 

Behold  how  they  began  to  think  of  man,  and  to 
seek  what  must  enter  into  the  flesh  of  man.  Then 
spake  he  who  begets,  and  he  who  gives  being,  Tej)euh, 
Gucumatz,  the  creator  and  the  former,  and  said:  "Al- 
ready the  dawn  is  nigh;  the  work  is  finished;  behold 
the  support,  the  foster-father,  is  ennobled;  the  son  of 
civilization,  man,  is  honored,  and  humanity  on  the 
face  of  the  earth."  They  came,  and  in  great  num- 
bers they  assembled;  in  the  shadows  of  the  night 
they  joined  their  wise  counsel.  Then  sought  they 
and  consulted  in  sadness,  meditating;  and  thus  the 
wisdom  of  these  men  was  manifest ;  they  found  and 
were  made  to  see  what  must  enter  into  the  flesh  of 
man;  and  the  dawn  was  near. 

In  Paxil,  or  Cayala  ('land  of  divided  and  stag- 
nant waters')  as  it  is  called,  were  the  ears  of  yellow- 
maize  and  of  white.  These  are  the  names  of  the  bar- 
barians who  went  to  seek  food;  the  Fox,  the  Jackal, 
the  Paroquet,  and  the  Crow, — four  barbarians  who 
made  known  to  them  the  ears  of  the  white  maize  and 
of  the  yellow,  who  came  to  Paxil  and  guided  them 
thither.  There  it  was  they  obtained  at  last  the  food 
that  was  to  enter  into  the  flesh  of  man,  of  man  cre- 
ated and  formed ;  this  it  was  that  was  his  blood,  that 

'  This  history,  written  with  Roman  characters,  hut  in  the  QniclK'  lan- 
guage, in  tlie  early  yean*  of  the  Con<^ueMt,  was  quoted  hv  Hrasseur  tic 
Bourbourg  as  tiie  MS.  QiiiclU  itc  Chic/itcanleiiaiiqo,  in  his  liisl.  Xut.  Cir., 
toni.  i.,  pp.  .59-60;  a  transUitioa  into  Spanish  bjr  Xinieucz  apneareil  in  1S.'>7, 
Hist.  Intl.  Guat.,  pp.  79-80;  and  a  transhition  into  French  ny  Brassenr  dc 
Bourbourg  in  1861,  Popol  Vvfi,  pp.  195-9.  Ilrasseur's  rendering  is  followed 
for  the  most  part  in  my  text,  but  ao  far  as  tliis  extract  is  concerned  tlicro 
are  only  slight  verbal  diiferences  between  the  two  translations. 


DISCOVERY  OF  MAIZE. 


717 


l)ecaine  the  blood  of  man — this  maize  that  entered 
into  him  hy  the  provision  of  him  who  creates,  of  him 
who  ^ives  heing. 

And  they  rejoiced  that  they  had  at  last  arrived 
in  this  most  excellent  land,  so  full  of  ^(mkI  things, 
where  the  white  and  yellow  maize  did  abound,  also 
the  cacao,  where  wore  sapotes  and  many  fruits,  and 
honey;  all  was  ovei-flowing  witli  the  best  of  food 
in  this  country  of  Paxil,  or  Cayala.  There  was  food 
of  every  kind;  there  were  large  and  small  plants,  to 
which  the  barbarians  had  guided  them.  Then  they 
began  to  grind  the  yellow  and  white  maize,  and  of 
them  did  Xmucan<5  make  nine  drinks,  which  nour- 
ishment was  the  beginning  of  strength,  giving  unto 
man  flesh  and  stature.  Such  were  the  deeds  of  the 
begetter  and  giver  of  being,  Tepeuh,  Gucumatz. 
Thereupc  *H«y  began  to  speak  of  creating  our  first 
mother  and  our  first  father.  Only  yellow  maize  and 
white  maize  entered  into  their  flesh,  and  these  alone 
formed  the  legs  and  arms  of  man;  and  these  were  our 
first  fathers,  the  four  men  who  were  formed,  into 
whose  flesh  this  food  entered. 

And  from  this  time  of  its  traditional  discovery  by 
Gucumatz,  or  Quetzalcoatl,  down  to  tht  coiujuost  by 
the  Spaniards  and  even  down  to  the  present  tin)e,  the 
yellow  and  white  maize,  in  their  several  varieties, 
have  been  the  chief  reliance  of  the  Maya  as  of  the 
Nahua  nations  for  daily  food.  Every  year  during  the 
latter  months  of  the  dry  season,  from  March  to  May, 
the  farmer  busied  himself  in  preparing  his  mi/jxi,  or 
cornfield,  which  he  did  by  simply  cutting  or  u})rooting 
the  dense  growth  and  burning  it.  The  aslies  thus 
produced  were  the  only  fertilizer  ever  employed,  and 
even  this  was  probably  never  needed  in  this  land  of 
tropical  fertility.  Just  before  the  first  rain  fell, 
equipped  with  a  sack  of  seed-maize  on  his  shoulder 
and  a  sharpened  stick  in  his  hand,  he  made  holes  at 
regular  intervals  among  the  ashes,  and  in  each  depos- 
ited five  or  six  grains,  covering  it  with  the  same  in- 


V 


n 


718 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


strument,  aided  perhaps  by  the  foot.  In  Yucatan 
the  planters  united  in  bands  of  twenty  for  mutual 
assistance,  workinjif  toj^etlier  until  the  land  of  all  tlu' 
ohib  was  properly  seeded.  It  was  not  customary  to 
plant  very  lar«^e  fields,  but  rather  many  in  different 
localities,  to  jifuard  ajjfainst  a  possible  partial  failure  of 
the  crops  from  local  causes,  Hedjj^ea,  ditches,  and 
fences  were  constructed  to  enclose  the  milpas,  so 
effective  in  the  liacandone  country  that  the  8paniai<ls' 
horses  were  una1»le  to  leap  them.  The  corn  was  care 
fully  k(!pt  free  from  weeds  while  "jfrowin*^,  and  watched 
by  boys  after  it  had  bei»'un  to  ripen.  In  Nicara,t»ua, 
where,  ( )viedo  tells  us,  more  attention  was  paid  t<» 
aiifriculture  than  in  any  other  reifion  visited  by  him, 
the  bt>ys  took  their  station  in  trees  scattered  over  the 
field,  or  sosnetirnes  on  raised  covered  scaffolds  of  wo(»d 
and  reeds,  called  harhacoas,  where  they  kept  up  a  con 
tinual  shoutinuf  to  drive  away  the  birds.  Irri<,''ati(»n 
was  j>racticed  when  the  rains  were  backward,  and  il" 
we  may  credit  Oviedo,  l)y  thus  artificially  forcini,^  tlu- 
crop  in  Nicarajj^ua,  well-filled  corn  was  plucked  oidy 
forty  days  after  plantin<>'  the  seed.  Villajj^utierre 
states  that  the  Itzas  Hpent  most  of  their  time  in  W(H 
ship,  dancin<f,  and  jfettiniif  drunk,  trustin<^  to  unculti 
vat<'d  fruits  and  the  fertility  of  their  soil  for  a  snb- 
siMt,(!nce,  and  <'ontenting  theuiselves  with  very  small 
milpas. 

After  maize,  cacao  was  perhaps  the  crop  to  wliidi 
most  attention  was  ]»aid.  It  ^rew  in  hot  and  sIi.kIv 
localities,  and  where  there  was  lio  natural  shade,  tret  ^ 
were  s(;t  out  for  the  purpose.  It  was  cnWad  on  (i;/>i<if  in 
Nicarajjfua,  and  was  <,fathered  from  February  to  A|>ril. 
Several  varieties,  of  a  somewhat  inferior  »iuality. 
iLjrew  wild,  and  were  nuich  used  by  the  natives  Tin 
cultivati(tn  of  beans,  ))epper,  cotton,  and  of  nunieioiis 
native  fruits,  was  carried  on  extensively,  but  we  lia\r 
no   details    res[)ectint^    the    methods    em|»loye(l.'^      In 

*  I.nnda,  Rrlarion,  [i.  l.'iO;  lirnssntr  dc  lloiirhoiir.f,  in   /'/.,  I>.  .'Vil.     On 
till' cdiiHt  uf  Yucutan,    'dos  rauiiica  duiit  ilH  font  li>  |>aiii,  I't  i|ii'ils  ihiiijih  ;ii 


CULTIVATION  OF  THE  SOIL. 


719 


connection  with  the  planting  and  growth  of  tho  vari- 
ous cultivated  plants,  the  Mayas  entertained  some 
peculiar  superstitions.  Far  from  understandini^  the 
simplest  laws  of  nature,  they  recognized  only  super- 
natural a-ji^encies  in  the  growth  or  blighting  of  their 
frojjs.  In  Yucatan,  CogoUudo  states  that  no  meat 
was  eaten  while  <M)tton  was  growing,  I'roiu  fear  that 
it  would  fail  to  mature.  The  Nicaraguaiis,  accord- 
ing to  Ditvila,  ate  no  salt  or  pepper,  nor  did  thev 
drink  any  intoxicating  beverage  or  sleep  with  their 
wtunen  during  the  time  of  phiijinig.  Oviedo  als  » 
observed  certain  bundles  of  sticks  placed  at  th  • 
corrjcrs  of  each  field,  as  well  as  leaves,  ston«)s,  and 
cotton  rags,  scattered  over  the  surface  by  ugly  anil 
deformed  old  hags,  for  some  unknown  but  doubtless 
superstitious  |)urpose.  Palacio  tells  us  that  the  Pipi- 
les  before  begiiming  to  pl-.nt  gathered  in  small  bowls 
specimens  of  all  the  sc ds,  which,  after  })erforming 
certain  rites  with  them  before  the  idol,  they  buried 
in  the  grciund,  and  burned  copal  and  uUi  over  them. 
Blood  was  drawn  freely  fr<jn)  diti'erent  j)urts  of  the 
body,  with  which  to  anoint  the  idol;  and,  as  Ximeiie/ 
stati's,  the  blood  of  slain  fowls  was  sprinkled  over  the 
land  to  be  sown.  In  the  case  of  cacao  the  finest 
grains  of  seed  were  exposed  to  the  moonlight  during 
four  nights;  and  whatever  the  see<l  to  be  planted,  the 
tillers  of  the  soil  must  sleep  ap.irt  from  th(;ir  wives 
and  concubines  I-  r  several  days,  in  order  that  on  tlu; 

mniH.'  Dliiz.  ffim^ruiri ,  in  T'riiiiiir->'i:iii/i'iiis,  Vnif.,  Hi-ric  i.,  toni.  x.,  p.  S. 
TIk'  Liiciiiidi'  it  s  applit'il  tlicm-iclvi'M  'iil  traliujoilu  suh  Mil|iiis,  y  Si'iiK'Ulcrus 
ili>  Mai/,  ('hill',  >  I'nxoU's,  ciitrc  (|uc  H<>iiiliriiviin  riniis,  I'liitikiios,  ItiilatiiH 
.\icaiiius,  ,\a(-i>tcs,  /apittoH.  ,v  otrus  Friilas;'  tli(>ir  iiiil|tas  were  lar;;c.  ami 
were  clcjareil  witli  stoiu"  liutclietH.  \'iltiirfu(irrrr,  Hist.  ('om/.  f/zn,  pp. 
MIO-II.  The  ll/aH  hail  'iiiiicha  (iraiia,  Cera,  Ai;;<tili)ii,  At-liiote,  na.viiilla>«, 
V  (itnis  lAjjiitnltreM.'  /«/..  pp.  .'i.'ill,  VMl  Many  varieticM  of  lieaiH  riiined  in 
N'icarr.^iia.  (h'irdo,  Ilis/.  (Irn.,  tciii'.  i. ,  p.  -S.").  'Vi  iniit'hos  destus  pera- 
l<^s  en  la  prtiviii(,'ia  de  Nieara^tna,  pucMtos  il  inano  t'n  Ian  herciiailes  »•  p|jirii.s 
6  assieiitos  <le  loH  indic.'s,  (■  por  eJloseiiltivailoH.  K  sou  tan  ^■'''■■■li''*  lirliolex 
conid  U(i,,'aleH  ul;;uniiH  tlellos.'  Id.,  p.  3,'>S.  I'lantinu  of  niai/e.  /(/.,  pp. 
2(m-();  tiiin.  iv  ,  pp.  101-.'>.  See  also  on  aj^rieiilture:  linizoiii,  Jlis/.  Mmulit 
SiKiii,,  pp.  MYl  'A;  .liiilfif/oi/n,  in  Xnvanrtr,  Vol.de  l'i(iji;i,  toni.  iii.,  lip. 
41IJ-14;  Cor/^K,  t'ltrhi-i,  p.  40."i;  Sqiticr'.s  ('rut.  Aiinr.,  pp.  TmI,  f>'tt\;  VinUrf- 
If-hnr,  in  f'/innioji,  Ituinrs  Aiuvr.,  p.  71;  Uiiiahuldt,  k.uai  I'oL,  toni.  i., 
p.  lf(il>;  Gidldttn,  in  Aiiur.  Kfhnu.  Soc,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  p.  8. 


'ff  i 


'  ! 


%%\ 


790 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


niiifht  before  plantinor  t^ey  mi^ht  indulge  their  pas 
sioriis  to  the  fullest  extent;  certain  persons  are  evei: 
s ml  to  have  been  apj)ointed  to  perforin  the  sexual  act 
at  the  very  moment  when  the  first  seeds  were  de- 
posited in  the  ground.  Before  begiiming  the  opera- 
tion of  weeding,  they  burned  incense  at  the  four 
corners  of  the  field,  and  uttered  fervent  j^rayers  t(( 
the  idols.  When  the  com  was  ripe  they  i>!ucked  the 
finest  ears  and  offered  them  to  the  gods,  tt)  the  priests, 
and  sometimes  also  to  the  j)oor.  At  harvest  time  the 
corn  was  heai)ed  up  in  tlie  field,  and  was  not  moved 
until  the  grain  itself  gave  the  signal  that  it  was 
ready;  the  signal  was,  as  Brasseur  states  it,  tin- 
s])ringing  up  of  a  fiv.'sh  blade,  or,  aecoiding  to  Xi- 
meiiez,  the  falling  of  an  ear  from  the  heaj)." 

The    home   of    the    Mayas    in    ni>arly    every    part 
abounded  in  many  varieties  of  game,  and  the  authois 
report  the  natives  to  liave  been  expert  liunters  and 
fishermen,  but  resj)o('ting  the  })arti<'nlar  methods  •  in- 
j)loyed  in  capturiiig  6>od  i'r<nn  forest,  (x-ean,  and  riv«r, 
little  information  has  1kx.'ii  j»reserved.     Tli«-  jw^ph'  of 
Yucatan  used  the  bow  an/)  arrow;  were  es}/e!«ii<:lly  <ki\\ 
ful  at  throwing  a  kind  of  strnrw  or  dart  b-s   iii>  h      /a 
piece  of  wood  three  fingers  thick,  pierc<;d  with  a  hole 
at   one  third  its  length;  and,  a<'cording  to  <  ogolhido. 
they  l)rcd  hunting  flogs  which  were  trained  to  follow 
anci  wize  d(^er,  tigers,  an<l  Ixmrs,  as  well  as  badgers,  rah 
bitn.  armadillos,  and  iifuanas.     The  latter  animal  was, 
as  it  still   is,  a  favorite  food.     Tradition   niates  that 
the  Tutul  XiuM  when  they  first  came  to  Yu<ataii  u.s(<l 
ao  weapons,  Ixit  were  famous  for  their  skill   in  taking 
game  by  means  of  snares,  traps,  and  similar  devices. 
In  Cfuatennila,  a  blow-pipe  and  eartlun  bullets  wen 
stimetimes  used  to  shoot  birds.    A  j>ortion  of  all  gaiin 
taken  had  to  be  given  to  the  rulers  of  town  and  pro\ 
ince,  and  also  a  large  j)ortion     half,  I^as  ( 'asas  tells 

^Ximrnez,  Hl.it.  I ,>t.  Gimt.,  pp.  1»0-I;  Coijolhulo,  Hi.',  i'lo:,  y.  |s.<, 
Fnlnrio,  Ciuln.  jip.  T-'-»;  Orin/o,  Hint.  Urn.,  to'iii.  i  ,  i). 'iS.'!;  /Mn/ii.  Jfni'' 
Ki'Ifii.,  toin.  i.,  p.  i'St'A;  Jiranseur  Ue  Jioiirbourtj,  Hint.  Nat.  t'iu.,  toni.  ii.,  J'l' 
5fl.->  «. 


a 


US,  m 

hies, 
in   SOI 
scri  I  )e( 
from 
also  i 
the  ti< 
the  In 
water 
Itzas 
alligat( 
V^era  1 
l)r()])er 
favorite 
seem  to 
at  hand 
As  ai 
little  us« 
WM  nev 
t\\*'.  x"am( 
for  f''»of|. 
Mot  bark 
Th**y  we 
V'lK-atan, 
alr»adv  i 
and  othei 


rSE  OF  MEAT  AS  FOOD. 


791 


US,  in  (iriiateinala  — must  l)e  ottered  to  the  <y(xl  of  hunt- 
ini(,  or,  ill  other  words,  furnished  for  the  priests'  ta- 
hles.  Fish  and  turtles  weri'  the  ehief  arti('k;s  of  food 
iu  souie  coast  re«(ions,  and  the  Nicaraiifuans  are  de- 
scrihed  hy  Oviedo  as  expert  Hshernien,  who  took  tish 
from  ocean  and  river  hy  means  of  rods,  hues,  and  flies, 
also  in  cotton  nets,  and  hy  ]>ens  and  cnihankments  in 
the  tide  waters.  They  are  .said  to  liave  had  a  plant, 
the  hi(i/i/un,  a  decoction  of  which  l)einy  put  in  the 
water  hrouiiciit  the  fish  senseless  to  the  surface.  The 
Itzas  and  ])rol»ahly  others  used  the  harjxton.  Young 
alli<,'ators  just  hatched  were  esteemed  as  delicacies  in 
V^era  Paz,  ami  larye  tleets  of  canoes  were  sent  at  the 
proper  season  to  take  them.  The  tapir  was  also  a 
favorite  article  of  food.  Toads  and  other  leptiles 
stHMii  to  have  heen  eaten  when  other  supplies  were  not 
at  hand.* 

As  an  article  of  daily  food,  meat  was  comparatively 
little  used;  (Jot^olludo  even  goes  so  far  as  to  say  it 
waM  never  eatttn  in  Yucatan  except  at  feasts.  Besides 
th«  xanit'-supjdy.  <logs  of  a  certain  species  were  raised 
for  f<i<Kl.  riiey  were  of  small  size,  without  hair,  loidd 
not  hark,  and  when  castrated  hecame  innnensely  fat. 
TIh'V  were  called  .ndos  in  Nicara*fini,  and  ttonu's  in 
V'in-;»tan,  l»ut  were  prohahly  the  same  as  the  tcc/ilchis 
ah»ady  nuMitioned  in  ^[exico.  Turkeys,  ducks,  geese, 
and  other  fowl  were  domesticated;  and  pigs,  rahhits, 


!i  if 


*  In  til*  ))rnvin<T  <if  ('aiiijMV'lic  the  .S|»aiiinnls  wore  fciistod  on  'T'or- 
"•iM'kcH  aiicl  crHiiiiiKMl  t'oiilr  liotli  "f  ilii'  Miiiintuym's.  WihkI-^,  ami  Water,  art 
''ttry<'lii'H,  f/iiayU'M,  'riirtlt'»«.  Ihuki-s,  (ici'sc,  ami  fdurcfootcil  wilde  licastcs, 
<  MiiKi-t'M,  FlartfM.  aixl  Hares:  Ih'sjiIc-^  Wnlt'cs,  Lyons,  'rv>;iTs.  ami  Koxcm.' 
h'rf  Marl i/r,  <\i'i-  i\.,  Iil>.  ii.  '.liMit.iiisc  taiiibicii  pnra  la  raca  ilt'  I.  en  I., 
•NM*  <i  iiKMios,  y  la  curiH'  di'l  vciiiulo  a-^aii  en  jiarillas,  |iori|U('  no  so  li'« 
Xanl*-,  y  VfuiiloK  al  iiui-ldo,  lia/m  ~ii>  |iri'sciit('s  ai  si-niir,  y  ilislril>iiy<Mi  roirio 
aiiiiifoM  yd  iiifHino  lia/t'ii  t-ii  la  iii'-ca.'  Lifmln,  Jii/nrim, .  |i|i.  l;iO-2,  4('>. 
Ill  Vpra  I'ii/  ■  tcjoiu's,  i|U«'  iIimicii  luu-na  canii',  el  liilalx's  incjor  <|iit'  far- 
iicro:  vtMiiMlilloN  vcrini'jo.s,  y  otrox  lMtyo>.  nmclioH  otros  cnii'  los  liidioH 
lli'i'lian.  y  conieii  nlj;iino<<  dcsollailim.  otros  ahiiniadoN.  y  asKados.  on  liarlMi- 
<iia,  y  on  <'lmrini»',  v  t<Ml<i  inal;.'iiisado.'  //.  re /v/,  Hisf.  <!ni.,  doo.  iv.,  lih. 
X,  ran.  xiii.,  .\iv.,  li.  At<'ozMiuol  'ol  iM-soadn  os  .su  oaMJ  ])riiii'i|ial  niiiii- 
jar  ■  (loiiitirii,  Ciinq.  ytr*-.  t'ol.  '11.  Sc  aNo  ''•inlit,  Hint.  Gin.,  toin.  i., 
|>|i.  ;{.5.'),  VIA,  497,  toin.  iv..  \>.  XV,  i'ii;i'i/f>ii(i,,  H.sl.  l'«f.,  p.  IST;  l.nsl'ii- 
■•"I",  Hi.sl.  AfwliHirlird,  MS..  i'«;i  177;  liiffisrur  ilf  BoKrhiiiinj,  I'l^pol  Villi, 
|i.  f>3. 

Vol.  II.    if. 


r 


722 


THK  MAYA  NATIONS. 


and  hares  are  mentioned  as  havinj^  been  bred.  Mul- 
titudes of  bees  were  kept  for  their  honey  and  wax, 
and  hives  are  spoken  of  by  Las  Casas  witliout  descrip- 
tion, (ioniara  says  the  bees  were  small  and  the  honey 
somewhat  bitter.  The  only  methods  of  nuikinj^  salt 
that  I  find  particularly  mentioned  were  to  bake  tide- 
washed  earth,  l)oilinif  down  the  brine  made  of  tiie 
product,  and  also  to  l»oil  the  lye  produced  by  leechiii<;- 
the  ashes  of  a  palm  called  xacxam.  The  former 
method  was  practiced  in  (Guatemala,  at  ^reat  cost  (*f 
laljor  and  wealth,  as  Herrera  says;  the  second  is  in- 
ferred to  Yucatan.  Many  roots  were  of  course  util 
ized  for  food,  and  a  peculiar  herb,  called  //««/,  Wiis 
mixed  with  lime  and  carried  constantly  in  the  mouth 
by  the  Nicaraij^uans  on  the  march  or  journey,  as  a 
preventive  of  fatij^ue  and  thirst.' 

Kespectin<»'  the  preservation  and  cookiniif  of  fond. 
as  well  as  the  habits  of  the  people  in  takinji;'  their 
daily  meals,  there  are  no  differences  to  be  recorded 
from  what  has  been  said  of  the  Nahuas.  The  inevi- 
table tortillas  and  tamales  were  the  standard  disli, 
made  in  the  same  way  as  at  the  north;  meat  was 
dried,  salted,  roasted,  and  stewed,  with  pepper  for  tin- 
favorite  seasoning.  Fruits  were  perhaps  a  more  prom- 
inent article  of  food,  and  were  eaten  for  tlie  most  part 
raw."  CWolludo  informs  us  that  the  Yucatei's  eat 
reijfularly  once  a  day,  just  before  sunset;  and  we  are 
also  told  that  they  took  jj^reat  pains  to  keep  their 
brii,dit-i'(dored  table-cloths  and  napkins  in  a  state  nt' 
perfect  cleanliness.      In  Nicaragua,  they  were  aeeiis- 


*  Lnntlfi,  R'-liirinii,  p.  118;  Las  C'axnn,  in  KitiffuboivHiih'x  Mi\i:  An'iq , 
vol.  viii.,  J).  MS;  I'tiiftiHiulo,  Hist.  Ynr.,  y\\.  184,  187-8,  7(H);  ['illw/iiHnri: 
llist.  CoiK/.  Itzu,  pp.  41,  'AW;  Vi'irilo,  Ilist.  Gen.,  toin.  i,,  pp.  'Joii  7,  411, 
4»7,  r>07,  toiii.  iii.,  p.  'J27;  /V/rr  Martyr,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  vi,  ii.,  Acv.  vi.,  lilt, 
iii. ;  llrnrra,  Ilixt.  6V/i.,  dec.  i.,  lilt,  v.,  cap.  v.,  dec.  iv.,  lilt,  viii.,  tap. 
viii,;  h'limara,  Coiiq.  Mvx.,  fcil.  'iS;  Id.,  Jlist.  Intl.,  fol.  Cl-'J;  I'ortis,  in,- 
fas.  p.  44'.>;  Faiifourf's  Ilisf.  Viti-.,  p.  32. 

«  (Virtt'H,  Cartas,-]}.  2.S,  t«ll«  us  thiit  no  Itrciid  was  made  in  Yiicutan,  I'lit 
that  maize  was  eaten  roasted.  The  In-st  tortiiiaH  in  Nicaragua  were  ralliMl 
tiiiritlfiorhoii.  Oiu'rdn,  Tlisl.  dm.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  '2(>7,  3.M,  3.'>'i,  411,  ri I.!,  •''-,'(, 
toiii.  iii.,  p.  227.  See  ulsit  l.aiida,  Jiclarion,  pji.  110-20,  135;  Ifureiii,  Ilist. 
(If  I.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,cap.  xiii. 

« 


DRINKS  PREPAHED  FROM  MAIZE. 


723 


tomed  to  wash  the  hands  and  mouth  after  eatinor;  and 
the  chiefs,  who  sat  in  a  circle  on  wtKiden  henches  and 
were  served  hy  the  women,  also  washed  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  meal.  The  men  and  women  eat 
always  separately,  the  latter  takin)i^  their  ftRxl  from 
the  jLifround,  or  sometimes  from  a  palm-leaf  hasket- 
work  platter.  Very  little  food  sufficed  for  the  Mayas 
and  they  could  bear  hunjjer  for  a  lonj(  time,  hut  like 
all  the  abori»(inal  inhabitants  of  America  they  eat 
plentifully  when  well  supplied,  takinjf  no  heed  for  a 
time  in  the  future  when  food  mijjfht  be  lackint»-.^ 

We  have  seen  that  in  the  bejj^imun;jf,  according  to 
the  tradition,  Xmucane  invented  nine  drinks,  which 
were  prepared  fnmi  majze.  The  exact  comp«)sitiun  of 
these  famous  beveraufes  of  antiquity  is  not  jj^iven;  but 
Landa  .speaks  of  at  least  six,  in  the  j)reparation  of 
which  maize  was  used,  at  least  is  an  ingredient.  To 
make  the  fir.st,  the  vovu  was  half-hoiled  in  lime-water, 
coar.sely  j^round,  and  jueserved  in  small  balls,  wliich 
were  simply  mixed  with  water  for  use;  this  l)ever!j^'e 
was  much  used  on  journeys,  and  was  often  the  only 
provision,  .serving-  lor  food  as  well.  Tlie  secoii»!  was 
made  of  the  same  hulled  corn  <,n'ouiid  fine  and  mixed 
in  water  .so  as  to  form  a  «»tui'1,  whicii  was  heated  and 
thickened  over  the  t\vv,  and  was  a  favorite  drink 
taken  hot  in  the  mornlnt^.  The  third  was  panhed 
corn  ground,  niixitl  in  water,  and  seasoned  with  pep- 
per or  cacao.  The  fourth  was  comijosed  ol"  y'round 
maize  and  cacao,  and  was  <lesiijned  esju'cially  for 
jaiblic  festivals.  For  tlie  tittli  a  gn,use,  much  like 
laitter,  was  extracted  from  cacao  and  mixed  with 
Uiaize.  The  sixth  was  ]trepared  from  raw  maize 
i^'round.  The  fenuenttd  liinior,  made  of  mai/e  and 
cacao,  wliich  was  «lniiik  l»y  the  Itzas,  was  called  -.(un. 
\ative  witjcs  were  made  of  honey  !in<l  water,  of  tiys, 
and  of  a  jjreat   variety  of  fruits;  tli;>t   made   of  the 


lil;' 


'  Hrrnntntr  lil'  Bfntrhnnni,  TH.st.  \tit.  Cii:,  toili.  ii..  l))i.  (59;   l.ntida,  Ri  ■ 
hirioii.  Ik    lat;   i'ttgtJhuli,,   ll,'s/     Vitr  .  |i.     ISO;   Oriii/,,,   llifl    fi'ii.,  toiii     iv.. 


Ill 


724 


THK  MAYA  NATION'S. 


native  fruit  called  jacofe,  and  one  of  red  cherries, 
were  very  popular  in  Nicaruj^ui.  Chirha  was  a  fer- 
mented drink  made  of  i)ine-app]e  juice,  honey  or 
8u«jfar,  and  water.  PuUpie  made  from  the  maj^uey  is 
mentioned,  but  this  plant  does  not  seem  to  have 
played  so  im])ortant  a  role  in  the  south  as  in  tlu; 
north;  at  least  there  is  very  little  said  <»f  it.  A  very 
stronj*"  and  stinking  wine  is  also  menti  '"jd  as  heiny 
prepared  from  a  certain  r(M)t.  Herrera  tells  us  that 
the  maize-wines  resembled  beer,  and  Andaj^foya  that 
their  intoxicatin«(  properties  were  not  very  lastint^. 
Benzoni  complains  that  the  native  wines  failed  to 
comfort  tiie  spirit,  warm  the  stomiu'h,  and  sooth  to 
sleej)  like  those  of  Castile.  Chocolate  and  otlicr 
drinks  prepared  from  cacao  were  universal  favorites, 
and  were  prepared  both  from  wild  and  cultivated 
varieties.  Ovied()  states  that  in  Nicaraifua  none  but 
the  rich  and  noble  could  afford  to  drink  it,  as  it  was 
literally  drinkinj^  money.  He  describes  the  manner 
of  preparing  the  cacao,  covo,  or  cac<t</uat.  It  was 
[)icked  from  the  trees  from  February  to  April,  diitil 
in  the  sun,  roasted,  ground  in  water,  mixed  with  a 
fjuantity  of  hijra  until  it  was  of  a  bright  i)l(MHl-co|(ir, 
and  the  dried  paste  was  |)reserved  in  cakes.  With 
tills  ;>!iste  the  natives  deliy^hted  to  bedaub  tiieir  fjict-s. 
To  prepare  the  drink,  they  do  not  seem  to  have  ciu- 
ployed  heat,  at  least  in  this  part  of  the  country,  l»iit 
simply  dissolved  tiie  paste  in  water,  and  poured  it 
from  one  dish  into  another  to  raise  a  froth. 

The  Mayas  seem  to  have  been  a  })eople  greatly  ad 
dicttMl  to  the  vice  of  drunkemiess,  which  was  much 
less  disgraceful  and  less  severely  punislied  by  the 
laws  than  among  the  Nahuas.  It  was  <juite  essential 
to  the  tiion)ugh  enjoyment  of  a  feast  (M-  wedding  ti> 
lx5come  intoxicated;  the  wife  even  handed  tlie  ttinpt 
ing  l>everages  to  her  husband,  modestly  averttd 
her  head  while  he  drank,  kindly  guided  Iiim  lutme 
when  the  festivities  were  over,  and  even  U'caiue 
intoxicated    herself    occasionallv,    if   Lauda   mav  he 


EATING  HUMAN  FLESH. 


725 


believed.  The  same  aiithority  represents  the  natives 
of  Yucatan  as  very  brutal  and  indecent  when  drunk, 
and  Oviedo  says  that  he  who  dropped  dt>wn  senseless 
from  <lrink  in  a  banquet  was  allowed  to  remain  where 
he  fell,  and  was  rej^arded  l)y  his  companions  with  feel- 
injfs  of  envy.' 

The  custom  of  eating  the  flesh  of  human  victims 
who  were  sacrificed  to  the  gods,  was  probably  j)rac- 
ticed  more  or  less  in  all  the  Maya  regions;  but 
neither  this  cannil>alism  nor  the  sacrifices  that  gave 
rise  to  it  were  so  extensively  indulged  in  as  by  the 
Mexicans.  Some  authors,  as  Gomara,  deny  that 
human  flesh  was  ever  eaten  in  Yucatan,  but  others, 
as  Herrera,  Villagutierre,  and  Peter  Martyr,  con- 
tradict this,  although  admitting  that  cases  of  can- 
nibalism were  rare,  and  the  victims  confined  to 
sacrificed  enemies.  Las  Casas  states  that  in  Guate- 
mala the  hands  and  feet  were  given  to  the  king  and 
high-priest,  the  rest  to  other  {)riests,  and  tluit  none 
was  left  for  the  people.  In  Nicaragua  the  high- 
priest  received  the  heart,  the  king  tlie  feet  and 
hands,  he  who  captured  the  vii'tim  took  the  thighs, 
til''  tripe  was  given  to  the  trumpeters,  an<l  the  rest 
»!i,s  divided  among  the  people.  The  head  was  not 
eaitieiL  The  edilde  portions  were  cut  in  small  pieces, 
liM'»iled  in  large  pots,  si^asoned  with  salt  and  pe|)per, 
and  eaten  together  with  cakes  <if  iiiM'ze.  At  certain 
feasts  also  maize  was  sprinkled  with  blood  from  the 
genitals,  Acc<»r(ling  to  HerrtM'a  some  Spaniards 
were  eaten  in  Yucatan.  Imt  All>ornoz  trlls  us  that 
the  natives  of  H<>n«lnras  found  the  foreigners  too 
tou<^h  and  hitter  t«»  be  eaten." 

«  Vinnifwtirrri .  ///>'  ''.»»iy.  Ilza,  np.  W,  0"),  .112:  Lninln,  Rflneion, 
itp.  llt>-2(».  I'.t'J;  llirni-i.  Ili-i/.  '/•  n..  Ueiv  i.  lil>.  v  .  cup.  v..  di'e.  iii.,  lili. 
IV.,  nip.  vii.,  dec,  iv..  lili  viii.,  cim  ix.,  lili.  x.,cap.  iv  ;  Orni/o,  Ifisi.  '/<•((., 
Iiilll.  i.,  pp.  2()7,  HI7-I>*,  t'tiil.  iv.,  p.  Ur»;  liiiizinii.  Hist.  Mitinlu  Miioro,  fol. 
H»-i-.M,  liW;  La.i  ''imti.i,  HiM  A/x^'ogHim,  MS.,  .up.  cLxxvii.;  Wuhlnk, 
I'll/.  I'itt.,  p.  4<»;  ! 'iirfi'.s'  Ih:s/nifr)i'-.i,  ji.  4;  Jtriixni'iir  lir  ISoiirhiiiirif,  Hi.il. 
A'.ir  '/(•.,  toin.  II  .pp.  .M'JI.  •«•«. 

9  In  Viicatnii:  TIh'sc  niirWiiriaiiK  ('at^*  iiiwly  tlitMrpiiPinit'H,  orHiirli  stntii- 
ll^m  uH  ciiiiu'  vuv«  tlu'iii,  (itluTwiw  tlu'v  almtaiiif  fnim  inaiis  fl».«li.'  I'l/,  r 
Jturfi/r,  dec.  iv.,  iili.  vi.     lu  •riiutt-iuula  the  lu-ad-'  and  iripe  wi-ri-  si'a><»nt'd 


79S 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


By  reason  of  the  warmer  climate  in  the  southern 
lands,  or  of  a  difference  in  the  popular  taste,  some- 
what less  attention  seems  to  have  been  paid  to  dress 
and  personal  adornment  by  the  Mayas  than  by  the 
Nahutus,  or  rather  the  Maya  dress  was  much  more 
sinii>le  and  more  uniform  amontf  the  different  classes 
t)f  society;  and,  so  far  as  can  be  determined  from  the 
very  scanty  information  extant,  there  was  only  a  very 
slii^ht  variation  in  th^  dress  of  the  diflerent  nations — 
much  less,  indeed,  than  would  naturally  be  expected 
between  the  tribes  of  the  low  Yucatan  plains  and  of 
the  Guatemalan  highlands.  Very  little  of  the  infor- 
mition  that  has  been  preserved,  however,  relates  to 
the  people  of  Guatemala.  Men  wore  almost  univers- 
ally the  garment  known  in  Mexico  as  the  maxtli,  a 
long  strip  ot  cotton  cloth,  wound  several  times  round 
the  loins  and  passing  between  the  legs.  This  strip 
was  often  twisted  so  Jis  to  resemble  a  cord,  and  the 
higher  the  cliuss  or  the  greater  the  wealth  of  the 
wearer,  the  greater  the  length  of  the  cord  and  the 
numl)er  of  turns  about  the  body.  Among  the  Itzas 
and  other  tribes  of  Yucatan,  instead  of  passing  this 
garment  between  the  legs,  its  ends  were  often  allowid 
to  hang,  one  in  front  and  the  other  behind,  i)eing  in 
such  cjises  more  or  less  embroidered  t)V  otherwise! 
decorated.'"     In  more  modern  times  the  maxtli  seems 

with  wine.  /,a?  Ctisus,  lli.it.  ApolorfHicn,  MS.,  cap.  elxxvii. ;  Id.,  in  Kiinfu- 
ti()riiiii/h\i  Stix.  Anil  I.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  H7;  Villixjutirrri',  Hint.  Com).  Il~<i,  pp. 
<)!!(,  (i.")l;  (rDiniirn,  Ifiaf.  IiiiL,  fol.  02;  Ifrrnra,  Hi.if.  (}ni.,dcr.  ii.,  lil).  iv., 
uitp.  vii.,  (lee.  iii.,  lilt,  iv.,  cap.  vi.,  vii.,  Iil>.  vii.,  ciip.  iii.  ,<lcc.  jv.,  lilt,  x., 
cap.  IV.;  Orieito,  lli.'it.  (ini.,  Utm.  iv.,  pp.  H7,  5 1-2,  .50,  108;  Aiiifaifoi/d,  in 
Nnviinrtr,  Col.  dr  Viakn,  toni.  iii.,  p.  4'2();  llf.iiznni,  Hist.  Moiidu  y'lmrn, 
fi)i.  'Vi,  104;  Alhonioz,  in  Icnzhalir.td,  Col.  di:  Dor.,  toin.  i.,  |).  480;  Ifil/i.i' 
S/imi.  Coiiq.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  88;  Pimcntd,  Mem.  sobtx  la  Rnza  Iiidi'jeiin,  [».  '.'.■(; 
Mo  relet,  Voijitqe,  t<»ni.  i.,  p.  191. 

'"  The  ltau<,  men  iind  women,  wore  'faxas'  4  varas  h»ng  and  ^  varji 
wide.  Villoifiilirrir,  Hi.st.  Coikj.  Itza,  |)p.  .312,  402,  4S)8.  At  Caini»fclic.  a 
Htrip  of  cotton  one  hand  wide,  twi)4tc<l  and  wound  20  or  30  times  ulxiiii 
the  hody.  Orirdo,  Hint.  tien..  torn,  i.,  pp.  512-l.S.  This  garment  cjillicl 
mn.ifiite.  lieriial  Diaz,  Ili.il.  Coin/.,  fol.  2.  Ends  embroidered  and  tlcin- 
rated  with  feathers.  Laiidti,  li'larion,  p.  110.  Alnutt/zares,  culled  in  New 
Spain  mantil;  otherwise  naked.  Ilerrern,  Hint.  Gen.,  dec.  i.,  lil».  v.,  rap. 
v.,  dec.  ii.,  lili.  iv.,  cap.  vii.;  Vort(s'  Despatches,  p.  4.  Tiie  CijiapanciH 
naked  except  this  cloth  about  the  loins.  Jiemesal,  Hist.  Ghyapa,  pp.  'J'.*'.', 


I)KE.S.S  OF  THE  MAYAS. 


727 


to  have  been,  in  some  cases  at  least,  replaced  by  «'<)t- 
ton  drawers,  fastened  with  a  strin«(  round  the  waist, 
atid  havinj^  the  lejjfs  rolled  up  to  the  middle  of  the 
thijifh."  A  large  proportion  of  tiie  Mayas,  especially 
of  the  poorer  classes,  wore  commonly  no  other  gar- 
ment than  the  one  mentioned;  but  very  few  were 
without  a  piece  of  cotton  cloth  about  four  or  five  feet 
square,  which  was  used  as  a  covering  at  night  and  was 
often  worn  in  the  daytime,  by  tying  two  comers  on 
the  same  side  over  the  shoulders  and  allowing  the 
cloth  to  hang  down  the  back.  The  Spaniards  uni- 
formly apply  the  somewhat  indelinite  term  'mantle' 
to  this  garment.  Those  mantles  are  still  worn."  The 
only  other  garment  mentioned,  and  one  not  definitely 
stated  to  have  been  worn  except  in  Yucatan,  was  a 
kind  of  loose  sleeveless  shirt  reaching  to  the  knees. 
These  shirts  as  well  as  the  mantles  were  worn  both 
white  and  dyed  in  brilliant  and  variegated  colors."  I 
find  no  mention  of  other  material  than  cotton  used  for 
clothing,  except  in  the  case  of  the  Cakchi<juel8,  who, 
according  to  Brasseur,  wore  both  bark  and  maguey- 
fibre." 

There  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the  dress  of 
nobles,  priests,  or  kings,  differed  essentially  from  that 
of  the  common  people,  except  in  fineness  of  material 
or  richness  and  profusion  of  ornaments.  It  is  proba- 
ble, however,  that  the  higher  classes  were  always 
clad  in  the  garments  which  have  been  described, 
while   a   majority   of  the   plebeians   wore   only   the 


"  Plate  showing  the  costume  of  an  Indian  of  the  interior.  JValdeek, 
Vot/.  Pitt.,  pi.  V.  Trowscrs  of  cotton  in  Salvador.  Squirr's  Cent.  Ainer., 
1>.  ij21. 

'2  Called  tilmas  or  ha;/nt<:\;  a  van!  and  a  half  Houare.  Coifo/iuilo,  Hist. 
Viir.,  p.  187.  Mantle.s  called  ziiijfii.  /(/..  p.  '2.  'Mantas  pintadus.'  Las 
Casas,  in  Kiiiffuboro'Kfh'.s  Mrx.  Aiiti/.,  vol.  viii.,  p.    147. 

'3  t-otton  robes  oi  i>riglit  olors.  Sriuirr'.<<  Crnf.  An'r.,  j>.  .'mI.  'Tu- 
niques.'  Tfrnaux-CoiH/Kiiin,  in  Niiii>rilM-  Aniialrn  dru  Voij.,  IS4H,  toin. 
xcvii.,  p.  .52.  'Srtck.s.'  Faiicniirt'.i  Hisf.  Vm;.,  pp.  "284-5.  'Cauiisutas  de 
colores.  Orirdo,  Hist.  Cffii.,  toni.  i.,  p.  4i)7.  'Aainietasde  algodon.'  lier- 
nal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  2.  '('aniisette  senza  ntuniche.'  Ik.iiznni,  Hist. 
Mondo  N:>ovo,  pp.  98,  104. 

'<  Hist.  Nut.  Civ.,  toin.  ii.,  p.  172.  Mayas  dress  like  the  Mcxipan.s. 
Hcrrcra,  Hist,  Gen.,  dec,  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  c;ip.  vii. 


<  t- 


728 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


inaxtli,  which  was  Mometimes  only  a  single  strip  of 
cloth  pnsHintr  once  rouiul  the  waist  and  between  the 
len^.  As  rulers  and  priests  are  often  spoken  of  as 
dressed  in  'large  white  mantles'  or  'flowing  robes,'  it 
is  probable  that  the  mantle  worn  by  them  was  much 
larger,  as  well  as  of  finer  stuff,  than  that  described. 
Landa  speaks  of  a  priest  in  Yucatan  who  wore  an 
upper  garment  of  colored  feathers,  with  strips  of  cot- 
ton hanging  from  its  border  to  the  ground.  Palacio 
tells  us  of  priestly  robes  in  Salvador  of  different  col- 
ors, black,  blue,  green,  red,  and  yellow.  According 
to  Remesal  the  priests  of  Guatemala  were  filthy, 
alx>minable,  and  ugly,  in  fact  very  hogs  in  dress.  In 
Nicaragua,  Herrera  describes  white  cotton  surplices, 
and  other  priestly  vestments,  some  small,  others 
hanging  from  the  shoulders  to  the  heels,  with  hang- 
ing  pockets,  in  which  were  carried  stone  lancets,  with 
various  herbs  and  powders,  indispensable  in  the 
practice  of  sacerdotal  arts.  Ximenez  represents  the 
Guatemalan  king's  dress  as  like  that  of  the  people, 
except  that  he  had  his  ears  and  nose  pierced,  of  which 


more  anon 


15 


The  women  universally  wore  a  skirt  formed  by 
winding  a  wide  piece  of  cotton  cloth  round  the  IkmIv 
and  fastening  it  at  the  waist.  This  garment  reached 
from  the  waist  to  the  knee,  as  worn  by  the  pleboiaii 
women,  but  those  of  a  higher  class  covered  with  it 
their  legs  as  low  as  the  ankles.  In  some  parts  of 
Nicaragua,  especially  on  the  islands,  Herrera  says 
that  except  this  skirt,  which  was  so  scanty  as  hanlly 
to  merit  a  better  name  than  breech-clout,  the  women 
were  naked;  but  elsewhere  they  were  always  par- 
ticular to  cover  their  breasts  from  sight.  This  thoy 
accomplished  in  some  cases  by  a  piece  of  cloth  round 
the  neck,  and  fastened  under  the  arms;  but  they  aUo 


'*  Landa,  Rclae.ion,  pp.  I48-.50;  Palacio,  Carta,  pp.  Ct'2-4;  BKinc-nl, 
Hist.  Chya^m,  p.  137;  Herrera,  Hint.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  li)>.  iv.,  «!ap.  vii.,  tiff. 
iv.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  .\.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  ii.,  cup.  xvii.;  Ximenez,  Hist.  Jnil. 
Guat.,  p.  197;  liranneKr  tie  Dourdourg,  Hist.  .Vat.  ','<('.,  toiii.  ii.,  p.  54. 


DRESH  OF  WOMEN  AND  CHILDKEN. 


720 


often  wore  a  kind  of  chemise,  or  loose  sack,  with  holes 
for  the  liead  and  arms,  and  sonietinius  with  short 
sleeves.  The  latter  garment  was  always  worn  on 
feast-days  by  those  who  had  it  to  wear.  Aiida«;foya 
mentions  a  sort  of  caj)e  worn  in  Nicara«(ua,  which  had 
a  hole  for  the  head,  and  covered  the  breasts  and  half 
of  the  arms.  Herrera  speaks  of  a  sack  open  at  iMjth 
ends,  and  tij^htened  at  the  waist,  worn  in  Nicaraifua; 
and  Landa  mentions  the  same  pirinent  in  Yiuratan. 
The  women,  like  the  men,  used  a  scpiare  mantle  to 
sleep  under,  and  carried  it  with  them  on  journeys. 
Children  were  allowed  to  remain  naked  in  Yucatan 
till  they  were  four  or  five  years  old,  and  in  (Jmite- 
mala  to  the  aj^e  of  eii^ht  or  nine  years;  but  in  Yuca- 
tan, Landa  tells  us,  that  a  boy  at  the  iijre  of  three 
years,  had  a  white  ornament  tied  in  his  hair,  and  a 
fjfirl  at  the  same  ai^e  had  a  shell  fastened  by  a  string 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  cover  certain  parts  of  her 
person." 

It  is  very  difficult  to  form  any  definite  idea  of  the 
Maya  methods  of  dressin«(  the  hair,  save  that  all  al- 
lowed it  to  grow  long,  and  most  })ersons  separated  it 
into  tresses,  winding  some  of  them  about  the  head  and 
allowing  others  to  hang  down  the  back.  Landa  in- 
forms us  that  the  Yucatecs  burned  the  hair  on  the 
crown,  allowing  it  to  remain  short  there,  but  permitted 
the  rest  to  grow  as  long  as  it  would,  binding  it  round 
the  head  exce[)t  a  (jueue  behind.  In  Nicaragua,  the 
forehead  was  shaved,  and  sometimes  the  whole  head 
except  a  tuft  at  the  crown.  Tlie  women  everywhere 
and  men  generally  took  great  pains  with  the  hair;  the 
former  often  mixed  feathers  with  their  raven  locks, 

'*  'lA'toffe  rny»5c  iriino  on  dp  iilusiciirs  coiilcurH  qiip  les  feiiiiiiCH  se  nml- 
cnt  eiiooru  uiitoiir  tin  c<ir|)ti  cii  la  si-rriiiit  a  la  eeiiitiirc  coiiiini-  iiii  jiipoii, 
tlcHCCiulaiit  pliiH  oil  iiioiim  Imis  iiii-dcMHmiH  dii  }(eiiou,  hi>  troiive  utrc  oxacti-iiiciit 
ill  1116111C  (|iie  Ton  voit  aiix  inia^cH  d'lHiM  et  mix  feiiiiiieH  t>^yi>ticiiiie!i  iIch 
('piiqiiCH  phiiraitiiiqiieH.'  lirasucunle  liourhotirg.  Hist.  Sat.  (n:,  tiiiii.  ii., 
|t.  07.  Skirt  from  the  waist  to  feet,  called  pit:  Cogollialo,  Hint.  Viic,  mt. 
IS7-8,  699.  'UoiMMt  de  alpuloii,  (lue  llaiiiaii  iiaj^iias.'  liirnnl  Diaz,  Iiint. 
I'onq.,  fol.  2;  Aiidagoi/n,  in  Nararvetr,  Col.  de  Vitijes,  toin.  iii.,  p.  414; 
llinrrn.  Hint.  Grii.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cup.  iv. ;  Lunila,  Jiilurion,  pp. 
184-«,  16,  144-6,  180. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


14^  |2.8 

3^ 

■  22 

I.I 


11.25  ■  1.4 


2.0 


1.6 


V 


/^ 


Hiotographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WIST  Mi4lN  STKICT 

WiBSTER.M.y    14SS0 

(716)  872-4S03 


L17 


r\^ 


^\ 


c^ 


0 


lo 


<i6 


730 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


which  were  dressed  differently  according  as  the  own- 
ers were  married  or  single,  and  particular  oare  was 
devoted  to  the  coiffure  of  a  bride.  All  the  authori- 
ties agree  that  the  priests  in  Yucatan  wore  the  hair 
long,  uncombed,  and  often  saturated  with  sacrificial 
blood.  Plumes  of  feathers  seem  to  have  been  their 
usual  head-dress.  Palacio  and  Herrera  mention  a 
colored  head-dress,  mitre,  or  diadem  with  hanging 
plumes  worn  by  a  priest  in  Salvador.  Over  the 
hair  a  piece  of  cloth  was  usually  worn  by  females,  in 
which  the  Ahh6  Brasseur  finds  a  resemblance  to  the 
Egyptian  calantica.  A  tuft  of  hair  hanging  over  the 
face  of  children  often  made  them  cross-eyed;  indeed, 
mothers  are  said  to  have  arranged  it  with  a  view  to 
this  very  effect,  deemed  by  them  a  desirable  thing,  or 
to  have  attached  to  the  forehead  a  small  hanging  plas- 
ter for  the  same  purpose.  The  number  of  'bizcos' 
treated  by  Dr  Cabot,  who  accompanied  Mr  Stephens 
in  his  excursion  through  Yucatan,  shows  that  though 
squinting  eyes  are  still  common  in  the  country,  the 
defect  has  at  least  lost  its  charm  to  the  Maya  moth- 


ers, 


17 


No  beard  was  worn,  and  the  few  hairs  that  made 
their  appearance  on  the  face  were  immediately  ex- 
tracted. According  to  Landa,  mothers  are  said  to 
have  burned  the  faces  of  young  children  with  hot 
cloths  to  prevent  the  growth  of  a  beard  in  later  years. 
After  the  Conquest  many  of  the  natives  grew  beards, 
which,  though  sometimes  long,  were  always  thin  and 

"  'Es  lo  mas  diiicultoso  en  los  Indios  el  reduzirlos  h  cortarles  el  pelo.' 
Villagutieire,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  pp.  498,  312.  In  Guatemala  soniewhut  less 
attention  seems  to  have  been  paid  to  the  hair.  '  Trayanlo  encrespado,  6  ro- 
bujado  en  la  cabe9a  como  estopas,  h.  causa  de  que  no  se  lo  peynauan. '  Er- 
mesal.  Hist.  Chyapa,  p.  302;  Cogolludo,  Hist,  rvc,  p.  187,  speaks  of  straw 
and  palm-leaf  hats,  but  he  probably  refers  to  his  own  time.  Hair  of  priests 
filled  with  blood.  Id.,  p,  5;  Bernat Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  3;  Sqiiier's  Cent. 
Amer.,  pp.  321,  551.  In  Nicaragua  'traen  rapadas  las  cabc9as  dc  la  niitad 
adelante  6  los  aladares  por  debaxo,  6  d^xanse  una  coleta  de  oreja  &  oreja 
por  detrds  desde  la  coronilla.'  Oriedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  38,  108; 
Landa,  Relacion,  pp.  112-14,  184;  firasseitr  de  Bonrhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  ii.,  p.  68;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iii.,  lib.  viii.,  caji. 
X.  Aguiiar  wore  a  'corona  v  tren9a  de  cabellos,  como  los  naturales.'  Go- 
mara,  Mist,  Ind.,  fol.  62;  Ja.,  Conq,  ilfe«.,  fol.  23;  Puiacio,  Carta,  p.  62. 


DISFIGUREMENT  OF  THE  PHYSIQUE. 


731 


coarse.  Something  like  a  beard  is  also  to  be  seen  on 
some  of  the  sculptured  faces  among  the  Maya  ruins. 
Oviedo  met  in  Nicaragua  a  man  about  seventy  years 
of  age,  who  had  a  long  flowing  white  beard." 

The  Mayas,  when  they  covered  the  feet  at  all,  wore 
a  kind  of  sandal  of  coarse  cloth,  or  more  frequently  of 
dry  deer-skin.  These  sandals  were  simply  pieces  of 
skin,  often  double,  covering  and  fitting  somewhat  the 
sole,  and  fastened  by  cotton  strings  from  the  ankle  to 
the  toes  and  perhaps  also  to  the  heel.  I  find  no  ac- 
count of  hand-coverings  except  in  the  Popol  Vuh, 
where  gloves  are  spoken  of  as  being  used  in  the  game 
of  ball.^" 

Having  provided  for  their  comfort  by  the  use  of 
the  articles  of  dress  already  described,  the  Mayas, 
like  most  other  American  aborigines,  deemed  it  essen- 
tial to  modify  and  improve  their  physique  by  artificial 
means.  This  they  accomplished  by  head-flattening, 
teeth-filing,  perforation  of  the  ears,  nose,  and  lips,  tat- 
tooing, and  painting;  yet  it  is  not  probable  that  all 
these  methods  of  disfigurement  were  practiced  by  all 
the  natives.  In  Nicaragua!,  the  heads  of  infants  were 
flattened;  the  people  believed  that  the  custom  had 
been  originally  introduced  by  the  gods ;  that  the  com- 
pressed forehead  was  the  sign  of  noble  blood  and  the 
highest  type  of  beauty;  and  besides  that  the  head 
was  thus  better  adapted  to  the  carrying  of  burdens. 
Tn  Yucatan,  according  to  Landa,  the  same  custom  ob- 
tained. Four  or  five  days  after  birth  the  child  was 
laid  with  the  face  down  on  a  bed  and  the  head  was 
compressed  between  two  pieces  of  wood,  one  on  the 
forehead  and  the  other  on  the  back  of  the  head,  the 
boards  being  kept  in  place  for  several  days  until  the 

*^  Benzoni,  Hist.  Mimdo  Niiovo,  p.  35;  Chnnini/,  Ruincs  Am(r.,  p.  .341; 
Landa,  Bclneion,  p.  114;  llerrcra,  hint.  (Jen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cup.  iii. ; 
Oviedo,  Hist.  Geii.,  toiii.  iv.,  p.  111. 

19  'Traiaii  suiiduliuH  do  cafianio  o  cuero  do  vonado  per  cnrtirsecc'  Lan- 
da, Relacion,  i>.  IIG.  They  generally  went  barefoot.  Cofjolludo,  Hist.  Yuc, 
p.  187.  Sandals  in  Nicara;.?ua  called  gutaras.  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv., 
j>p.  .38-9;  Squier's  Nicaruqiia,  (Ed.  1856,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  347;  Brasucur  de 
Bourbourg,  Popol  Vuh,  p.  77. 


783 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


desired  cranial  conformation  wa«  effected.  So  great 
was  the  pressure  that  the  child's  skull  was  sometimes 
broken.  I  find  no  account  of  forehead-flattening  in 
Guatemala  and  Chiapas,  though  Mr  Squier,  follow- 
ing Fuentes'  unpublished  history,  says  that  among  the 
Quiches,  Cakchiquels,and  Zutugils  the  back  of  the  head 
was  flattened  by  the  practice  of  carrying  infants  tied 
closely  to  a  straight  board.  Yet  from  the  frequent 
occurrence  of  this  cranial  type  in  the  sculptured  pro- 
files in  Chiapas,  Honduras,  and  Yucatan,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  in  the  most  ancient  times  a  flattened 
forehead  was  the  ideal  of  manly  beauty,  and  I  think 
we  have  sufficient  reason  to  believe  that  the  artificial 
shaping  of  the  skull  was  even  more  universally  prac- 
ticed in  ancient  than  in  modern  times.  The  origin  of 
the  custom  is  a  most  interesting  topic  for  study  and 
speculation.** 

The  practice  of  filing  the  teeth  prevailed  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  among  the  women  of  Yucatan,  whose  ideal 
of  dental  charms  rendered  a  saw-teeth  arrangement  de- 
sirable. The  operation  was  performed  by  certain  old 
women,  professors  of  the  art,  by  means  of  sharp 
gritty  stones  and  water.'**  The  piercing  of  ears,  nose, 
and  lips  was  practiced  among  all  the  nations  by  both 
men  and  women  apparently,  except  in  Guatemala, 
where,  Ximenez  tells  us,  it  was  confined  to  the  kings, 
who  perforated  the  nose  and  ears  as  a  mark  of  rank 
and  power.  We  have  no  authority  for  supposing  that 
persons  of  any  class  in  Yucatan  and  Nicaragua  were 
restrained  from  this  mutilation  of  their  faces,  or  from 
wearing  in  the  perforated  features  any  ornaments  they 
could  afford  to  purchase.  Such  ornaments  were  small 
sti  viks,  bones,  shells,  and  rings  of  amber  or  gold.  Other 
ornaments  besides  those  inserted  in  the  ears,  nose, 
and  lips,  were  bracelets,  rings,  gold  beads,  and  medals, 

^  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn.  iv. ,  p.  54;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii., 
lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x. ,  cap.  iii.;  Squier's  Nicaragua,  (Ed. 
1856,)  vol.  li.,  p.  345;  Id.,  in  Palacio,  Carta,  p.  106;  Landa,  Eelacion, 
pp.  114,  180,  104. 

*^  Landa,  Relation,  p.  182. 


TATTOOING  AND  PAINTING. 


733 


shell  necklaces,  metallic  and  wooden  wands,  gilded 
masks,  feathers  and  plumes,  and  pearls.  Besides 
this  piercing  for  ornamental  purposes,  it  should  be 
noted  that  perforation  of  cheeks  and  tongues,  and 
scarifyings  of  other  parts  of  body  antl  limbs,  were 
common  in  connection  with  religious  rites  and  duties.'" 
Tattooing  was  effected  in  Yucatan  and  Nicaragua 
by  lacerating  the  body  with  stone  lancets,  and  rubbing 
the  wounds  with  powdered  coal  or  black  earths,  which 
left  indelible  marks.  Stripes,  serpents,  and  birds 
seem  to  have  been  favorite  devices  for  this  kind  of 
decoration.  The  process  was  a  slow  and  painful  one, 
and  to  submit  to  it  was  deemed  a  sign  of  bravery. 
The  tattooing  was  done  by  professors  who  made  this 
art  a  specialty.  Cogolludo  says  the  Itzas  had  the 
whole  body  tattooed,  but  Landa  and  Herrera  tell  us 
that  neither  in  Yucatan  nor  in  Nicaragua  were  the 
breasts  of  the  women  subjected  to  this  decorative 
mutilation.*^     Painting  the   face  and  body  was  uni- 

**  A  war  party:  'Agujeradas  narizea,  y  orejas  con  sus  narigeras,  y  ore- 
jeras  de  Cuzcas,  y  otras  piedras  de  diuersos  colores.'  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc, 
p.  73.  The  Itzas  wore  in  the  nose  'una  baynilla  olorosa,'  and  in  the  ears, 
*vn  palo  labrado.'  Id.,  p.  699.  'Sartales  de  Caracoles  colorados,'  much 
prized  by  the  Itzas.  Villagutierrc,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  p.  48.  Small  sticks  in 
the  cars,  and  little  reeds  or  amber  rings,  or  grains  of  vanilla,  in  the  nose. 
Id.,  pp.  312,  402.  A  few  silver  and  gold  ear-ornaments,  id.,  pp.  497-9. 
On  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan,  'trayan  las  orejas  horadadas  para  farcillos. 
Landa,  Relacion,  p.  114.  The  priest  carried  'un  isopo  en  la  mano  de  un 
palo  corto  muy  labrado,  y  por  barbas  o  pelos  del  isopo  ciertas  colas  de  nnas 
culcbras  que  son  como  caxcaveles.'  Id.,  pp.  149-.50.  W^omen  pierced  nose 
and  ears.  Id.,  p.  182.  In  Nicaragua  'traeu  sajadas  las  lenguas  por  debaxo, 
e  las  orejas,  6  algunos  los  miembros  viriles,  6  no  las  mugeres  nniguna  cosa 
destas,  y  ellos  y  ellas  horadadas  las  orejas  de  grandes  agujeros.  Oviedo, 
Hist.  Oen.,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  38-9,  torn,  i.,  p.  497.  King  in  Yucatan  wore  'des 
bracelets  et  des  mancnettcs  d'une  elegance  ^gale  Ji  la  bcaute  de  la  matifere. 
Brasseur  de  Bourbon rg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  .'54.  'Tecaiih,  qui  est 
le  bijou  que  les  chefs  indiens  portaient  frc^quemment  it  la  liivre  inf^rieurc  on 
an  cartilage  du  nez.'  Id.,  p.  92.  See  also  Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  3;  Camargo, 
Hist.  Tlax.,  in  Nouvellcs  Annates  des  Voj/.,  1843,  toin.  xcix.,  p.  144;  Her- 
rera, Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.,  lib. 
vii.,  cap.  ix.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iii.,  iv. ;  Ooinara,  Hist, 
Ind.,  fol.  60,  62;  Squicr's  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  1856,)  vol.  ii.,  i>.  347;  Id.,  Cent. 
Amer.,  p.  551;  Ximene^^,  Hist.  Ind.  Guat.,  p.  197;  Diaz,  Itiniraire,  in  Ter- 
naux-Compans,  Voy.,  s^rie  i.,  torn,  x.,  pp.  16,  26,  39;  Las  Casas,  in  Kings- 
borough's  mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  147. 

»  'Los  oiiciales  dello  labravan  la  parte  ^ue  querian  con  tinta,  y  despues 
sejavanle  delicadamcntc  las  pinturas,  y  assi  con  la  sangre  y  tinta  quedavan 
en  el  cuerpo  las  sefiales,  y  que  se  labran  pnco  a  poco  por  el  tormento  grande, 
y  tanibien  se  pouen  despues  malos,  porquc  se  les  euconavan  los  labores,  y 


i 


WA'A    t 


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784 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


versal,  but  little  can  be  Raid  respecting  the  details  of 
the  custom,  save  that  red  and  black  were  apparently 
the  favorite  colors,  and  colored  earths  the  most  com- 
mon material  of  the  paints.  Bixa  was,  however, 
much  used  for  red,  and  cacao  tinted  with  bixa  to  a 
blood-red  hue  was  daubed  in  great  profusion  on  the 
faces  of  the  Nicaraguans.  In  Yucatan  young  men 
generally  restricted  themselves  to  black  until  they 
were  married,  indulging  afterwards  in  varied  and 
bright-colored  figures.  Black  was  also  a  favorite 
color  for  war-paint.  Odoriferous  gums  were  often 
mixed  with  the  paints,  especially  by  the  women, 
which  rendered  the  decoration  durable,  sticky,  and 
most  disagreeable  to  foreign  olfactories.  It  appears 
that  in  Guatemala,  and  probably  elsewhere,  a  coat 
of  paint  was  employed,  not  only  for  ornamental  pur- 
poses, but  as  a  protection  against  heat  and  cold.  At 
certain  Nicaraguan  feasts  and  dances  the  naked  bodies 
were  painted  in  imitation  of  the  ordinary  garments, 
cotton-fibre  being  mixed  with  the  paint.^* 

All  were  fond  of  perfumes,  and  besides  the  odor- 
iferous substances  mixed  by  the  ladies  in  their  paint, 
copal  and  other  gums  were  burned  on  many  occasions, 
not  only  in  honor  of  the  gods,  but  for  the  agreeable 
odor  of  the  smoke;  sweet-smelling  barks,  herbs,  and 
flowers  were  also  habitually  carried  on  the  person.^* 
All  the  Mayas,  especially  females,  were  rather  neat 

liaziasc  materia,  y  que  con  todo  esso  se  mofavan  de  los  que  no  se  labrnvan.' 
Landa,  Relncion,  pp.  120,  182;  Vogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc.,  pp.  186,(599;  Jirnic- 
sal,  Hist.  Chyapn,  p.  293;  Villagaticrre,  Hist.  Vonq.  Itza,  mi.  402,498;  Ilcr- 
rera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iv. ;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Ocn.,  toni.  iy.,  ]). 
33;  Ternaux-Gompaiui,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  desVoy.,  184.3,  torn,  xcvii.,  p. 
47;  FancourCs  Hist.  Yuc,  pp.  121,  28.5;  Bussicrre,  L'Empire  Mex.,  p.  20.5. 

^*  Reinesal,  Hist.  Chi/apa,  p.  302;  Landa,  Relacion,  pp.  114-16,  178-80, 
182,  184;  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yvr  ,  pp.  6,  77;  Villaqutiere,  Hist.  Gonq.  Itzu, 
pp.  107,  402,  490,  499;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  297,  318,  498,  torn. 
IV.,  p.  Ill;  Cortds,  Cartas,  p.  422;  Oomara,  Hist.  Ink.,  fol.  62;  Brasseur  dr 
Bourbourg,  Popol  Vuh,  pp.  71-2,  189. 

*■»  '  Eran  amigos  de  b-ieuos  olorea  y  que  por  esto  usan  de  ramilletes  do 
florea  y  yervas  olorosas,  inuy  curioaos  y  labradoa.'  Landa,  Relncion,  p.  114. 
'Dea  roseaux  longs  de  deux  palmea,  et  qui  r^ptindaient  une  excellciitc 
odeurquand  onlea  brdtait.'  Diaz,  Itiniraire,  in  Ternanx-Compans,  Voy., 
Bdrie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  7;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iii. ;  Bras- 
sear  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  68;  Valois,  Mexique,  p. 
206. 


PERSONAL  HABITS. 


735 


than  otherwise  in  their  personal  habits,  taking  great 

Eains  with  their  dress  and  so-called  decorations.  Tliey 
athed  frequently  in  cold  water  and  sometimes  in- 
dulged in  hot  baths,  perhaps  in  steam-baths;  but  of 
the  latter  very  little  is  said,  although  Brasseur  says 
it  was  used  in  Guatemala  under  the  name  of  tuh. 
The  women  were  very  modest  and  usually  took  much 
pains  to  prevent  the  exposure  of  their  persons,  but  in 
bathing  and  on  certain  other  occasions  both  sexes  ap- 
pear to  have  been  somewhat  careless  in  this  respect. 
In  both  Yucatan  and  Nicarajrua  mirrors  were  em- 
ployed  by  the  men,  but  the  women  required  or  at  least 
employed  no  such  aids.^  Although  such  disfigure- 
ments as  h  ive  been  described,  painting,  tattooing,  and 
perforation,  are  reported  by  all  the  authors,  and  were 
all  doubtless  practiced,  yet  one  can  hardly  avoid  form- 
ing the  idea  in  reading  the  narratives  cf  the  conquer- 
ors, that  such  hideous  mutilations  were  confined  to 
certain  classes  and  certain  occasions,  and  that  the 
mass  of  the  people  in  every-day  life  presented  a  much 
less  repulsive  aspect. 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  tenure  of  landed  prop- 
erty and  the  laws  of  inheritance  among  the  Mayas. 
To  the  accumulation  of  wealth  in  the  form  of  personal 
property  they  do  not  seem  to  have  attached  much  im- 
portance. They  were  content  for  the  most  part  with 
a  supply  of  simple  food  for  their  tables,  the  necessary 
household  utensils,  and  such  articles  of  dress  and  or- 
nament as  were  required  by  their  social  rank;  with 

**  'Se  vauavan  miicho,  no  curaudo  de  cuhrirse  de  las  mugeres,  sino 
qiiando  podia  cubrir  la  niano.'  Landa,  Relacion,  p.  114.  'Selavaii  las 
iiianos  y  la  boca  dcspues  de  comer.'  Id.,  p.  120.  The  women  stripped  na- 
ked in  the  wells  where  they  bathed;  they  took  hot  baths  rather  for  health 
than  cleanliness.  Id.,  p.  184.  The  women  'tiencn  poco  secreto,  y  no  son 
tan  limpias  en  sus  persoiias  ni  en  sus  cosas  con  qnanto  se  lavan  como  los  er- 
miiios.'  Id.,  p.  192.  'Los  hombres  ha^en  aguas  puestos  en  cluquillas,  «5  las 
mu^^eres  estanilo  derechas  de  pies  a  d6  niiiera  que  ies  viene  la  gana.'  Ooiedo, 
Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  38;  Ilcrrcra,  Hist.  Ocii.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iii., 
iv. ;  Ddvila,  Teatro  Eclcs.,  torn,  i.,  p.  203;  Goinara,  Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  263; 
Garhajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  torn,  i.,  p.  263;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  68. 


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786 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


these  and  a  sufficient  surplus  to  entertain  their  friends 
in  a  fitting  style,  they  took  little  care  for  the  future. 
Yet  traders  were  a  class  much  honored,  and  their  pro- 
fession was  a  lucrative  one.  An  active  trade  was 
carried  on  in  each  town,  as  also  between  different 
towns,  provinces,  and  nations,  in  order  that  the  peo- 
ple of  each  locality  might  be  supplied  with  the  neces- 
sary commodities  both  of  home  and  foreign  production. 
Few  details  have  been  preserved  respecting  the  manner 
of  conducting  trade,  but  what  is  known  on  the  sub- 
ject indicates  that  the  commercial  system  was  identi- 
cal with  that  of  the  Nahuas,  to  which  a  preceding 
chapter  has  been  devoted.  Commodities  of  every 
class,  food,  dress,  ornaments,  weapons,  and  implements, 
were  offered  for  sale  in  the  market-place,  or  plaza,  of 
every  village,  where  all  transactions  between  buyers 
and  sellers  were  regulated  by  an  official  who  had  full 
authority  to  correct  abuses  and  punish  offences  against 
the  laws  of  trade.  Fairs  were  held  periodically  in 
all  the  larger  towns,  which  were  crowded  by  buyers 
and  sellers  from  abroad.  Traveling  merchants  trav- 
ersed the  country  in  every  direction  busied  in  tlie 
exchange  and  transport  of  varied  local  products.  Yu- 
catan did  a.  large  foreign  trade  with  Tabasco  and  Hon- 
duras, from  both  of  which  regions  large  quantities  of 
cacao  were  imported.  O  ther  international  routes  of  com- 
merce doubtless  existed  in  different  directions ;  we  have 
seen  that  the  Nahua  merchants  crossed  the  isthmus  of 
Tehuan  tepee  to  traffic  in  Maya  lands,  and  the  south- 
ern merchants  were  doubtless  not  unrepresented  in 
the  northern  fairs.  Transportation  was  effected  for 
the  most  part  by  carriers  overland,  and  in  many  parts 
of  the  country,  as  in  Yucatan,  magnificent  paved  roads 
offered  every  facility  to  the  traveler;  quite  an  exten- 
sive coasting-trade  was  also  carried  on  by  water. 

The  ordinary  mercantile  transactions  were  effected 
by  exchange,  or  barter,  of  one  commodity  for  another ; 
but  where  this  was  inconvenient  cacao  passed  current 
as  money  among  all  the  nations.     Thus  a  rabbit  in 


MARKET  HEGULATI0N8. 


737 


Nicaragua  sold  for  ten  cacao-nibs,  and  one  hundred  of 
these  seeds  would  buy  a  tolerably  good  slave.  Not- 
withstanding the  comparatively  small  value  of  this 
cacao-money,  Oviedo  tells  us  that  counterfeiting  was 
sometimes  attempted.  According  to  Cogolludo,  cop- 
per bells  and  rattles  of  different  sizes,  red  shells  in 
strings,  precious  stones,  and  copper  hatchets  often 
served  as  money,  especially  in  foreign  trade.  Doubt- 
less many  other  articles,  valuable  and  of  compact 
form  were  used  in  the  same  way.  Landa  speaks  of 
net-work  purses  in  which  the  money  of  the  natives 
was  carried. 

We  are  informed  that  in  Yucatan  articles  of  ordi- 
nary consumption,  like  food,  were  sold  always  at  a 
fixed  price,  except  maize,  which  varied  slightly  in 
price  according  to  the  yield.  Maize  was  sold  by  the 
carga,  or  load,  which  was  about  one  half  of  the  Cas- 
tilian  fanega.  In  Nicaragua  the  matter  of  price  was 
left  altogether  to  the  contracting  parties.  The  Mayas 
of  all  nations  were  very  strict  in  requiring  the  ex- 
sSct  fulfilment  of  contracts,  which,  in  Yucatan,  as  has 
been  said,  and  in  Guatemala  also,  according  to  Bras- 
seur  de  Bourbourg,  were  legalized  by  the  parties 
drinking  together,  the  beverage  being  generally  col- 
ored with  certain  leaves  called  max.  In  the  Nicar- 
aguan  markets  some  extraordin&iy  regulations  were 
enforced.  Men  could  not  visit  the  market-place  of 
their  own  towns,  either  to  buy,  sell,  or  for  any  other 
purpose;  they  even  incurred  the  risk  of  receiving  a 
sound  beating,  if  they  so  much  as  peeped  in  to  see 
what  was  going  on.  All  the  business  was  transacted 
by  the  women ;  but  boys,  into  whose  minds,  by  reason 
of  their  tender  years,  carnal  thoughts  were  supposed 
not  to  have  entered,  might  be  present  to  assist  the 
women,  and  even  men  from  other  towns  or  provinces, 
were  welcome,  provided  they  did  not  belong  to  a 
people  of  different  language. 

No  peculiar  ceremonies  are  mentioned  as  accompa- 
nying the  setting-out  or  return  of  trading  caravans, 


Vol.  II.    « 


I 


m 

Mi-, 


uk] 


788 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


but  some  customs  observed  by  travelers,  a  large  pro- 
portion of  whom  were  probably  merchants,  are  re- 
corded. In  Yucatan  all  members  of  a  household 
prayed  often  and  earnestly  for  the  safe  return  of  the 
absent  member;  and  the  traveler  himself,  when  he 
chanced  to  come  in  contact  with  a  \&rge  stone  which 
had  been  moved  in  opening-  the  road,  reverently  laid 
upon  it  a  green  branch,  brushing  his  knees  with  an- 
other at  the  same  time  as  a  preventive  of  fatigue. 
He  also  carried  incense  on  his  journey,  and  at  eacli 
nightfall,  wherever  he  might  be,  he  stood  on  end 
three  small  stones,  and  on  three  other  fiat  stones 
placed  before  the  first  he  burned  incense  and  uttered 
a  prayer  to  Ekchua,  god  of  travelers,  whose  name 
signifies  'merchant.'  When  the  traveler  was  belated, 
and  thought  himself  likely  to  arrive  after  dark  at  his 
proposed  stopping-place,  he  deposited  a  stone  in  a 
hollow  tree,  and  pulled  out  some  hairs  from  his  eye- 
brows, which  he  proceeded  to  blow  towards  the  set- 
ting sun,  hoping  thereby  to  induce  that  orb  to 
retard  somewhat  its  movements.  In  GuatemalS,, 
small  chapels  were  placed  at  short  intervals  on  all 
the  lines  of  travel,  where  each  passer  halted  for  a 
few  moments  at  least,  gathered  a  handful  of  herbs, 
rubbed  with  them  his  legs,  spat  reverently  upon 
them,  and  placed  them  prayerfully  upon  the  altar  with 
a  small  stone  and  some  trifling  offering  of  pepper, 
salt,  or  cacao.  The  offering  remained  untouched,  no 
one  being  bold  enough  to  disturb  the  sacred  token." 

"  The  following  are  my  authorities  on  the  Maya  commerce,  many  refer- 
ences to  Biniplc  mentions  of  articles  boii<;ht  and  sold  and  to  the  use  of  cacao 
aa  money  being  omitted.  Xim-enez,  Ilist.  Ind.  Ouat.,  p.  203;  Las  Casas,  in 
KingsborouglCs  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  137,  147;  Hcrrera,  Hist.  Gcii., 
dec.  i.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  v.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  xii.,  lib.  vii., 
cap.  ix.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  iii.,  ix.;  Landa,  Relacion,  pp.  32,  128-30, 
156-8;  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc.,  pp.  181,  183;  Villagutierre,  Hist.  Coikj[.  Itza, 
p.  311;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  p.  316,  torn.  iii..  p.  253,  toni.  iv.,  i)p. 
.S6-7,  49,  54,  104;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  i. ;  Cortes,  Cartas,  p.  422; 
Benzoni,  Hist.  Mondo  Nuovo,  fol.  102,  109;  Brassenr  de  Bourbourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  ii.,  pp.  50-1,  71,  564;  Id.,  Popol  Vuh,  p.  97;  Sqnivr's  Nic- 
aragua (Ed.  1856,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  346;  Id.,  Cent.  Amer.,  p.  320;  Oallaitin/m 
.iimr.  Ethno.  Soe.,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  p.  8;  Andagoi/a,  in  Navarrete,  Col. 
dc  Viajes,  torn,  iii.,  p.  414. 


MAYA  BOATS  AND  NAVIGATION. 


788 


Oviedo  states  that  in  Nicaragua,  or  at  least  in  cer- 
tain parts  of  that  country,  the  people  had  no  canoes, 
but  resorted  to  balsas  when  it  became  necessary  to 
cross  the  water.  The  balsa  in  this  region  was  simply 
a  raft  of  five  or  six  logs  tied  together  at  the  ends  with 
grass,  and  covered  with  cross-sticks.  The  author  re- 
ferred to  saw  a  fleet  of  these  aboriginal  vessels  which 
bore  fifteen  hundred  warriors.  On  the  coast  of  Yu- 
catan and  in  the  lakes  of  Peten,  the  natives  had  riany 
canoes  for  use  in  war  and  commerce,  and  were  very 
skillful  in  their  management.  These  canoes  were 
'dug-outs'  made  from  single  trunks,  capable  of  carry- 
ing from  two  to  fifty  persons,  and  propelled  by  pad- 
dles. Cogolludo  tells  us  that  canoes  with  sails  were 
seen  by  Cordova  during  his  voyage  up  the  coast,  and 
some  modern  writers  speak  of  the  famous  canoe  met 
by  Columbus  off"  the  Honduras  coast  as  having  been 
fitted  with  sails;  but  in  the  latter  case  there  seems  to 
be  no  authority  for  the  statement,  and  that  sails  were 
ever  employed  may  well  be  considered  doubtful.  The 
boat  seen  by  Columbus  was  eight  feet  wide,  "as  long 
as  a  galley, '  bore  twenty-five  men,  and  an  awning  of 
mats  in  the  centre  protected  the  women  and  children. 
All  the  information  we  have  respecting  boats  in  Gua- 
temala is  the  statement  of  Peter  Martyr  that  the 
'dug-outs'  were  also  in  use  there,  and  of  Juarros  that 
the  Lacandones  had  a  large  fleet  of  boats;  Guatemala 
was  a  country,  however,  whose  physical  conformation 
would  rarely  call  for  navigation  on  an  extensive  scale. 
Villagutierre  says  that  the  Chiapanecs  used  gourd  bal- 
sas, or  'calabazas.'^^ 


Wars  among  the  Maya  nations  were  frequent, — 
more  so  probably  during  the  century  preceding  the 

**  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc.,  p.  4;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Couq.,  fol.  2;  Diaz, 
Itititraire,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s^rie  i.,  torn,  x.,  p.  21;  Id.,  in  Icaz- 
balceta.  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  i.,  p.  292;  Villagutierre,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  pp. 
353,  369,  489,  76;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  viii.,  lib.  v.;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  toni. 
iii.,  p.  100;  Juarros'  Hist.  Otiat.,  p.  271;  Herrera,  llist.Oen.,  dec.  i.,  lib. 
v.,  cap.  v.;  Folsom,  in  Corns'  Despatches,  pp.  3-4;  Foster's Pre-Hist.  Races, 
pp.  226-7;  See  vol.  i.,  p.  699,  of  this  work. 


740 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


Spanish  conquest,  when  their  history  is  partially 
known,  than  in  the  more  glorious  days  of  the  distant 
past, — but  they  were  also,  as  a  rule,  of  short  duration, 
partaking  more  of  the  character  of  raids  than  of  reg- 
ular wars.  One  campaign  generally  decided  the  tribal 
or  national  dispute,  and  the  victors  were  content  with 
the  victory  and  the  captives  taken.  Landa  and  Her- 
rera  report  that  the  nations  ot  Yucatan  learned  the 
art  of  war  from  the  Mexicans,  having  been  an  alto- 
gether peaceful  people  before  the  Nahua  influence  was 
brought  to  bear  on  them.  The  latter  also  suspects 
that  the  Yucatec  war-customs,  as  observed  by  the 
Spaniards,  may  have  been  modified  by  the  teaching  of 
Guerrero  and  Aguilar,  white  men  held  for  several 
years  as  prisoners  before  the  invaders  came;  but  nei- 
ther theory  seems  to  have  much  weight. 

The  profession  of  arms  was  everywhere  an  honor- 
able one,  but  military  preferment  and  promotion  seem 
to  have  been  somewhat  more  exclusively  confined  to 
the  nobility  than  among  the  Nahuas.  According  to 
Landa,  a  certain  number  of  picked  men  were  ap- 
pointed in  each  town,  who  were  called  holcanes, 
must  be  ready  to  take  up  arms  whenever  called  for, 
and  received  a  small  amount  of  money  for  their  ser- 
vices while  in  actual  war.  This  is  the  only  instance 
of  a  paid  soldiery  noted  in  the  limits  of  our  territory.'"' 

In  Nicaragua  Tapaligui  was  the  most  honorable 
title  a  man  could  win  by  bravery,  and  from  the  num- 
ber of  those  who  bore  th*^  title  the  war-captain  was 
in  most  provinces  appoi  .^ed  either  by  the  monexieo, 
or  council,  or  by  the  cacique.  This  captain  was  for 
the  most  part  independent  of  the  civil  ruler  in  time 
of  war,  but  Boyle  speaks  of  certain  cities  where  the 
cacique  himself  commanded  the  army.  The  civil 
chief,  however,  if  he  possessed  the  requisite  bravery, 
often  accompanied  the  troops  to  the  field  to  take  com- 


»  Landa,  Relacion,  pp.  174,  48;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x., 
cap.  iv.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  iii.  Tho  Chiapauecs  were  among  the  boldest  warri- 
ors. BernalDiaz,  Hist.  Oonq.,  fol.  178. 


INSIGNIA  OF  WARRIORS. 


741 


so 


mand  at  the  captain's  death,  or  appoint  his  successor, 
In  Yucatan  they  had  two  war-captains,  one  of  whom 
hold  his  position  by  inheritance,  while  the  other  was 
chosen  for  a  term  of  three  years.  The  title  of  the 
latter  was  Nacon,  and  his  office  seems  to  have  been 
attended  with  some  inconveniences,  since  during  the 
three  years  he  could  know  no  woman,  eat  no  meat, 
indulge  in  no  intoxication,  and  have  but  little  to  do 
with  the  public.  Fish  and  iguana-flesh  were  allowed 
him,  but  it  must  be  served  on  dishes  used  by  no  one 
but  himself,  and  must  not  be  served  by  women.  In 
Vera  Paz  the  captains  were  chosen  from  .t.iiong  the 
most  distinguished  braves,  and  seem  to  have  held 
their  position  for  life." 

In  Yucatan  skins  and  feathers,  worn  a  cording  to 
fixed  rules,  not  recorded,  were  among  the  most  |)roiui- 
nent  insJ:^nia  of  warriors.  The  face  was  painted  in 
various  colors;  and  tattooing  the  hands  was  n  privi- 
^3ge  accorded  to  the  brave.  Tho  Itzas  fought  naked, 
but  painted  face,  body,  and  limbs  black,  the  brave 
tattooing  the  face  in  stripes.  Feather  plumes  are  the 
only  insignia  mentioned  in  connection  with  Guatema- 
lan warriors;  but  the  grade  of  a  Pipile's  prowess  was 
indicated  by  the  number  of  holes  he  had  in  ears,  nose, 
and  other  features.  All  officers  in  the  Nicaraguan 
armies  had  distinguishing  marks,  which  they  wore 
both  in  time  of  war  and  of  peace;  the  Tapalij^ui  was 
allowed  to  shave  his  head  except  on  the  crown,  where 
the  hair  was  left  a  finger  long,  with  a  longer  tuft  pro- 
jecting from  the  centre.  The  arrangement  of  the 
feathers  on  the  shield  also  indicated  to  the  soldiers 
an  officer's  rank.*" 


so  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  38,  53;  Gotnara,  Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  264; 
Sqiiier's  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  1856,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  342;  Boyle's  Ride,  vol.  i.,  p.  272. 

31  Landa,  Relacion,  p.  172;  Ximeiiez,  Hist.  Ind.  Otiat.,  p.  202. 

M  Oeiedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  ji.  38;  Landa,  Relacion,  t^.  172;  Herrera, 
Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  viii.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.,  lib.  v., 
cap.  X.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  iii.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  x. ;  Palacio,  Carta,  pp. 
70-2;  Villagutierre,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  pp.  391,  498-9;  Squier's  Nicaragua, 
(Ed.  1856,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  .342;  Brasseur  de  Bourv  nrg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn. 
iL,  pp.  558-9;  Boyle's  Ride,  vol.  i.,  p.  270. 


742 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


The  universal  Maya  armor  was  a  thick  quilted  sack 
of  cotton,  which  fitted  closely  over  the  body  and  arms, 
and  reached  generally  to  the  middle  of  the  thighs, 
although  Alvarado  found  the  Guatemalans  clad  in 
similar  sacks  reaching  to  the  feet.  In  Yucatan,  ac- 
cording to  Landa,  a  layer  of  salt  was  placed  between 
the  thicknesses  of  cotton,  making  the  garment  very 
hard  and  impenetrable.  As  the  Guatemalan  armor 
is  described  as  being  three  fingers  thick  and  so  heavy 
that  the  .soldiers  could  with  difficulty  run  or  rise  after 
falling,  we  may  suppose  that  salt  or  some  similar  ma- 
terial was  also  used  by  the  Quiehes.  Squier  men- 
tions, apparently  without  sufficient  authority,  short 
breeches  worn  to  protect  the  legs.  The  Spaniards 
were  not  long  in  recognizing  the  advantages  of  the 
native  cotton  armor,  and  it  was  commonly  adopted  or 
added  to  their  own  armor  of  steel.  The  head-armor, 
when  any  was  worn,  seems  to  have  been  ordinarily  a 
kind  of  cap,  also  of  quilted  cotton.  Landa  says  that 
in  Yucatan  a  few  leaders  wore  wooden  helmets;  they 
are  also  mentioned  by  Gomara  and  Las  Casas.  Peter 
Martyr  speaks  of  golden  helmets  and  breast-plates  as 
worn  in  Nicaragua.  Shields  were  made  of  split  reeds, 
were  round  in  form,  and  were  covered  generally  with 
skins  and  decorated  with  feathers,  though  a  cotton 
coverinof  was  also  used  in  Nicaragua. ** 

Bows  and  arrows,  lances,  and  darts  were  used  as 
weapons  of  war  by  all  the  Maya  tribes,  the  projectiles 
being  usually  pointed  with  flint,  but  often  also  with 
fish-bone  or  copper.  Arrows  were  carried  in  quivers 
and  were  never  poisoned.  The  Yucatec  bow,  as 
Landa  informs  us,  was  a  little  shorter  than  the  man 


*>  Cotton  armor  called  in  some  places  escaupiles.  Herrera,  Hist.  Ocii., 
dec.  iv.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  iii.  Both  white  and  colored.  Id.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  v.,  cup. 
X.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vi.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xvii.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  i.  Called  by 
the  Quiches  achcayupiles.  Brasseur  de  Bourhourq,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toiii. 
ii.,  p.  91;  Landa,  Relacion,  p.  172;  CogoUudo,  Hist.  Yuc,  p.  6,  Bcriial 
Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  2;  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind.,to\.  62;  Las  Cat,as,\r\  Kings- 
borough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  148;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iii ,  p. 
484,  torn,  iv.,  p.  53;  Alvarado,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  wSrie  i.,  torn. 
X.,  p.  140;  Squier's  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  1850,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  347. 


ABORIGINAL  WEAPONS. 


743 


who  carried  it,  and  was  made  of  a  very  strong  native 
wood;  the  string  was  made  of  the  fibres  of  certain 
plants.  The  arrows  were  light  reeds  with  a  piece  of 
hard  wood  at  the  end.  Oviedo  tells  us  of  lances,  or 
pikes,  in  Nicaragua,  which  were  thirty  spans  long, 
and  others  in  Yucatan  fifteen  spans  long;  Herrera 
says  they  were  over  twenty  feet  long  in  Guatemala, 
and  that  their  heads  were  poisoned;  though  Oviedo 
denies  that  poison  was  used.  In  Nicaragua  and  Yu- 
catan heavy  wooden  swords,  called  by  the  Mexicans 
macuahuitl,  were  used,  but  I  find  no  special  mention  of 
these  weapons  in  Guatemala.  A  line  of  sharp  flints 
were  firmly  set  along  the  two  edges,  and,  wielded 
with  both  hands  they  were  a  most  formidable  weapon. 
Waldeck  found  in  modern  times  the  horn  of  a  saw- 
fish covered  with  skin  and  used  as  a  weapon.  He 
thinks  the  aboriginal  weapon  may  have  been  fashioned 
after  this  natural  model.  Slings  were  extensively 
used  in  Yucatan,  and  also  copper  axes  to  some  extent, 
but  these  are  supposed  to  have  been  imported  from 
Mexico,  as  no  metals  are  found  in  the  peninsula.^ 

The  Quich(^s,  Cakchiquels,  and  other  tribes  inhabit- 
ing the  high  lands  of  Guatemala,  chose  the  location 
of  their  towns  in  places  naturally  well  nigh  inaccessi- 
ble, strengthening  them  besides  with  artificial  fortifi- 
cations in  the  shape  of  massive  stone  walls  and  deep 
ditches.  Ruins  of  these  fortified  towns  are  very  num- 
erous and  will  be  described  elsewhere;  a  few  words 

s*  Macanas  used  as  weapons  in  Nicaragua.  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv., 
pp.  53,  ."JS,  torn,  i.,  pp.  511-12,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  231,  484.  Crystal-poiiiiid arrows 
used  by  the  Itzas,  and  chiefs  hud  short  flint  knives,  with  feutlicrs  on  the 
handles.  Villaautieirc,  Hint.  Conq.  Itzn,  pp.  495,  41,  92.  Hardened  rods, 
or  pikes.  Coffollwlo,  Hist.  Yuc,  i>p.  77,2.  Darts  thrown  from  a  'tiradero.' 
Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xvii.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vi., 
lib.  v.,  cap.  X.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  iii.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  ii.  A  hot  was  the 
sign  of  a  Cakchiquol  armory,  lirassrur  de  liourbourg,  Popol  Vith,  p.  225. 
See  also  Maya  weiiiions.  Squicr's  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  1856,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  34i, 
347;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  vi.,  lib.  v.;  Boyle's  Ride,  vol.  i.,  ]).  258;  Sr/icrzer, 
Wanderungen,  p.  &'^•,  Landa,  Relacion,  pp.  48,  170;  Lai  Casus,  in  Kin^.s- 
borough's  itcx.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p.  148;  Waldeck,  Voy.  Pitt.,  p.  04,  with 
cut;  Morelet,  Voya;ir,,  torn,  i.,  pp.  186,  194;  Diaz,  Jtiiivraire,  in  Ternaux- 
Compans,  Voy.,  sdrio  i.,  toni.  x.,  p.  25;  Id.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc., 
torn,  i.,  p.  295;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.,  fol.  2;  Ximene.z,  Hist.  lad.  Ouat., 
p.  127. 


!  i 


1 ; 

.    .p.*   .-V 


I' . 


744 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


respecting  Utatlan,  the  Quichd  capital,  and  one  of  the 
most  securely  located  and  guarded  cities,  will  suffice 
here.  Standing  on  a  level  plateau,  the  city  was 
bounded  on  every  side  by  a  deep  ravine,  believed  to 
have  been  at  some  points  artificial,  and  which  could 
only  be  crossed  at  one  place.  Guarding  this  single 
approach  a  line  of  massive  stone  structures  connected 
by  ditches  extends  a  long  distance,  and  within  this 
line  of  fortifications,  at  the  entrance  of  the  pass,  is  El 
Resguardo,  a  square-based  pyramidical  structure,  one 
hundred  and  twenty  feet  high,  rising  in  three  terraces, 
and  having  its  summit  platform  inclosed  by  a  stone 
wall,  covered  with  hard  cement.  A  tawor  also  rises 
from  the  summit.  The  Spaniards  under  Alvarado 
found 'their  approach  obstructed  at  various  points  in 
Guatemala  by  holes  in  w^hich  were  pointed  stakes 
fixed  in  the  ground,  and  carefully  concealed  by  a  slight 
covering  of  turf;  palisades,  ditches,  and  walls  of  stone, 
logs,  plants,  or  earth,  were  thrown  across  the  road  at 
every  difficult  pass;  and  large  stones  were  kept  ready 
to  hurl  or  roll  down  upon  the  invaders.  Numerous 
short  pointed  sticks  were  found  on  at  least  one  occa- 
sion fixed  upright  in  the  ground,  apparently  a  slight 
defense,  but  really  a  most  formidable  one,  since  the 
points  were  poisoned.  Doubtless  all  these  methods  of 
defence  had  been  practiced  often  before  in  their  inter- 
national wars  against  American  foes.  Strong  defen- 
sive works  are  also  mentioned  in  Chiapas,  and  Anda- 
goya  tells  us  of  a  town  in  Nicaragua  fortified  by  a 
high  and  impenetrable  hedge  of  cacti.  In  Yueataii 
the  Spaniard's  progress  was  frequently  opposed,  at 
points  favorable  for  such  a  purpose,  by  temporary 
trenches,  barricades  of  stone,  logs,  and  earth,  and  pro- 
tected stations  for  bowmen  and  slingers;but  in  the  se- 
lection of  sites  for  their  towns,  notwithstanding  the 
generally  level  surface  of  their  country,  facilities  for 
defence  seem  to  have  been  little  or  not  at  all  consid- 
ered. One,  only,  of  the  many  ruined  cities  which 
have  been  explored,  Tuloom,  on  the  Eastern  coast, 


DECLARATION  OF  WAR. 


746 


stands  on  an  eminence  overlooking  the  ocean,  in  a  very 
strong  natural  position;  but  strangely  enough  it  is  just 
here,  where  artificial  defenses  were  least  needed,  that 
we  find  a  massive  wall  surrounding  the  chief  struct- 
ures,—the  only  city  wall  standing  in  modern  times, 
though  Mayapan  was  traditionally  a  walled  town,  and 
a  few  slight  traces  of  walls  have  been  found  about 
other  cities.** 

Tijo  ambition  of  the  native  rulers  to  increase  their 
dominions  by  encroachments  upon  their  neighbors' 
territory  was  probably  the  cause  of  most  wars  among 
the  Maya  nations;  but  raids  were  also  undertaken  oc- 
casionally, with  no  other  object  than  that  of  obtaining 
victims  for  sacrifice.  In  the  consultations  preceding 
the  declaration  of  war  the  priesthood  had  much  to 
say,  and  played  a  prominent  part  in  the  accompanying 
ceremonies.  In  Salvador  the  high-priest  with  four 
subordinates  decided  on  the  war  by  drawing  of  lots 
and  by  various  other  sorceries,  and  even  gave  directions 
how  the  campaign  was  to  be  carried  on.  The  high- 
priest  was  generally  on  the  ground,  in  charge  of  cer- 
tain idols,  when  an  important  battle  was  to  be  fought. 
Supplies  were  carried,  in  Yucatan  at  least,  on  the 
backs  of  women,  and  the  want  of  adequate  means  of 
transportation  is  given  as  one  reason  why  the  Maya 
wars  were  usually  of  short  duration.  The  Nicaraguan 
soldier,  as  Oviedo  states,  regarded  a  calabash  of  water 
and  a  supply  of  the  herb  yaat  already  mentioned,  as 
the  most  indispensable  of  his  supplies.  Respecting 
their  ceremonies  before  giving  battle  we  only  know 
that  on  one  occasion  in  Yucatan  they  brought  a  braz- 
ier of  burning  perfume  which  they  placed  before  the 
Spanish   forces,  with   the  intimation  that  an    attack 

ss  Sec  vol.  iv.,  chap,  iv.,  v.,  for  a  full  description  of  Miiyii  riiiim,  with 
plates.  See  Lnndn,  liclarion,  p.  174;  Alvarado,  in  Tenia iix-(.'om/)ans, 
Voy.,  8(Sric  i.,  toni.  x.,  pp.  112,  117;  Ootfoi,  in  Id.,  p.  158;  Cort6s,  Cartas, 
pp.  425-6;  Jiiarros,  Hist,  (iiiat.,  p.  87;  Onedo,  Hist.  Oen.,  torn,  i.,  p.,  534, 
torn,  iii.,  pp.  477-8;  Fwiifi's,  in  Kingshorougli's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  p. 
243;  Herrcrn,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  iii.,  cup.  iii.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iii.;  Vtl- 
lagutierre,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  p.  41;  Andagoya,  ux  Navurrete,  Col.  de  Viajea, 
totn.  iii.,  p.  407. 


;  if 


746 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


would  be  made  as  soon  as  the  fire  went  out;  and  also 
that  Alvarado  noticed  in  Guatemala  the  sacrifice  of  a 
woman  and  a  bitch  as  a  preliminary  of  battle. 

All  fought  bravely,  with  no  apparent  fear  of  death, 
endeavoring  to  capture  the  enemy  alive,  rather  than 
to  kill  them,  and  at  the  same  time  to  avoid  being  cap- 
tured themselves  by  the  sacrifice  of  life  if  necessary. 
In  most  nations  it  was  deemed  important  to  terrify 
the  enemy  by  shouting,  clanging  of  drums,  sticks,  and 
shells,  and  blowing  of  whistles.  The  armies  of  Yu- 
catan are  said  to  have  exhibited  somewhat  better  order 
in  their  military  movements  than  those  of  other  na- 
tions. They  formed  their  forces  into  two  wings,  plac- 
ing in  the  centre  a  squadron  to  guard  the  captain  and 
high-priest.  The  Nicaragui  ns  fought  desperately 
until  their  leader  fell,  but  then  they  always  ran  away. 
He  who  from  cowardice  failed  to  do  his  duty  on  the 
battle-field  was  by  the  Nicaraguan  code  disgraced, 
abused,  insulted,  stripped  of  his  weapons,  and  dis- 
charged from  the  service,  but  was  not  often  put  to 
death.  As  has  been  stated  in  a  preceding  chapter 
treason  and  desertion  were  everywhere  punished  with 
death.  All  booty  except  captives  belonged  to  the 
taker,  and  to  return  from  a  campaign  without  spoil 
was  deemed  a  dishonor. 

Captives,  if  of  noble  blood  or  high  rank,  were  sac- 
rificed to  the  gods,  and  were  rarely  ransomed.  The 
captor  of  a  noble  prisoner  received  high  honors,  but 
was  punished  if  he  accepted  a  ransom,  the  penalty 
being  death  in  Nicaragua.  The  heads  of  the  sacri- 
ficed captives  were  in  Yucatan  suspended  in  the 
branches  of  the  trees,  as  memorials  of  victory,  a  sep- 
arate tree  being  set  apart  for  each  hostile  province. 
The  bones,  as  Landa  tells  us,  were  kept  by  the  cap- 
tors, the  jaw-bone  being  worn  on  the  arm,  as  an  or- 
nament. We  read  of  no  actual  torture  of  prisoners, 
but  the  Cakchiquels  danced  about  the  victim  to  be 
sacrificed,  and  loaded  him  with  insults.  Among  the 
Pipiles  it  was  left  to  the  priests  to  decide  whether  the 


riPILE  WAR  FESTIVAL. 


747 


sacrifice  should  be  in  honor  of  a  god  or  goddess;  if  the 
former,  the  festival  lasted,  according  to  Palacio,  fifteen 
days;  the  captives  were  obliged  to  march  in  procession 
through  the  town,  and  one  was  sacrificed  each  day;  if 
the  feast  was  dedicated  to  a  deity  of  the  gentler  sex, 
five  days  of  festivities  and  blood  sufficed.  Prisoners 
of  plebeian  blood  were  enslaved,  or  only  sacrificed 
when  victims  of  higher  rank  were  lacking.  They 
were  probably  the  property  of  the  captors.  At  the 
close  of  a  campaign  in  which  no  captives  were  taken, 
the  Nicaraguan  captains  went  together  to  the  altar, 
and  there  wept  ceremonial  tears  of  sorrow  for  their 
want  of  success.  The  authorities  record  no  details 
of  the  methods  by  which  peace  was  ratified;  the 
Yucatecs,  however,  according  to  Cogolludo,  expressed 
to  the  Spaniards  a  desire  for  a  suspension  of  hostili- 
ties, by  throwing  away  their  weapons,  and  by  kiss- 
ing their  fingers,  after  touching  them  to  the  ground." 

^  Torqtiemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  386;  Cogolludo,  Vist  Ytic, 
pp.  5,  77,  130,  181;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.,  dec.  iv., 
lib.  iii.,  cap.  iii.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  x.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iv.;  Villagutierre,  Hist. 
Conq.  Itza,  pp.  72-3,  76,  142,  281;  Landa,  Eelacton,  pp.  168,  174,  176;  Las 
Casus,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Atitiq.,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  144,  148;  Palacio, 
Carta,  pp.  70-2;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  276,  511-12,  523,  torn,  iii., 
pp.  230,  477,  toin.  iv.,  pp.  53-4;  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  61,  264;  Juarro.i' 
Hist.  Gttat.,  p.  185,  etc.;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  viii.,  lib.  v.;  Ximenez,  Hist. 
Ind.  Gnat.,  pp.  170,  198,  202-3;  Alvarado,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  sd- 
rie  i.,  torn,  x.,  pp.  112,  138;  Diaz,  Itiniraire,  in  Id.,  pp.  17-18;  Squier's 
Cent.  Amer.,  pp.  325,  333;  Id.,  Nicaragua,  (¥,A.  1856,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  342;  Bras- 
senr  de  Boiirootirg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.544,  558-9;  Ternaux-Com- 
pans, in  Nouvelli's  Annales  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcvii.,  p.  46;  Morelet,  Voy- 
a(fi^,  torn,  i.,  p.  186;  Boyle's  Bide,  vol.  1.,  p.  259;  FancourVa  Hist.  Yuc,  pp. 
92,  116. 


'■'1 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


MAYA   ARTS,    CALENDAR,    AND    HIEROGLYPHICS. 

Scarcity  of  Information— Use  of  Metals — Gold  and  Precious 
Stones— Implements  of  Stone— Scilpture— Pottery— Manu- 
facture OF  Cloth— Dyeing— System  of  Numeration— Maya 
Calendar  in  Yucatan— Days,  Weeks,  Months,  and  Years— In- 
DiCTioNS  and  Katunes— Perez'  System  of  Ahau  Katunes- 
Statements  of  Landa  and  Cogolludo— Intercalary  Days  and 
Years— Days  and  Months  in  Guatemala,  Chiapas,  and  Soco- 
Nusco— Maya  Hieroglyphic  System— Testimony  of  Early  Writ- 
ers on  the  Use  of  Picture-Writing— Destruction  of  Docu- 
ments—Specimens WHICH  have  Survived — The  Dresden  Codex 
—Manuscript  Troano— Tablets  of  Palenque,  Copan,  and  Yuca- 
tan—Bishop Landa's  Key— Brasseur  de  Boukbourg's  Interpre- 
tation. 


Our  knowledge  of  Maya  arts  and  manufactures,  so 
far  as  it  depends  on  the  statements  of  the  early  Span- 
ish writers  is  very  slight,  and  may  be  expressed  in  few 
words;  especially  as  most  of  these  arts  seem  to  have 
been  very  nearly  identical  with  those  of  the  Nahuas, 
although  many  of  them,  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest 
at  least,  were  not  carried  to  so  high  a  grade  of  perfec- 
tion as  in  the  north.  Some  branches  of  mechanical 
art  have  indeed  left  material  relics,  which,  examined 
in  modern  times,  have  extended  our  knowledge  on  the 
subject  very  far  beyond  what  may  be  gleaned  from 
sixteenth-century  observations.  But  a  volume  of  this 
work  is  set  apart  for  the  consideration  of  material  rel- 

(1*8) 


KNOWLEDGE  OF  METALS. 


749 


ics  with  numerous  illustrative  plates,  and  although  the 
temptation  to  use  both  information  and  plates  from 
modern  sources  is  particularly  strong  in  some  of  the 
topics  of  this  chapter  and  the  'bllowing,  a  regard  for 
the  symmetry  of  the  work,  and  the  necessity  of  avoid- 
ing all  repetition,  cause  me  to  confine  myself  here 
a).Qost  exclusively  to  the  old  authors,  as  I  have  done 
in  describing  the  Nahua  arts. 

Iron  was  not  known  to  the  Mayas,  and  it  is  not 
quite  certain  that  copper  was  mined  or  worked  by 
them.  The  boat  so  often  mentioned  as  having  been 
met  by  Columbus  off  the  coast,  and  supposed  to  have 
come  from  Yucatan,  had  on  board  crucibles  for  melt- 
ing copper,  and  a  large  number  of  copper  hatchets. 
Similar  hatchets  together  with  bells,  ornaments,  and 
spear  and  arrow  points  of  the  same  metal  were  seen  at 
various  points,  and  were  doubtless  used  to  a  consider- 
able extent  throughout  Yucatan,  Chiapas,  and  Guate- 
mala. But  there  are  no  metallic  deposits  on  the  pen- 
insula, and  the  copper  instruments  used  there,  or  at 
least  the  material,  must  have  been  brought  from  the 
north,  as  it  is  indeed  stated  by  several  authors  that 
they  were.  No  metallic  relics  whatever  have  been 
found  among  the  ruins  of  Yucatan,  and  only  very  few 
in  other  Maya  regions.  Copper  implements  are  not 
mentioned  by  the  early  visitors  to  Nicaragua,  and  al- 
though that  country  abounds  in  ore  of  a  variety  easily 
worked,  yet  there  is  no  evidence  that  it  was  used,  and 
Squier's  statement  that  the  Nicaraguans  were  skillful 
workers  in  this  metal,  probably  rests  on  no  stronger 
basis  than  the  reported  discovery  of  a  copper  mask  at 
Ometepec.  Godoi  speaks  of  copper  in  Chiapas,  and 
also  of  a  metallic  composition  called  cacao! 

Small  articles  of  goM,  intended  chiefly  for  ornamen- 
tal purposes,  were  found  everywhere  in  greater  or  less 
abundance  by  the  Spaniards,  the  gold  being  generally 
described  as  of  a  low  grade.  Cortes  speaks  of  the 
gold  in  Yucatan  as  alloyed  with  copper,  and  the  same 
Jilloy  is  mentioned  in  Guatemala  by  Herrera,  and  in 


780 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


Nicaragua  by  Benzoni.  The  latter  author  says  that 
gold  was  abundant  in  Nicaragua  but  was  all  brought 
from  other  provinces.  He  also  states  that  there  were 
no  mines  of  any  kind,  but  Oviedo,  on  the  contrary, 
speaks  of  'good  mines  of  gold.'  Articles  of  gold  took 
the  form  of  animals,  fishes,  birds,  bells,  small  kettles 
and  vases,  beads,  rings,  bracelets,  hatchets,  small  idols, 
bars,  plates  for  covering  armor,  gilding  or  plating  of 
wooden  masks  and  clay  beads,  and  settings  for  precious 
stones.  Peter  Martyr  speaks  of  gold  as  formed  in 
bars  and  stamped  in  Nicaragua,  and  Villagutierre  of 
silver  'rosillas'  in  use  among  the  Itzas.  We  have 
but  slight  information  respecting  the  use  of  precious 
stones.  Oviedo  saw  in  Nicaragua  a  sun-dial  of  pearl 
set  on  jasper,  and  also  speaks  of  wooden  masks  cov- 
ered with  sLone  mosaic  and  gold  plates  in  Tabasco. 
Martyr  tells  us  that  the  natives  of  Yucatan  attached 
no  value  to  Spanish  counterfeited  jewels,  because  they 
could  take  from  their  mines  better  ones  of  genuine 
worth.* 

I'he  few  implements  in  common  use  among  the 
Mayas,  such  as  knives,  chisels,  hatchets,  and  metates, 
together  with  the  spear  and  arrow  heads  already  men- 
tioned, were  of  flint,  porphyry,  or  other  hard  stone. 
There  is  but  little  doubt  that  most  of  their  elaborate 
sculpture  on  temples  and  idols  was  executed  with  stone 
implements,  since  the  material  employed  was  for  the 


I  Two  spindles  with  golden  tissue.  Cords,  Cartas,  pp.  3,  422.  Six 
golden  idols,  each  one  span  long,  in  Nicaragua.  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec. 
lii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  v.  20  golden  hatchets,  14  carats  fine,  weighing  over  20 
lbs.  Id.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vi.  Houses  of  goldsmiths  that  molded  marvellously. 
Id.,  cap.  vii.  See  also  Id.,  dec.  i.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  v.  Little  fishes  and  geese 
of  low  gold  at  Gatoche.  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc.,  p.  4.  Golden  armor  and 
ornaments  at  Tabasco  River.  Id.,  pp.  12-13.  Idols  of  unknown  metals 
amang  the  Itzas.  Villagutierre,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  pp.  495,  497.  Gilded 
wooden  nuisk,  gold  plates,  little  golden  kettles.  Diaz,  Itiniraire,  in  I'cr- 
naux-Uompans,  Voy.,  s^rie  i.,  torn,  x.,  pp.  16,  26.  Vases  of  chiseled  gold 
in  Yucatan.  Brasseur  de  Bourbour^,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  69;  Id., 
in  Landa,  Relacion,  p.  32;  Benzoni,  Hist.  Mondo  Nuovo,  fol.  102;  Onedo, 
Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  pp.  39,  95,  torn,  i.,  p.  520;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv., 
lib.  i.,  dec.  vi.,  lib.  ii.,  vi.;  Torquemada,  Mouarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  364; 
Godot,  in  Teniaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s^rie  i.,  tom.  x.,  p.  178;  Squier's  Nica- 
ragua, (Ed.  1856,)  vol.  li.,  p.  346.  Respecting  a  con[^r  mask  from  Nicara- 
gua and  two  copper  medals  from  Guatemala,  see  vol.  iv.  of  this  work. 


STONE  CARVING. 


751 


most  part  soft  and  easily  worked.  The  carvings  in  the 
hard  sapote-wood  in  Yucatan  must  have  presented 
great  difficulties  to  workmen  without  iron  tools ;  but 
the  fact  remains  that  stone  implements,  with  a  few 
probably  of  hardened  copper,  sufficed  with  native  skill 
and  patience  for  all  purposes.  Villagutierre  informs 
us  that  the  Lacandones  cut  wood  with  stone  hatchets. 
Cogolludo  speaks  of  the  remarkable  facility  which  the 
natives  displayed  in  learning  the  mechanical  arts  in- 
troduced by  Spaniards,  in  using  new  and  strange  tools 
or  adapting  the  native  implements  to  new  uses.  All 
implements  whether  of  the  temple  or  the  house- 
hold, seem  to  have  been  ceremonially  consecrated  to 
their  respective  uses.  Oviedo  speaks  of  deer-bone 
combs  used  in  Guatemala,  and  of  another  kind  of  combs 
the  teeth  of  which  were  made  of  black  wood  and  set 
in  a  composition  like  baked  clay  but  which  became  soft 
on  exposure  to  heat. 

The  early  writers  speak  in  general  terms  of  idols 
of  various  human  and  animal  forms,  cut  from  all 
kinds  of  stone,  and  also  from  wood;  Martyr  also 
mentions  an  immense  serpent  in  what  he  supposed  to 
be  a  place  of  punishment  in  Yucatan,  which  was 
'compacted  of  bitumen  and  small  stones.'  The  Itzas 
constructed  of  stone  and  mortar  the  image  of  a  horse, 
modeled  on  an  animal  left  among  them  by  Cortes. 
The  Spanish  authors  say  little  or  nothing  of  the 
sculpture  of  either  idols  or  architectural  decora- 
tions, except  that  it  was  elaborate,  and  often  demon- 
like; but  their  observations  on  the  subject  would 
have  had  but  little  value,  even  had  they  been  more 
extended,  and  fortunately  architectural  remains  are 
sufficiently  numerous  and  complete,  at  least  in  Yuca- 
tan, Honduras,  and  Chiapas,  to  supply  information 
that,  if  not  entirely  satisfactory,  is  far  more  so  than 
what  we  possess  respecting  other  branches  of  Maya 
art.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  speaks  of  vases  exquis- 
itely worked  from  alabaster  and  agate  in  Yucatan; 
there  is  some  authority  for  this  in  modern  discoveries, 


762 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


but  little  or  npne,  so  far  as  I  know,  in  the  writings  of 
the  conquerors.  Earthenware,  shells,  and  the  rind 
of  the  gourd  were  the  material  of  Maya  dishes.  All 
speak  of  the  native  pottery  as  most  excellent  in  work- 
manship, material,  and  painting,  but  give  no  details 
of  its  manufacture.  Herrera,  however,  mentions  a 
a  province  of  Guatemala,  where  very  fine  pottery  was 
made  by  the  women,  and  Palacio  tells  us  that  this 
Ijranch  of  manufactures  was  one  of  the  chief  indus- 
tries of  Aguachapa,  a  town  of  the  Pipiles. 

All  that  is  known  of  cloths  and  textile  fabrics  has 
been  given  in  enumerating  the  various  articles  of 
dress;  of  any  differences  that  may  have  existed  be- 
tween the  Nahua  and  Maya  methods  of  spinning  and 
weaving  cotton  we  know  nothing.  It  is  probable 
that  the  native  methods  have  not  been  modified  es- 
sentially in  modern  times  among  the  same  peoples. 
We  are  told  that  in  Yucatan  the  wife  of  a  god  in- 
vented weaving,  and  was  worshiped  under  the  name 
of  Ixazalvoh;  while  another  who  improved  the  in- 
vention by  the  use  of  colored  threads  was  Yxchebe- 
lyax,  also  a  goddess.  Spinning  and  weaving  was  for 
the  most  part  women's  work,  and  they  are  spoken  of 
as  industrious  and  skillful  in  the  avocation.  Bark 
and  maguey-fibre  were  made  into  cloth  by  the  Cak- 
chiquels,  and  Oviedo  mentions  several  plants  whose 
fibre  was  worked  into  nets  and  ropes  by  the  Nica- 
raguans.  The  numerous  dye-woods  which  are  still 
among  the  richest  productions  of  the  country  in  many 
parts,  furnished  the  means  of  imparting  to  woven 
fabrics  the  bright  hues  of  which  the  natives  were  so 
fond.  Bright -colored  feathers  were  highly  prized 
and  extensively  used  for  decorative  purposes.  Gar- 
ments of  feathers  are  spoken  of,  which  were  probably 
made  as  they  were  in  Mexico  by  pasting  the  plumage 
in  various  ornamental  figures  on  cotton  fabric.'' 

*  For  slight  notices  of  the  various  mechanical  arts  of  the  Mayas  see  the 
following  authorities:  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  276,  350,  521,  toni. 
iv.,  pp.  33,  36,  105-9;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  354,  torn,  ii., 
p.  346;  Ltiet,  Nomts  Ortna,  p.  329;  Cogolludo,  Hist.   Yvc.,  pp.  4,  13,  187, 


SYSTEM  OF  NUMERATION. 


706 


The  following  table  will  give  the  reader  a  clear 
idea  of  the  Maya  system  of  numeration  as  it  existed 
in  Yucatan ;  the  definitions  of  some  of  the  names  are 
taken  from  the  Maya  dictionary,  and  may  or  may 
not  have  any  application  to  the  subject: 


1 

2 

hun,    '  paper' 
ca,   'calulHiHh' 

60 
61 

3 

ox,  'tilielled  corn' 

70 

4 

eun,  'seriKjnt' or 'count' 

71 

5 

ho,  'entry' 

80 

G 

uoc 

81 

7 

uuc 

82 

8 

uaxae,  'something 

go 

Btandint^  erect' 

100 

9 

bolon,   bol,    'to  roll  or 

101 

turn ' 

102 

10 

lahun,  lah,  'a  stone' 

110 

11 

hulue,   'drowned' 

115 

12 

luhcd,  (lahun-cn),  10-|-2 

120 

13 

oxiuhun,   3+10 

130 

14 

canliihun,   4+10 

131 

15 

holhun,  (ho-lahun), 

140 

5+10 

141 

16 

uaclahun,  6+10,  etc. 

160 

20 

huukal,  kal,  'neck,' or  a 

200 

measure,  1x20 

300 

21 

huntukal,  1+20 

400 

22 

catukal,  2+20,  etc. 

600 

28 

uaxactukal,   or  hunkal 

600 

catf     uaxac,  8 

800 

+20,   or  20+8 

900 

catae,  'and' 

1,000 

30 

lahucakttl,  2x20—10  (?) 

31 

buhictukal,  11+20 

1,200 

32 

lahcatukal,  12+20 

1,250 

33 

oxhthutukal,  13+20, 

etc. 

2,000 

40 

cakal,  2x20 

8,000 

41 

huntuyoxkal 

16,000 

4'2 

catuyoxkal 

160,000 

50 

lahuyoxkal 

1,000,000 

r>i 

buluctuyoxkal 

64,000,000 

oxkal,  3X20 
huntucankal 
laliucankal 
buluctueankal 
cankal,  40x20 
hutuyokal 
catuyokal 
lahuyokal 
ho-kal,  5x20 
huntu  uackal 
catu  uackal 
lahu  uackal 
holhu  uackal 
uackal  6x20 
lahu  uuckal 
buluc  tu  uuckal 
uuckal,  7X20 
huntu  uaxackal 
uaxackal,  8x20,  etc. 
laliuncal,  10x20 
holhukal,  15x20 
hunbak,  1X400 
hotubak 
lahutubak 
cabak,  2x400 
hotu  yoxbak 
lahuyoxbak 
or  hunpic  (modem) 
oxbak,  3X400 
oxback  catac  lahuyox- 
kal, 3x400+50 
capic  (niodein) 
hunpic  (ancient) 
ca  pic  (ancient) 
calab 

kinchil  or  huntzotzceh 
hunalau 


196;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  xvii.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii.,  cap. 
ix.,  lib.  X.,  cap.  ii.,  xiv. ;  Landa,  Relacion,  pp.  116,  120,  128-9;  Villagu- 
ticrre,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  pp.  100,  311-12,  495,  499-601;  Remesal,  tfist. 
Chijapa.,  p.  293;  Feter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  ii.,  dec.  vi.,  lib.  iii. ;  Bemoni, 
Hist.  Mondo  Nuovo,  fol.  98,  102-3;  Ximenez,  Hist.  Ind.  Gnat.,  n.  203; 
Gotnarn,  Hist.  Ind.,  iol.idS;  Cortis,  Cartas,  p.  489;  Atidagoya,  in  Nnvar- 
refe.  Col.  de  Viajes,  torn,  iii.,  p.  416;  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  MS., 
cap.  cxxiv. ;  Id.,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  147-8; 
Palacio,  Carta,  p.  44;  Squier's  Nicaragua,  (Ed.  1856,)  vol.  ii.,  pp.  339, 
346;  Foster's  Pre-IIist.  Races,  p.  212;  Brasseur  de  Bourbovrg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  69,  172,  563. 
Vol.  II.-48 


7M 


THE  MAVA  NATIONS. 


Thus  the  Mayas  seem  to  have  had  uncompoundcd 
names  fur  the  numerals  from  1  to  11,  20,  40U,  uikI 
8,000,  and  to  have  formed  all  numbers  by  the  addi 
tion  or  multiplication  of  these.  The  manner  in  whitli 
the  combinations  were  made  seems  clear  up  to  tlio 
number  40.  Thus  we  have  10  and  2,  10  and  3,  etc., 
up  to  19;  20  is  hun-kal,  21  is  hun-tu-kal,  etc.,  indi- 
cating that  tu,  which  I  do  not  find  in  any  dictionary, 
is  simply  'and'  or  a  sign  of  addition.  Ihe  composi- 
tion of  lahu-ca-kal  is  clear  only  in  the  sense  of  ten 
from  twice  twenty:  40  is  two  twenties,  60  is  three 
twenties,  and  so  on  regularly  by  twenties  up  to  400, 
for  which  a  new  word  bak  is  introduced;  after  which 
the  numbers  proceed,  twice  400,  thrice  400,  etc.,  to 
8,000,  jnc,  corresponding  to  the  Nahua  xiquipilli 
But  wliile  the  composition  is  intelligible  so  far  as  the 
multiples  of  20  and  400  are  concerned,  it  is  far  from 
clear  in  the  case  of  the  intermediate  numbers.  For 
instance,  40  is  ca-kal,  and  forming  41,  42,  etc.,  as  21 
was  formed  from  20,  we  should  have  hun-tti-ca-kal, 
ca-tu-ca-kal,  etc.,  instead  of  the  names  given,  hitn-tu- 
yox-kal,  etc.,  or,  interpreting  this  last  name  as  the 
former  were  interpreted  we  should  have  61  instead  of 
41.  The  same  observation  may  be  made  respecting 
every  number,  not  a  multiple  of  20,  up  to  400 ;  that 
is,  each  number  is  less  by  20  than  the  composition  of 
its  name  would  seem  to  indicate.  If  we  gave  to  tu 
the  meaning  'towards,'  then  hun-tu-yox-kal  might  be 
interpreted  *1  (from  40)  towards  60,'  or  41;  but  in 
such  a  case  the  word  for  21,  hun-tu-kal,  must  be  sup- 
posed to  be  a  contraction  of  hun-tu-ca-kal,  '1  (from 
20)  towards  40.'  Other  irregularities  will  be  noticed 
by  the  rej  ier  in  the  numbers  above  400.  I  have 
thought  it  best  to  call  attention  to  what  appears  a 
strange  inv  isistency  in  this  system  of  numeration, 
but  which  li  \y  present  less  difficulties  to  one  better 
acquainted  ti    n  I  with  the  Maya  language.' 

*  Beltran  de  S    ita  Rom  Maria,  Arte,  pp.  195-208;  Id.,  in  Brasseur  <fe 
Bourhourg,  MS.  H .ontio,  totii.  ii.,  pp.  93-9.     'Kl  niodo  de  contnr  de  los  In- 


THE  MAYA  CALENDAR. 


766 


Authorities  on  the  Maya  calendar  of  Yucatan,  the 
only  one  of  which  any  details  are  known,  are  Bishop 
Landn  and  Don  Juan  Pio  Perez.  The  lat  er  was  a 
modern  writer  who  devoted  much  study  to  the  suh- 
ject,  was  perfectly  familiar  with  the  Maya  languajife, 
and  had  in  his  possession  or  consulted  elsewhere  many 
ancient  manuscripts.  There  are  also  a  few  scattered 
remarks  on  the  subject  in  the  works  of  other  writers.* 

The  Maya  day  was  called  kin,  or  'sun';  malik  ocok 
kin  was  the  time  just  precec  'ng  sunrise;  hatzcah  was 
the  time  from  sunrise  to  noon,  which  was  called  chun- 
kin  or  'middle  of  the  day';  tzelep  kin  was  the  declin- 
ing sun,  or  about  three  oclock  p.  m.  ;  oc  na  kin  was  sun- 
set. The  night  was  akab,  and  midnight  was  chumuc 
akah.  Other  hours  were  indicated  by  the  position  of 
the  sun  in  the  daytime,  and  by  that  of  some  star— 
the  morning  star,  the  Pleiades,  and  the  Gemini  as 
Landa  says — during  the  night. 

The  following  table  shows  the  names  of  the  twenty 
days  with  the  orthography  of  different  writers,  and 
the  meaning  of  the  names  so  far  as  known: 


Kan  'henequen  string,'  'yellow,'  'serpent.' 

Chicchdn      ehichan  would  be    'small,'  a  thing  that  grows  or  increases 

slowly. 
Cimi  (Quinii,  Cimii)  preterite  of  cimil,  'to  die.' 
possibly  '  passing  wind.' 


Manik 

Lamat 

Muluc 

Oc 

Chuen 

Eb 


possibly  'abyss  of  water,'  found  as  lambat  in  Oajaca  calendar, 
possibly  'reunion,'  also  in  Ciiiapas  calendar, 
'what  may  be  held  in  the  palm  of  the  hand,'  'foot,'  'leg.' 
'board,'  or  name  of  a  tree,  (Msrhaps  chouen  of  Quiche  calendar, 
'stairway'  or  'ladder.' 
Hen  (Been)  perhaps  Been,  an  ancient  nrinee,  or  'to  spend  with  economy.* 
Ix  (Hix,  Gix)  possibly  'roughness.'    Ihe  ijuich^  itz  is  'sorcerer.' 
Men  'builder.' 

Cib  (Quib)  'wax'  or  'copal.' 


dios  es  de  cinco  en  cinco,  y  de  quatro  cincos  hazen  veinte.'  Landa,  Rela- 
cion,  p.  206;  Herrcra,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iv. 

♦  Landa,  Relurio';,  pp.  202-31(>;  Perez,  Croiiologia  Antigua  de  Y'lc, 
with  French  translation,  in  Id.,  pp.  .')Gl>-429;  Enjjiish  translation  of  tho 
same  in  Stephens'  Yucatan,  vol.  i.,  pp.  434-59;  original  Spanish  also  in  the 
Registro  Yitcateco;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geografia,  pp.  103-8,  16.3-4;  Veytia, 
Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  torn,  i.,  p.  137;  Glavigero,  Stona  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn, 
ii.,  pp.  65-C;  Gallatin,  in  Amer.  Ethno.  Soc,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  104- 
14;  Srasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  462-7;  Id., 
MS.  Troano,  tom.  i.,  pp.  7.3-97. 


756 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


Caban 

Ezanab  (Eanab,  Edxnab) 

Cauac 

Ahau  (Ajau)  '  king,'  beginning  of  the  period  of  24  (or  20)  y«>arft. 

Yniix  Imox,  in  Quiche  calendar  is  the  Mexican  Cipactli. 

Ik  (Yk)      'wind'  or  'breath.' 

Akbal  In  Quiche,  'vase.' 

The  hieroglyphics  by  which  the  names  of  the  days 
were  expressed  are  shown  in  the  accompanying  cut  in 
their  proper  order  of  succession, — Kan,  Chicchan,  etc., 
to  Akbal ;  but  it  is  to  be  noted  that  although  this  order 
was  invariable,  yet  the  month  might  begin  with  any 
one  of  the  four  days  Kan,  Muluc,  Ik,  and  Cauac. 


KAN.         CHICCHAN.  CI  Ml.  MANIK.         LAMAT. 


CAUAC. 


BEN. 


©     ©     @     © 

MEN.  CIB.  CABAN.  EZANAB. 

AHAU.  VMIX.  IK.  AKBAL. 


o  ®  © 


Days  of  the  Maya  Calendar. 

The  month,  made  up  as  I  have  said  of  twenty 
days,  was  called  w,  or  'moon,'  indicating  perhaps  that 
time  was  originally  computed  by  lunar  calcuiii^ions. 
It  was  also  called  uincd,  a  word  whose  signification  is 
not  satisfactorily  given.  The  year  contained  eighteen 
months,  whose  names  with  the  hieroglyphics  by  which 
they  were  written,  are  shown  in  the  cut  on  the  opposite 
page,  in  their  order,  Pop,  Uo,  Zip,  etc.,  to  Cumhu. 


MONTHS  OF  THE  MAYA  CALENDAR. 


767 


POP.         UO.  Zll».  TZOZ.        Tzec. 


XUL.        YAXKIN.      MOL.       CHEN.  VAX. 


ZAC.        CCH.         MAC.       KANKIN.  MUAN. 


Months  of  the  Maya  Calendar. 

Not  only  did  the  months  succeed  each  other  al- 
ways in  the  same  order,  but  Pop  was  always  the  first 
month  of  the  year,  which  began  on  a  date  corres- 
ponding to  July  16  of  our  calendar,  a  date  which 
varies  only  forty-eight  hours  from  the  time  when  the 
sun  passes  the  zenith — an  approximation  as  accurate 
as  could  be  expected  from  observations  made  without 
instruments. 

The  following  table  shows  the  names  of  the  months, 
their  meaning,  and  the  day  on  which  each  began,  ac- 
cording to  our  calendar: 

Pop  (Poop,  Popp)  'mat' July  16 

Uo  (Woo,  Voo)  '  Frog' Aug.   5 

Zip  (Cijp)  name  of  a  tree,  'defect,'  'swollen' Aug.26> 

Tiox  (Zoc,  Zotz)  'bat' Sept.  14 

Tzec  (Zeec)  possibly  '  discourse,'  '  skull ' Oct.    4 

Xul  'end' Oct.  24 

Yaxkin  (Dse-Yuxkiu,  Tze  Vaxkin)  'beginning  of  summer' Nov.  13 


768 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


Mol  (Mool)  'to  reunite' Dec.    3 

Chen  (Cheen)  'well' Dec.  23 

Yax  (Yaax)  'green'  or  'blue'  or  'first' Jan.  12 

Zac(Zak)  'clear,'  'white' Feb,    1 

Ceh  (Qeh,  Quej,  Queh)  'deer' Feb.  21 

Mac,    '  to  close,'  '  lid,'  a  measure Mar.  13 

Kankin,    '  yellow  sun ' Apr.    2 

Muan  (Moan)  'showery  day,'  the  bird  called  'ara' Apr.  22 

Pax  (Paax)  a  musical  instrument May  12 

Kayab,    '  singinu ' June   1 

Cumhu  (Cumko)  noise  of  an  explosion,  as  of  thunder June  21 

*  Cogolludo  omita  the  month  Tzoz,  and  inserts  a  month  Vaycab,  Ytuz 
Kin,  or  Vlubol  Kin,  between  Cumhu  and  Pop.  He  also  in  one  place  puts 
cuchhaab  in  the  place  of  Kan.  Hist.  Yuc,  p.  185-6.  See  also  Brassettr  de 
Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Cio.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  466-7;  Waldeck,  Voy.  Pitt.,  p. 
22.  The  Abb«i  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  in  his  attempted  interpretation  of 
the  Manuscript  Troano,  gives  the  following  curious  etymologies  of  the  names 
of  these  months.  'Le  vocable  ji>oo,  que  Beltran  dcrit  long,  poop,  signiiic  la 
nattc,  "esterabpetate,"  dit  Pio  Perez,  qui  donne  encore  a  pop  le  sens  d'un 
arbrisseau  ou  d'une  plante  qu'il  ne  d^crit  point,  mais  qui,  fort  probable- 
inent,  doit  C>tre  de  la  nature  des  joiics  dont  on  fait  les  dinerentes  espisces  de 
nattes  connucs  au  Yucatan.  £u  prcnant  ce  vocable  avec  rortliographe  de 
Beltran,  noop  se  comiK>serait  dc  jm,  priinitif  inusit^,  exprimaiit  rciiHurc,  la 
vapciir,  1  expansion  |Hir  la  chaleur  d'une  matibre  dans  une  enveloppe,  ct  de 

op,  briser,  roniprc  i>our  sortir,  crcvasscr  \^a.r  la  force  du  feu Beltran  ajoute 

que  no  ddsigne  en  outre  le  t^tard,  une  sorte  de  petit  craiwud  et  un  fruit 
indigene,  appelti  pitahaya  aux  Antilles. . .  .uo,  au  rapport  du  mfiiiic  autcur 

tSnoiice  I'id^e  des  caractbres  de  I'ecriture,  en  particulicr  desvoycllcs 

Cet  hi^roglyphe  paraft  ussez  difficile  ii  expliquer.  Sa  section  inf^>rieure  ren- 
ferme  un  caract^re  ciui  semble,  en  raccourci,  celui  dc  la  lettre  h,  et  la  sec- 
tion sup^rieure  est  identique  avec  le  sigiie  que  je  crois  une  variaiite  du  ti, 
localite,  lieu.  Ce  qu'on  pourroit  interpreter  par  "le  possesscur  enfcrine 
du  lieu,"  indice  du  t6tard,  de  I'dnbryon  dans  son  envelopi)c.  (?)  L'enscmblc 
de  rid^e  gt^ologique,  qui  a  prdsid^  h  la  com]H>flition  du  calendrier  niaya,  sc 
poursuit  dans  les  noma  des  mois,  ainsi  que  dans  ceux  des  jours.  Aprils  Ic 
mariScage,  dtijii  crevassii  nar  le  chaleur,  appanitt  le  tetard,  I'einbryoii  dc  la 
grenouflle,  laiss^  au  fond  de  la  bourbe,  ayinbole  de  rembryon  du  feu  vol- 
canique  couvant  sous  la  terre  glacde  et  qui  ne  tardera  ihis  &  rompre  son  en- 

veloppe,  ainsi  qu'on  le  vcrra  dans  les  noma  dca  mois  auivants Zip,  ana- 

lya^,  donne  Zi  ip,  boia  h  brftler  i^ui  ae  gonfle  outre  meaure,  sens  interessaiit 
qui  rappelle  le  grand  arbre  du  inonde,  gontld  outre  meaure  par  lea  gaz  ct  lea 

icux  voIcaniqucs,avantd'($cIater J'inclinerais&pensermicLandaa  voulii 

expriiner  par  tzox,  non  la  chauve-aouria  zob,  maia  tzotz,  la  clievclure,  vocable 
<^ui  dana  toutea  les  langucs  du  groupe  mcxico-guatumalicn  indique  aymliu- 
liquement  la  chevelurc  do  I'cau,  la  aurface  ondoyante,  rcmuante  de  la  mcr, 
d'un  lac  ou  d'une  riviere:  c'eat  ^  qtioi  seniblcnt  correapondre  lea  signes  dc 
la  glace  qui  ae  prcaeiitent  dana  riinage  du  moia  Tzoz.  \\  a'agirait  done  ici 
de  la  chevelurc,  de  la  aurface  dea  eaux  gelees  an-deaaua  de  la  terre  et  que 
la  force  du  feu  volcanique  commence  k  rider,  ik  faire  grimacer,  ainai  que 

I'^nonce  le  nom  du  moia  auivi^nt Tzec Ce  que  I'autcur  du  calendrier  a 

voulu  expriiner,  c'est  bicn  probablenient  une  t6te  dc  inort  de  singe,  aux  dents 
grima^antea,  image  aasez  commune  dans  les  fantiiisies  mythologiquca  dc 
rAm^rique  centnue  et  qu'on  rtitrouve  sculptiie  frequemincnt  dans  lea  Ixilica 
ruinea  de  Copan. . .  .Une  intention  plua  profonde  encore  sc  rdv^le  dans  ccs 
tfites  de  singea.  Car  si  lea  danaea  ct  lea  mouvenienta  de  ces  animaux  aym- 
bolisent,  dana  le  sens  myatdrieux  du  Popol  Vuh,  le  aoul^vement  momen- 
tan^  dea  montagnea  h  la  aurface  de  la  mer  dea  Carailtea,  leura  tAtcr,  avec 
I'expression  de  la  mort,  ne  aauraient  faire  alluaion,  probablement,  qu'u  In 


INTERCALARY  DAYS. 


760 


The  year  was  called  haah,  and  consisted  of  the 
ei;^hteen  months  already  named, — which  would  make 
360  days, — and  of  five  supplementary,  or  intercalary 
days,  to  complete  the  full  number  of  365.  These  in- 
tercalary days  were  called  xma  kaha  kin,  or  'nameless 
days,'  and  also  uayah  or  nayeh  haab,  u  na  haab,  nayab 
chab,  u  yail  kin,  u  yailhaab,  u  tuz  kin,  or  u  lobol  kin, 
which  may  mean  'bed'  or  'chamber'  of  the  year, 
'mother  of  the  year,'  'bed  of  creation,'  'travail  of  the 
year,'  'lying  days,'  or  'bad  days,'  et<!.  They  were 
added  at  the  end  of  each  year,  after  the  last  day  of 
Cumhu,  and  although  they  are  called  nameless,  and 
were  perhaps  never  spoken  of  by  name,  yet  they  were 
actually  reckoned  like  the  resc; — that  is,  if  the  last  day 
of  Cumhu  was  Akbal,  the  five  intercalary  days  would 
be  reckoned  as  Kan,  Chicchan,  Cimi,  Manik,  and 
Lamat,  so  that  the  new  year,  or  the  month  of  Pop, 
would  begin  with  the  day  Muluc. 

Besides  this  division  of  time  into  years,  months,  and 
days,  there  was  another  division  carried  along  simul- 
taneously with  the  first,  into  twenty-eight  periods  of 
thirteen  days  each,"  which  may  for  convenience  be 
termed  weeks,  although  the  natives  did  not  apply  any 
name  to  the  period  of  thirteen  days,  and  perhaps  did 
not  regard  it  as  a  definite  period  at  all,  but  used  the 
number  thirteen  as  a  sacred  number  from  some  super- 
stitious motives;''  yet  its  use  produces  some  curious 
complications  in  the  calendar,  of  which  it  is  a  most 
peculiar  feature.  Tlie  name  of  each  day  was  preceded 
by  a  numeral  showing  its  position  in  the  week,  and 

disparition  de  ces  montagnes  sous  Ich  caiix,  ou  dies  continiifercnt  h  grinia- 
cer,  dans  lea  i^cifs  et  lc8  Ronfleurs,  coiunic  dies  avaiciit  fuit  griniucer  la 

5 lace,  en  se  aoulevaiit.'     As  it  would  occupy  too  much  space  to  give  the 
kbb^'s  explanations  of  all  the  months,  the  above  will  suttice  for  specimens. 
See  MS.  Troano,  torn,  i.,  pp.  98-108. 

*  Landa  says,  however,  'vingt-sept  trezaincs  et  ncuf  jours,  sans  compter 
les  sunnldmentaires.'  Relaeion,  p.  235. 

1  The  number  13  may  come  from  the  original  reckoning  by  lunations, 
2G  days  Iwing  about  the  time  the  moon  is  seen  almve  the  horizon  in  each 
revolution,  13  days  of  increase,  and  13  of  decrease.  Perez,  in  Landa,  Re- 
laeion, pp.  366-8.  Or  it  may  have  been  a  sacred  numlier  before  the  inven- 
tion of  the  calendar,  being  ttio  number  of  gods  of  high  rank.  BratKur  de 
Bourhourg,  lb. 


I 


!l 


'm 


m 


760 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


these  numerals  proceeded  regularly  from  one  to  thir- 
teen and  then  began  again  at  one.  Thus  1  Kan  meant 
'Kan,  the  first  day  of  the  week';  12  Cauac,  'Cauao, 
the  twelfth  day  of  the  week,'  etc.  It  is  probable  also 
that  the  days  of  the  month  were  numbered  regularly 
%m  1  to  20,  as  events  are  spoken  of  as  occurring  on 
the  18th  of  Zip,  etc.,  but  the  numeral  relating  to  the 
week  was  the  most  prominent.  The  table  shows 
the  succession  of  days  and  weeks  for  several  months : 


^ 

X 

ja( 

a 

M 

.c 

u 

JS 

% 

1 

a 

s 

2 

I 

3 

e 

t 

4 

t 

Pop. 

0 

1? 

Uo. 

1 

Zip. 

TZOZ. 

fr>i 

>. 

>, 

>, 

!» 

>> 

>> 

>> 

a 

« 

c« 

« 

et 

c« 

cS 

tS 

Q 
1 

8 

Q 
1 

ft 

ft 

ft 
9 

ft 

1 

Kan 

Kan  ..... . 

2 

Kan 

1 

Kan 

1 

2 

Chicch4n  . 

2 

9 

Chicchdn. . 

2 

3 

Chicchdn. . 

2 

10 

Chicchdn  . 

2 

3 

Cimi 

3 

10 

Cimi 

3 

4 

Cimi 

3 

11 

Cimi 

3 

4 

Manik 

4 

11 

Manik 

4 

6 

Manik 

4 

12 

Manik  . .  . 

4 

5 

Laiiiat .... 

5 

12 

Lamat 

6 

6 

Lamat 

5 

13 

Lamat 

5 

r> 

Muluc 

6 

13 

Muluc .... 

6 

7 

Muluc 

6 

1 

Muluc 

6 

7 

Oc 

7 

1 

Oc 

7 

8 

Oc 

7 

2 

Oc 

7 

8 

Chueu 

8 

2 

Chuen..  .. 

8 

9 

Chuen  

8 

3 

Chuen 

8 

9 

Eb 

9 

3 

Eb 

9 

10 

Eb 

9 

4 

Eb 

9 

10 

Ben 

10 

4 

Ben 

10 

11 

Ben 

10 

5 

Ben 

10 

11 

Ix 

11 

5 

Ix 

11 

12 

Ix 

11 

6 

Ix 

11 

12 

Men 

12 

6 

Men 

12 

13 

Men 

12 

7 

Men 

12 

13 

Cib 

13 

7 

Cib 

13 

1 

Cib 

13 

8 

Cib 

13 

1 

Caban  

14 

8 

Caban  

14 

2 

Caban  

14 

9 

Caban  

14 

2 

f'zanab  . . . 

15 

» 

Ezanab . . . 

15 

3 

Ezanab . . . 

15 

10 

Ezanab . . . 

15 

3 

Cauac. .... 

16 

10 

Cauac  

16 

4 

Cauac 

16 

11 

Cauac  — 

16 

4 

Ahau 

17 

11 

Aliau 

17 

5 

Ahau 

17 

12 

Ahau 

17 

6 

Ymix 

18 

12 

Ymix 

18 

6 

Ymix 

18 

13 

Ymix 

18 

6 

Ik 

19 

13 

Ik 

10 

7 

Ik 

19 

1 

Ik 

19 

7 

Akbal ..... 

20 

1 

Akbal  .... 

20 

8 

Akbal  .... 

20 

2 

Akbal..  .. 

20 

Of  the  twenty  days  only  four, — Kan,  Muluc,  Ix, 
and  Cauac — could  begin  either  a  month  or  a  year. 
Whatever  the  name  of  the  first  day  of  the  first  month, 
every  month  in  the  year  began  with  the  same 
day,  accompanied,  however,  by  a  different  numeral. 
The  numeral  of  the  first  day  for  the  first  month  be- 
ing 1,  that  of  the  second  would  be  8,  and  so  on  for  the 
other  months  in  the  following  order :  2,  9,  3,  10,  4,  11, 
5,  12,  6,  13,  7,  1,  8,  2,  9,  3.  To  ascertain  the  numer- 
al for  any  month  7  must  be  added  to  that  of  the  pre- 


SUCCESSION  OF  THE  YEARS. 


761 


ceding  month,  and  13  subtracted  from  the  sum  if  it  be 
more  than  13. 

By  extending  the  table  of  days  and  months  over  a 
period  of  years, — an  extension  which  my  space  does 
not  permit  me  to  make  in  these  pages, — the  reader  will 
observe  that  by  reason  of  the  intercalary  days,  and  of 
the  fact  that  28  weeks  of  13  days  each  make  only  364 
instead  of  365  days,  if  the  first  year  began  with 
the  day  1  Kan,  the  second  would  begin  with  2  M uluc, 
the  third  with  3  Ix,  the  fourth  with  4  Cauac,  the 
fifth  with  5  Kan,  and  so  on  in  regular  order;  therefore 
the  years  were  named  by  the  day  on  which  they  began, 
1  Kan,  2  Muluc,  3  Ix,  etc.,  since  the  year  would  be- 
gin with  any  one  of  these  combinations  only  once  in 
52  years.  Thus  the  four  names  of  the  days  Kan, 
Muluc,  Ix,  and  Cauac  served  as  sign?  for  the  years, 
precisely  as  the  signs  tochtli,  colli,  tecpatl,  and  acatl 
with  their  numerals  served  among  the  Aztecs.  In 
the  circle  in  which  the  Mayas  are  said  to  have  in- 
scribed their  calendar,  these  four  signs  are  located  in 
the  east,  north,  west,  and  south  respectively,  and  are 
considered  the  'carriers  of  the  years.' 

It  will  be  seen  that,  starting  from  1  Kan,  although 
every  fifth  year  began  with  the  day,  or  sign,  Kan,  yet 
the  numeral  1  did  not  occur  again  in  connection  with 
any  first  day  until  thirteen  years  had  passed  away;  so 
that  1  Kan  or  Kan  alone  not  only  named  the  year  which 
it  began,  but  also  a  period  of  thirteen  years,  which  is 
spoken  of  as  a  'week  of  years'  or  an  'indiction.'  The 
first  indiction  of  thirteen  years  beginning  with  1  Kan, 
the  second  began  with  1  Muluc,  the  third  with  1  Ix, 
and  the  fourth  with  1  Cauac. 

After  the  indiction  whose  sign  was  1  Cauac,  the 
next  would  begin  again  with  1  Kan ;  that  is  52  years 
would  have  elapsed,  and  this  period  of  52  years  was 
called  a  Katun,  corresponding  with  the  Aztec  cycle, 
as  explained  in  a  preceding  chapter.  . 

Thus  we  see  that  the  four  signs  Kan,  Muluc, 
Ix,    and    Cauac  served   to    name    certain    days  of 


If! 


762' 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


the  month;  they  also  named  the  years  of  the  indic- 
tion,  since  in  connection  with  certain  numerals 
they  were  the  first  days  of  these  years;  they  further 
named  the  indictions  of  the  Katun,  of  which  with 
the  numeral  1  they  were  also  the  first  days;  and  fi- 
nally they  named,  or  may  have  named,  the  Katun  it- 
self which  they  b^un,  also  in  connection  with  the 
numeral  1.  How  the  Katuns  were  actually  named 
we  are  not  informed.  The  completion  of  each  Katun 
was  regarded  by  the  Mayas  as  a  most  critical  and  im- 
portant epoch,  and  was  celebrated  with  most  imposing 
religious  ceremonies.  Also  a  monument  is  said  to 
have  been  raised,  on  which  a  large  stone  was  placed 
crosswise,  also  called  katun  as  a  memorial  of  the  cycle 
that  had  passed.  It  is  unfortunate  that  some  of  these 
monuments  cannot  be  discovered  and  identified  among 
the  ruins.  Thus  far  the  Maya  calendar  is,  after  a 
certain  amount  of  study,  sufficiently  intelligible;  and 
is,  except  in  its  system  of  nomenclature,  essentially 
identical  with  that  of  the  Nahuas.  The  calendars  of 
the  Quiches,  Cakchiquels,  Chiapanecs,  and  the  natives 
of  Soconusco,  are  also  the  same  so  far  as  their  details 
are  known.  The  names  of  months  and  days  in  some 
of  these  calendars  will  be  given  in  this  chapter. 

Another  division  of  time  not  found  in  the  Nahua 
calendar,  was  that  into  the  Ahau  Katunes.  The  sys- 
tem according  to  which  this  division  was  made  is  clear 
enough  if  we  may  accept  the  statements  of  Sr  Perez; 
several  of  which  rest  on  authorities  that  are  un- 
known to  all  but  himself  According  to  this  writer, 
the  Ahau  Katun  was  a  period  of  24  years,  divided 
into  two  parts;  the  first  part  of  20  years  was  enclosed 
in  the  native  writings  by  a  square  and  called  amaytun, 
lamayte,  or  lamaytun ;  and  the  second,  of  the  other 
four  years,  was  placed  as  a  'pedestal'  to  the  others, 
and  therefore  called  chek  oc  katun,  or  lath  oc  katun. 
These  four  years  were  considered  as  intercalary  and 
unfortunate,  like  the  five  supplementary  days  of  the 
year,  and  were  sometimes  called  a  yail  lutab,  'years  of 


THE  AHAU  KATUNES. 


76a 


pain.'  This  Katun  of  24  years  was  called  Ahau  from 
its  first  day,  and  the  natives  began  to  reckon  from  13 
Ahau  Katun,  because  it  began  on  the  day  13  Ahau, 
on  which  day  some  great  event  probably  took  place  in 
their  history.  The  day  Ahau  at  which  these  periods 
began  was  the  second  day  of  such  years  as  began  with 
Cauac;  and  13  Ahau,  the  first  day  of  the  first  period, 
was  the  second  of  the  year  12  Cauac;  2  Ahau  was  the 
second  day  of  the  year  1  Cauac,  etc.  If  we  construct 
a  table  of  the  years  from  12  Cauac  in  regular  order, 
we  shall  find  that  if  the  first  period  was  13  Ahau  Katun 
because  it  began  with  13  Ahau,  the  second,  24  years 
later,  was  1 1  Ahau  Katun,  beginning  with  1 1  Ahau ; 
the  third  was  9  Ahau  Ka.tun,  etc.  That  is,  the  Ahau 
Katunes,  instead  of  being  numbered  1,  2,  3,  etc.,  in 
regular  order  was  preceded  by  the  numerals  13,  11, 
9,  7,  5,  3,  1,  12,  10,  8,  6,  4,  and  2.  13  of  these  Ahau 
Katunes,  making  312  years,  constituted  a  great  cycle, 
and  we  are  told  that  it  was  by  means  of  the  Ahau 
Katunes  and  great  cycles  of  312  years  that  historical 
events  were  generally  recorded. 

Sr  Perez  states  that  the  year  1392  of  our  era  was 
the  Maya  year  7  Cauac,  'according  to  all  sources 
of  information,  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  Don 
Cosme  de  Burgos,  one  of  the  conquerors,  and  a  writer 
(but  whose  observations  have  been  lost).'  Therefore 
the  8  Ahau  Katun  began  on  the  second  day  of  that 
year;  the  6  Ahau  Katun,  24  years  later,  in  1416;  the 
4  Ahau  in  1440;  the  2,  in  1464;  the  13,  in  1488;  the 
11,  in  1512;  the  9,  in  1536;  the  7,  in  1560;  the  5,  in 
1584;  the  3,  in  1608,  etc.  As  a  test  of  the  accuracy 
of  his  system  of  Ahau  Katunes,  the  author  says  that 
he  found  in  a  certain  manuscript  the  death  of  a  distin- 
guished individual,  Ahpuld,  mentioned  as  having 
taken  place  in  the  6th  year  of  Ahau  Katun,  when 
the  first  day  of  the  year  was  4  Kan,  on  the  day  of  9 
Ix,  the  18th  day  of  the  month  Zip.  Now  the  13 
Ahau  began  in  the  year  12  Cauac,  or  1488;  the  6th 
year  from  1488  wa3  1493,  or  4  Kan;  if  the  month  of 


764 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


Pop  began  with  4  Kan,  then  the  3d  month,  Zip,  be- 

fan  with  5  Kan,  and  the  18th  of  that  month  fell  on  9 
X,  or  Sept.  11.     All  this  may  be  readily  verified  by 
filling  out  the  table  in  regular  order. 

On  the  other  hand  we  have  Landa's  statement  that 
the  Ahau  Katun  was  a  period  of  20  years;  he  gives 
however  the  same  order  of  the  numerals  as  Perez, — 
that  is  13,  11,  9,  7,  5,  3,  1,  12,  10,  8,  6,  4,  2.  He 
also  states  that  the  year  1541  was  the  beginning  of  11 
Ahau;  but  if  11  Ahau  was  the  second  day  of  1541, 
that  year  must  have  been  10  Cauac,  and  1561,  20 
years  later,  would  have  been  4  Cauac,  the  second  day 
of  which  would  have  been  5  Ahau;  which  does  not 
aofree  at  all  with  the  order  of  numerals.  In  fact  no 
other  number  of  yea:s  than  24  for  each  Ahau  Katun 
will  produce  this  order  of  numerals,  which  fact  is 
perhaps  the  strongest  argument  in  favor  of  Sr  Perez' 
system.  Cogolludo  also  says  that  the  Mayas  counted 
their  time  by  periods  of  20  years  called  Katunes,  each 
divided  into  5  sub-periods  of  four  years  each.  Sr 
Perez  admits  that  other  writers  reckon  the  Ahau  Ka- 
tun as  20  years,  but  claims  that  they  have  fallen  into 
error  through  disregarding  the  chek  oc  katun,  or  4  un- 
lucky years  of  the  period.  A  Maya  manuscript  fur- 
nished and  translated  by  Perez  is  published  by  Ste- 
phens and  in  Landa's  work,  and  repeatedly  speaks  of 
the  Ahau  Katun  as  a  period  of  20  years.  Again, 
this  is  the  very  manuscript  in  which  the  death  of  Ah- 
puld  was  announced,  and  the  date  of  that  event  is 
given  as  6  years  before  the  completion  of  13  Ahau,  in- 
stead of  the  sixth  year  of  that  period  as  stated  in  the 
calculations  of  Sr  Perez;  and  besides,  the  date  is  dis- 
tinctly given  as  1536,  instead  of  1403,  which  dates 
will  m  nowise  agree  with  the  system  explained,  or 
with  the  date  of  1392  given  as  the  beginning  of  8 
Ahau.  Moreover,  as  I  have  already  said,  several  of 
the  statements  on  which  Perez  bases  his  computations 
are  unsupported  by  any  authority  save  manuscripts 
unknown  to  all  but  himself     Such  are  the  statements 


BISSEXTILE  ADDITIONS. 


745 


that  the  Ahau  Katun  began  on  the  2d  day  of  a 
year  Oauac;  that  13  Ahau  was  reckoned  as  the  first; 
and  that  8  Ahau  began  in  1392.  These  facts,  together 
with  various  other  inaccuracies  in  the  writings  of  Sr 
Perez  are  sufficient  to  weaken  our  faith  in  his  system 
of  the  Ahau  Katunes ;  and  since  the  other  writers  give 
no  explanations,  this  part  of  the  Maya  calendar  must 
remain  shrouded  in  doubt  until  new  sources  of  infor- 
mation shall  be  found.^  The  following  quotation  made 
by  Sr  Perez  from  a  manuscript,  contains  all  that  is 
known  respecting  what  was  possibly  another  method 
of  reckoning  time.  "There  was  another  number  which 
they  called  Ua  Katun,  and  which  served  them  as  a 
key  to  find  the  Katunes,  according  to  the  order  of  its 
march,  it  falls  on  the  days  of  the  uayeh  haab,  and  re- 
volves to  the  end  of  certain  years:  Katunes  13,  9,  5, 
1,10,6,2,11,7,3,12,8,4.''^ 

We  have  seen  that  the  Maya  year  by  means  of  in- 
tercalary days  added  at  the  end  of  the  month  Cumhu 
was  made  to  include  365  days.  How  the  additional 
six  hours  necessary  to  make  the  length  of  the  year 
agree  with  the  solar  movements  were  intercalated  with- 
out disturbing  the  complicated  order  already  described, 
is  altogether  a  matter  of  conjecture.  The  most  plaus- 
ible theory  is  perhaps  that  a  day  was  added  at  the 
end  of  every  four  years,  tliis  day  being  called  by  the 
same  name  and  numeral  as  the  one  preceding  it,  or,  in 
other  words,  no  account  being  made  of  this  day  in  the 


8  'Contaban  8us  eras,  y  edades,  que  ponian  en  bus  libroa  de  veinte  en 

veinte  afios,  y  por  lustros  de  quatro  en  quatro Llegando  estos  lustrog  a 

cinco,  que  ajustan  veinte  anos,  \\anm\mi\  Katiin,  y  ponian  vnapiedralabrada 
sobre  otra  labrada,  Axada  con  cal,  y  arena  en  las  naredes  de  sua  Teninlos, 
y  casas  de  los  Sacerdotes,  conio  se  \h  oy  en  los  ediiicifM.'  Cogolludo,  Hist. 
Yuc,  p.  186.  'Llanian  a  esta  cuenta  en  su  lengua  Uazlazon  Katun  que 
quicre  dezir  la  gen-a  de  los  Katunes.'  Zetnt/a,  Bclacion,  p.  313.  'Para 
cuenta  de  veintenas  de  anos  en  calendarios  de  los  indios  yucatecos,  lo  misino 
que  las  indicciones  nuestnis;  pcro  de  mas  aftos  aue  estas,  eran  trece  ahaues 
que  contenian  260  afios,  que  era  para  ellosun  sigio.'  Beltran  de  Snnta  Rosa 
Maria,  Arte,  p.  204.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  is  disposed  to  reject  the  sys- 
tem of  Sr  Perez,  but  he  in  his  turn  makes  several  errors  in  his  notes  on  the 
subject.  In  Lamia,  Relaeion,  pp.  402-13,  428.  The  Maya  MS.  referred  to 
in  the  text  is  found  with  its  translation  in  Id.,  pp.  420-9,  and  Stephens^ 
Yucatan,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  465-9. 


766 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


almanac,  although  it  was  perhaps  indicated  by  some 
sign  in  the  hieroglyphics  of  these  days.  The  Nicara- 
guan  calendar  was  practically  identical  with  that  of 
the  Aztecs,  even  in  nomenclature  although  there  were 
naturally  some  slight  variations  in  orthography.  The 
following  table  shows  the  names  of  the  months  in  sev- 
eral other  Maya  calendars,  whose  system  so  far  uh 
known  is  the  same  as  that  in  Yucatan. 


QuicM.* 


Cakchiquel.* 


ChiapaB 
and 
Soconusuo. " 


1  Nabe  Tzih  Mat  word' 

2  U  CabTzih '2d  word' 

3  Kox  Tzih  '3d  word' 

4  Cho  'tree' 

5  Tccoxenual 

6  Tzibe  Pop 

'painted  mat' 

7  Zak  'white* 

8  Chab  'liow' 

0    Huno  Bix  Gili 

'  Ist  song  of  sun 

10  Nabe  Mam 

'Ist  old  man 

11  U  Cab  Mam 

'2d  old  man 

12  Nabe  Li^in  Ga 

'Ist  8o{t  hand 

13  U  Cab  Li^'iii  Ga 

'2d  soft  hand 

14  Nabe  Pach 

'  Ist  generation 
16    U  Cab  Pach 

'2d  generation 

16  Tziquin  Gih 

'time  of  birds 

17  Tzizi  Lagan 

'  to  sew  the  standard 

18  Cakam  'time  of 

red  flowers 


I  Bota  'rolls  of  mats' 
Qatic  'common  seed' 
Izcal  'spronts' 
Pariche  'firewood' 
Tocaxepual  'seeding  time' 
Nabey  Tumuzuz 

'Ist  flying  ants' 
Rucab  Tumuzuz 

'2d  flying  ants' 
Cibixic  'time  of  smoke' 

Uchum  'resowing  time* 
Nabey  Mam  '1st  old  man* 
Ku  Cab  Mam  '2d  old  man' 
Ligin  Ka  'soft  hand' 
Nabey  Togic  'Ist  harvest' 

Ru  Cab  Togic  '2d  harvest' 

Nabey  Pach 

'1st  generation' 
Ru  Cab  Pach 

'2d  generation' 
Tziquin  Gih 

'time  of  birds' 
Cakam 

'  time  of  red  flowers ' 


Tzun 
Batzul 

Sisac 

Muetasac 

Muc 

Olalti 

Ulol 

Oquinajual 

Veh 

Elech 

Nichqum 

Sbanvinquil 

Xchibalvinquil 

Yoxibalvinquil 

Xchanibal- 

vinquil 

Poin 
Mux 
Yaxquin 


»  The  Quich*  year,  according  to  Basseta,  began  on  December  24,  of  our 
calendar.  Following  an  anonymous  MS.  history  of  Guatemala,  the  Cak- 
chiqiiel  year  began  on  January  31;  and  the  Ist  of  Parichfe  in  1707  was  on 
January  21.  Brasseur  de  Bourbotirg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  466^7. 

">  'Algunos  de  estos  nombres  estan  en  lengua  zotzil,  y  los  demas  se  ig- 
nore en  qu^  idioma  se  hallan.'  Pineda,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Oeog.,  Boletin,  torn, 
iii.,  p.  408;  Oi-ozco  y  Berra,  Geografia,  pp.  205-6. 


DAYS  IN  GUATEMALA  AND  CHIAPAS. 


7«7 


I  shall  treat  of  the  Maya  hieroglyphics  by  giving  first 
the  testimony  of  the  early  writers  respecting  the 
existence  of  a  system  of  writing  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury; then  an  account  of  the  very  few  manuscripts 
that  have  been  preserved,  together  with  illustrative 

f)lates  from  both  manuscripts  and  sculptured  stone  tab- 
ets;  to  be  followed  by  Bishop  Landa's  alphabet,  a 
mention  of  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg's  attempted  inter- 
pretation of  the  native  writings,  and  a  few  speculations 
of  other  modern  writers  on  the  subject.  The  state- 
ments of  the  early  writers,  although  conclusive,  are 
not  numerous,  and  I  wnll  consequently  translate  them 
literally. 

Landa  says  that  "the  sciences  which  they  taught 
were — ^to  read  and  write  with  their  books  and  charac- 
ters with  which  they  wrote,  and  with  the  figures  which 
signified  (explained,  or  took  the  place  of?)  writings. 

!■  Brasseur  de  Bo urbourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ,,  torn,  iii.,  pp.  462-3. 

^*  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  ubisup.;  Boturini,  Idea,  p.  118;  Humboldt, 
Vues,  torn,  ii  ,  pp.  356-7;  Gallatin,  in  Amer.  Ethno.  Soc.,  Transact.,  vol. 
L,  p.  104;  Orozcoy  Berra,  Geogra/ia,  p.  106;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mei.,  torn, 
i.,  p.  137,  makes  Votan  the  first  month;  Clavigero,  StoriaAnt.  del  Messico, 
torn,  ii.,  p.  66;  Pineda,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  torn,  iii.,  p.  344. 


The  names  of  the  days  in  t 

fir>11r>AVR  * 

ae  same  calendars  are  as                        | 

i 

Quich^  and  Cakchiquel." 

Chiapas  (Tiendal?)   Soconusco.i* 

1     Imox  'sword-fish* 

Imox  or  Mox 

2  Ig  spirit  or 'breath' 

3  ATclwl  'chaos' 

Igh  or  Ygh 
Votan 

4    Oat 'lizard' 
6    Can  '  snake ' 

Chanan  or  (Jihanan 

Abah  or  Abash 

6    Caniey  'death' 

Tox 

' 

7    Qtiieh  'deer' 

Moxic 

i  •: 

8    Ganel  'rabbit' 

Lambat 

'i'i 

9    Toh 'shower' 

Molo  or  Mulu 

1  1 

10    Tzy'doR' 

Elab  or  Elah 

1 1     Ilatz  '  monkey ' 

Batz 

M 

12    Ci  or  Balam,  'broom,'  '  tiger' 

Evob  or  Enob 

1  IK 

13    Ah 'cane' 

Been 

ti  !i' 

14    Yiz  or  Itz  ' sorcerer' 

Hix 

Hll 

16    Tziqiiin  'bird' 

Tziauin 

Chabin  or  Chahin 

■  1 

10    Ahmak  '  fisher,'  'owl' 

RR 

17    Noh  'temperature' 

Chic  or  Chiue 

ffifl 

18    Tihax  'obsidian' 

Chinax 

ttU 

19    Cook  'rain' 

Cahogh  or  Cabogh 

1 11 

20    Hunahpu  'shooter  of  blowpipe' 

Aghual 

It 

766 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


They  wrote  their  books  on  a  larffe  leaf,  doubled  in 
folds,  and  inclosed  between  two  boards  which  thev 
made  very  fine  (decorated) ;  and  they  wrote  on  both 
sides  in  columns,  according  to  the  folds;  the  paper  they 
made  of  the  roots  of  a  tree,  and  gave  it  a  white  var- 
nish on  which  one  could  write  well;  these  sciences 
were  known  by  certain  men  of  high  rank  (only),  who 
were  therefore  more  esteemed  although  they  did  not 
use  the  art  in  public."  "These  people  also  used  cer- 
tain characters  or  letters  with  which  they  wrote  in 
their  books  their  antiquities  and  their  sciences ;  and  by 
means  of  these  and  of  figures  and  of  certain  signs  in 
their  figures  they  understood  their  things,  and  made 
them  understood,  and  taught  them.  We  found  among 
them  a  great  number  of  books  of  these  letters  of  theirs, 
and  because  they  had  nothing  in  which  there  were  not 
superstitions  and  falsities  of  the  devil,  we  burned  them 
all,  at  which  they  were  exceedingly  sorrowful  and 
troubled.""  According  to  Cogolludo,  "in  the  tine 
of  their  infidelity  the  Indians  of  Yucatan  had  books, 
made  of  the  bark  of  trees,  with  a  white  and  durable 
varnish,  ten  or  twelve  yards  long,  which  by  folding 
were  reduced  to  a  span.  In  these  they  painted  with 
colors  the  account  of  their  years,  wars,  floods,  hurri- 
canes, famines,  and  other  events."  "The  son  of  the 
only  god,  of  whose  existence,  as  I  have  said,  they 
were  aware,  and  whom  they  called  Ytzamnst,  was  the 
man,  as  I  believe,  who  first  invented  the  characters 
which  served  the  Indians  as  letters,  because  they 
called  the  latter  also  Ytzamnd.""  The  Itzas,  as  Vil- 
lagutierre  tells  us,  h&d  "characters  and  figures  painted 
on  the  bark  of  trees,  cuch  leaf,  or  tablet,  being  about 
a  span  long,  as  thick  as  a  real  de  k  ocho  (a  coin),  folded 
both  ways  like  a  aeraen,  which  they  called  analtees."^'^ 
Mendieta  states  that  the  Mexicans  had  no  letters,  "  al- 


1'  Landa,  Relacion,  pp.  44,  316. 
"  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yue.,m.  185 
salida  to  the  effect  that  the  Itza  priests  still  kept  in  his  time'  a  record  of 


ftp.  185,  196.    The  same  author  quotes  Fuen- 


past  events  in  a  book  'like  a  history  which  they  call  Analte.'  Id.,  p.  507. 

"  Villagutierre,  Hist.  Cong.  Itza,  pp.  '393-4.     'Analtehes,  6  Historias, 
ea  vna  misma  cosa.'  Id.,  p.  352. 


MAYA  HIEROGLYPHIC  SYSTEM. 


769 


though  in  the  land  of  Champoton  it  is  said  tl)at  such 
were  found,  and  that  they  understood  each  other  by 
means  of  them,  as  we  do  by  means  of  ours.""  Aeosta 
says  that  in  Yucatan  "there  were  books  of  leaves, 
bound  or  folded  after  their  manner,  in  which  the 
learned  Indians  had  their  division  of  their  time,  knowl- 
edge of  plants  and  animals  and  other  natural  objects, 
and  their  antiquities ;  a  thing  of  great  curiosity  and 
diligence.""  The  Maya  priestb  "were  occupied  in 
teaching  their  sciences  and  in  writing  books  upon 
them.""  In  Guatemala,  according  to  Benzoni,  "the 
thing  of  all   others  at  which  the  Indians  have  been 

most  surprised  has  been  our  reading  and  writing. 

Nor  could  they  imagine  among  themselves  in  what 
way  white  paper  painted  with  black,  could  speak."" 
Peter  Martyr  gives  quite  a  long  description  of 
the  nativ'j  wood-bound  books,  which  he  does  not 
refer  particularly  to  Yucatan,  although  Brasseur, 
apparently  with  much  reason,  believes  they  were 
the  Maya  ancdth  rather  than  the  regular  Aztec 
picture  writings.  The  description  is  as  follows  in 
the  quaint  English  of  the  translator.  "They  make 
not  their  books  square  leafe  by  leafe,  but  extend  the 
matter  and  substance  thereof  mto  manv  cubites.  They 
reduce  them  into  square  peeces,  not  loose,  but  with 
binding,  and  flexible  Bitumen  so  conioyned,  that  be- 
ing compact  of  wooden  table  bookes,  they  may  seeme 
to  haue  passed  the  hands  of  some  curious  workman  that 
ioyned  them  together.  Which  way  soeuer  the  book 
bee  opened,  two  written  sides  ofifer  themselues  to  the 
view,  two  pages  appeare  and  as  many  lye  vnder,  vnlesse 
you  stretch  them  in  length :  for  there  are  many  leaues 
ioyned  together  vnder  one  leafe.  The  Characters  are 
very  vnlike  ours,  written  after  our  manner,  lyne  after 
lyne,  with  characters  like  small  dice,  fishookes,  snares, 

M  Mendieta,  Hist.  Eelet.,  p.  143. 

"  Acoata,  Hist,  de  lot  Ynd.,  p.  407;  Ctavigero,  Storia  Ant.  del  Mestieo, 
torn,  n.,  p.  187. 

"  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  ii. 
I*  Benzoni,  Hist.  Hondo  Nuovo,  fol.  109-ia 
Vol.  U.  4» 


770 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS, 


files,  starres,  &  other  such  like  formes  and  shapes. 
Whereiii  they  immitate  almost  the  Egyptian  manner  of 
writing,  and  betweeue  the  lines  they  paint  the  shapes 
of  men,  &  beasts,  especially  of  their  kings  &  nobles. 
....  They  make  the  former  wooden  table  bookes  also 
with  art  to  content  and  delight  the  beholder.  Being 
shut,  they  seeme  to  differ  nothing  from  our  bookes,  in 
these  they  set  downe  in  writing  the  rites,  and  the  cus- 
tomes  of  their  laws,  sacrifices,  ceremonies,  their  com- 
putations, etc."* 

Respecting  hieroglyphic  records  in  Chiapas  and 
Guatemala,  we  have  the  statement  of  Ordonez  that 
"  Votan  wrote  a  work  upon  the  origin  of  the  Indians," 
and  that  he,  Ordonez,  had  a  copy  of  the  book  in  his 
possession ;  a  complaint  in  the  Quichd  annals  known  as 
the  Popol  Vuh,  that  the  'national  book'  containing  the 
ancient  records  of  their  people  had  been  lost;  and  finally 
the  reported  discovery  and  destruction  in  Soconusco  of 
archives  on  stone  by  Nunez  de  la  Vega  in  1691. 
All  this  amounts  to  little  save  as  indicating  the 
ancient  use  of  hieroglyphics  by  the  followers  of  V^o- 
tan,  a  fact  sufficiently  proven,  as  we  shall  see,  by 
the  engraved  tablets  of  Palenque  and  Copan.'*  The 
Nicaraguans  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  had  records 

*"  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii.,  or  Latin  edition  of  Cologne,  1574,  p. 
.354;  also  quoted  in  Brasseur  de  Bourboura,  MS.  Troano,  toni.  i.,  pp.  2-.3; 
Montanus,  Nieuwe  Weereid,  p.  77.  Carli  tells  us  that  the  inhabitants  of  Aina- 
titlan  in  Guatemala  were  especially  expert  in  making  palm-leaf  paper  for 
writing.  Cartas,  pt  ii.,  p.  104;  Malte-Brim,  Pricis  de  la  Giog.,  tom.  vi.,  p. 
470.  References  to  modern  authors  who,  except  possibly  Medel,  have  iio 
.:tiier  sources  of  information  than  those  I  have  quoted,  are  as  follows:  '  Dans 
le  Yucathan,  on  m'a  montre  dcs  csp^ces  de  lettres  ct  de  caractiires  dont  se 

servent  les  habitants lis  employaieut  au  lieu  do  papier  I'^corce  de  cer- 

taines  arbres,  dont  ils  enlevaient  dcs  morceaux  qui  avaient  deux  aunes  de 
long  et  un  quart  d'aune  de  large.  Cette  dcorce  ctait  de  I'dpaisseur  d'une 
peau  de  veau  et  se  pliait  comme  un  linge.  L'usage  de  cette  ecriturc  n'otait 
pas  gdndralement  rupantlu,  et  elle  n'dtait  connue  que  dcs  prfitres  et  de  quel- 
ques  caciques.'  Mcdel,  in  Nouvelles  Annates  des  Voy.,  184.",  toni.  xcvii., 
pp.  49-50;  Waldeck,  Voy.  Pitt.,  p.  40;  Sqiiier's  Cent.  Amer.,  p.  552;  More- 
let,    Voyage,  torn,  i.,  p.  191;  FancourCs  Hist.  Yuc.,  p.  119;  Carrillo,  in  Soc. 

269-70;  Brasseur  de  Bour- 


Voyage,  torn.  \.,  p.  191;  Fancourfs  Hist.  Yuc., 
Mex.  Geoff.,  Boletin,  2da  dpoca,  tom.  iii.,  pp.  """ 
bourg.  Hist.  Nat.  Ci%>„  tom.  i.,  p.  79. 

*'  Ordofiez,  Hist.  Cielo,  etc.,  MS.,  and  NutUz  de  la  Vega,  Constit.  Di- 
eeces.,  quoted  by  Bra.sseur  de  Bourbourq,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom.  i.,  pp.  71,  74; 
fd.,  Popol  Vuk,  p.  6;  Juarros,  Hist.  Guat.,  p.  208;  Pineda,  in  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Boletin,  ioxa.  iii.,  pp.  .345-6. 


MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


7T1 


painted  in  colors  upon  skin  and  paper,  undoubtedly 
identical  in  their  figures  with  those  of  the  Nahuas,  to 
whom  the  civilized  people  of  Nicaragua  were  nearly 
related  in  blood  and  language.  No  specimens  of  these 
southern  hieroglyphics  have,  however,  been  preserved. 
Oviedo  and  Herrera  slightly  describe  the  paintings 
and  later  writers  have  followed  them.*" 

Of  the  aboriginal  Maya  manuscripts  three  speci- 
mens only,  so  far  as  I  know,  have  been  preserved. 
These  are  the  Meaican  Manuscript,  No.  2,  of  the  Im- 
perial Library  at  Paris ;  The  Dresden  Codex;  and  the 
Manuscript  Troano.  Concerning  the  first  we  only 
know  of  its  existence  and  the  similarity  of  its  charac- 
ters to  those  of  the  other  two  and  of  the  sculptured 
tablets.  The  document  was  photographed  in  1864  by 
order  of  the  French  government,  but  1  am  not  aware 
that  the  photographs  have  ever  been  given  to  the  pub- 
lic. The  Dresden  Codex  is  preserved  in  the  Royal 
Library  of  Dresden.  A  complete  copy  was  published 
in  Lord  Kingsborongh's  collection  of  Mexican  antiqui- 
ties, and  fragments  were  also  reproduced  by  Hum- 
boldt. It  was  purchased  in  Vienna  by  the  librarian 
Gotz  in  1739,  but  beyond  this  nothing  whatever  is 
known  of  its  history  and  origin.  It  was  published  by 
Kings  borough  as  an  Aztec  picture-writing,  although 
its  characters  present  little  if  any  resemblance  to  those 
of  its  companion  documents  in  the  collection.  Its 
form  was  also  different  from  all  the  rest,  since  it  is 
written  on  both  sides  of  fi, e  leaves  of  maguey-paper. 
At  the  time  ot"  its  publication,  however,  the  existence 
of  any  but  Azto<"  hieroglyphics  in  America  was  un- 
known. Mr  Stephens  in  his  antiquarian  exploration 
of  Central  America,  at  once  noticed  the  similarity  of 
its  figures  to  those  of  the  sculptured  hieroglyphics 
found  there,  but  he  used  this  similarity  to  prove  the 
identity  of  the  northern  and  southern  nations,  since  it 

'  Oviedo,  Hist.  Oen.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  36;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib. 
iv.,  cap.  vii. ;  Oallatin,  in  Aincr.  Ethno.  Soe.,  Transact.,  vol.  i.,  p.  8; 
Malte-Brun,  Pr&.isdi'ln  Gfog..  torn,  vi.,  p.  472;  Squier'n  Sit:i;r(igua,  (Ed. 
1856.)  vol.  ii.,  pp.  3 '.7-8. 


772 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


did  not  occur  to  him  that  the  Aztec  origin  of  the  Dres- 
den document  was  a  mere  supposition.  Mr  Brantz 
Mayer,  fully  aware  of  the  differences  between  this  and 
other  reputed  Mexican  picture-writings,  went  so  far 
as  to  pronounce  it  the  only  genuine  Aztec  document 
that  he  had  seen.  There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt, 
however,  at  this  day,  that  the  Maya  and  Nahua  <^or 
Maya  and  Aztec,  since  some  authors  will  not  agree 
with  my  use  of  the  term  Nahua)  hieroglyphic  systems 
were  i)ractically  distinct,  although  it  would  be  hardly 
wise  to  decide  that  they  are  absolutely  without  affini- 
ties in  some  of  their  details.  The  accompanying  cut 
from  Stephens'  work  shows  a  small  fragment  of  the 
Dresden  Codex.** 


miL 

Fragment  of  the  Dresden  Codex. 

The  Manuscript  Troano  was  found  about  the  year 
1865  in  Madrid  by  the  Abbi5  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 

•>  Kingsbarouffh's  ^fGX.  Antiq.,  vol.  iii.,  No.  2;  Hinnboldt,  Vims,  toin. 
u.,  pp.  268-71,  pi.  xvi.  Mr  Prescoit,  Mex.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  104-.5,  wiys  tliut 
thiH  aociinicnt  bears  but  little  rcsoniblance  to  other  Aztec  MS8.,  und  that 
it  indicates  a  miicli  hi^rlicr  stage  of  civilization ;  but  he  also  fails  to  detect 
any  strt  nger  likeness  to  the  bas-reliefs  of  Falenque,  of  which  latter,  how- 
ever, he  probably  had  a  very  iui|)erfect  idea.  It  cannot  be  interpreted,  for 
'even  if  a  Kosetta  stone  were  discovered  in  Mexico,  there  is  no  Indian 
tongue  to  supply  the  key  or  interpreter.'  M^^yrr,  Mex.  as  it  Was,  pp.  258-^9. 
'Le  Codex  de  liresde,  et  «n  autre  <le  la  Bihli(»thfeque  Nationale  a  Paris, 
bien  qu'ttffrant  quelque  rapport  avec  les  Rituels,  «ichai>pent  Jl  toute  internn5- 
tation.  lis  appartiennent,  ainsi  que  les  inscriptions  tie  Chiapjm  et  du  Yu- 
catan h,  une  dcriture  plus  <ilabon5e,  conitne  incrnst^eet  calculifonnc,  dont  on 
croit  trouver  des  tro'>es  dans  toutes  les  parties  trfes-ancienncinent  |H>lic('cs 
des  doux  Amdriques.'  Aubin,  in  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ., 
torn,  i.,  p.  Ixxi.  See  Stephens'  Cent.  Amer.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  342,  453-6;  Id., 
Yucatan,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  292,  453. 


THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


778 


Ihiit 
JLluit 
Iteot 


and  was  reproduced  in  fac-simile  by  a  chromo-litho- 
graphic  process  by  the  Commission  Scientifique  du 
Mexique,  under  the  auspices  of  the  French  Govern- 
ment. Its  name  comes  from  that  of  its  possessor  in 
Madrid,  Sr  Tro  y  Ortolano,  and  nothing  whatever  is 
known  of  its  origin ;  two  or  three  other  old  American 
manuscripts  are  reported  to  have  been  brought  to  light 
in  Spain  since  the  publication  of  this.  The  original 
is  written  on  a  strip  of  maguey-paper  about  fourteen 
feet  long  and  nine  inches  wide,  the  surface  of  which  is 
covered  with  a  whitish  varnish,  on  which  the  figures 
are  painted  in  black,  red,  blue,  and  brown.  It  is  folded 
fan -like  into  thirty-five  folds,  presenting  when  shut 
much  the  appearance  of  a  modern  large  octavo  volume. 
The  hieroglyphics  cover  both  sides  of  the  paj)er,  and  the 
writing  is  consequently  divided  into  seventy  pages,  each 
about  five  by  nine  inches,  having  been  apparently  exe- 
cuted after  the  paper  was  folded,  so  that  the  folding 
does  not  interfere  with  the  written  matter.  One  of  the 
pages  as  a  specimen  is  shown  in  the  following  plate, 
an  exact  copy,  save  in  size  and  color,  of  the  original. 

The  regular  lines  of  written  characters  are  uniformly 
in  black,  while  the  pictorial  portions,  or  what  may  per- 
haps be  considered  representative  signs,  are  in  red 
and  brown,  chiefly  the  former,  and  the  blue  appears 
for  the  most  part  as  a  background  in  some  of  the 
p:'qres.  A  few  of  the  pages  are  slightly  damaged,  and 
<'ll  the  imperfections  are,  as  it  is  claimed,  faithfully  re- 
|)r(*duced  in  the  published  copy,  which  with  the  edi- 
t:;r's  comments  fills  two  quarto  volumes  in  the  series 
nubli'^hed  by  the  Commission  mentioned.'" 

The  plates  on  tl\e  following  pages  from  the  works 
of  Stephens  and  Waldeck  I  present  as  specimens  of 
the  Maya  writing,  as  it  is  found  carved  in  stone  in 
Yucatan,  Honduras,  and  Chiapas.  For  particulars 
respecting  the  ruins  in  connection  with  which  they 
were  discovered,  I  refer  the  reader  to  volume  IV.  of 

n  Brnssfur  de  Bourbourtf,  MS.  Troano;  dtudea  mtr  Ic Hi/stimr.  (irnphique 
ft  la  langnc  des  Mayas,  I'liris,  ISOO-TO,  4°,  2  vi>!h,  70  colored  plutcs. 


/•[  !: 


m 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


Page  of  Manuscript  Troano. 


MAYA  INSCRIPTIONS  IN  STONE. 


775 


Fig.  I. — Altar  Inscription  from  Copan. 


III 
III, 


FJ!'.  2.— Tablet  from  Cliichen. 


Fig.  3.— Chttlchiiiitc  from  Ococingo. 


776 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


O 
t 

s 
o 


Fig,  4— Tablet  from  Palenque. 


BISHOP  LANDA'S  ALPHABET. 


777 


this  work.  Fig.  1  represents  the  hieroglyphics  sculp- 
tured on  the  top  of  an  altar  at  Copan,  in  Honduras, 
the  thirty-six  groups  cover  a  space  nearly  six  feet 
square.  Fig.  2  is  a  tablet  set  in  the  interior  wall  of  a 
building  in  Chichen,  Yucatan.  The  tablet  is  placed 
over  the  doorways  and  extends  the  whole  length  of 
the  room,  forty-three  feet;  only  a  part,  however,  is 
shown  in  the  cut.  Fig.  3  is  a  full-size  representation 
of  the  carving  on  a  green  stone,  or  chalchiuite,  found 
at  Ococingo,  Chiapas.  I  take  it  from  the  English 
translation  of  Morelet's  Travels.  Many  of  the  mon- 
oliths of  Copan,  have  a  line  of  hieroglyphics  on  their 
side.  Plates  representing  specimens  of  these  mon- 
uments will  be  given  in  Volume  IV.  Fig.  4  shows  a 
portion  of  the  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  on  the  famous 
'tablet  of  the  cross'  at  Palenque.*" 

T  have  given  on  a  preceding  page  in  this  chapter, 
the  signs  by  which  the  natives  of  Yucatan  expressed 
the  names  of  their  days  and  months,  taken  from  the 
work  of  Bishop  Landa.  The  same  author  has  also 
preserved  a  Maya  alphabet.  On  account  of  Landa's 
failure  to  appreciate  the  importance  of  the  native  hie- 
roglyphics, or  to  comprehend  the  system,  and  also  very 
likely  on  account  of  his  copyist's  carelessness — for  the 
original  manuscript  of  Landa's  work  has  not  been 
found — the  passage  relating  to  the  alphabet  is  very 
vague,  unsatisfactory,  and  perhaps  fragmentary ;  but  it 
is  of  the  very  highest  importance,  since  the  alphabet 
Vere  given  in  connection  with  the  calendar  signs  al- 
ready spoken  of,  furnish  apparently  the  only  ground 
for  a  hope  that  the  veil  of  mystery  which  hangs  over 
the  Maya  inscriptions  may  one  day  be  lifted.  I  there- 
fore give  Landa's  description  as  nearly  as  possible  in 
his  own  words,  copying  also  the  original  Spanish  in  a 
note. 


«  Waldeck,  Palenqiti,  pi.  21;  Stephen's  Cent.  Amer.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  1! 
140-2;  Id.,  Yucatan,  vol.  li.,  pp.  300-1;  Morelet's  Trav.,  p.  98;  Vol. 
pp.  91-2,  97-9,  234,  aiid  clmp.  vi.,  of  thin  work. 


136-7. 
iv.. 


778 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


"  Of  their  letters  I  give  here  (see  alphabet  on  the 
next  page)  an  A,  B,  C,  since  their  heaviness  (number 
and  intricacy?)  permits  no  more ;  because  they  use  one 
character  for  all  the  aspirations  of  the  letters,  and  an- 
other in  the  pointing  of  the  parts  (punctuation),  and 
thus  it  goes  on  to  infinity,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  fol- 
lowing example:  IS  means  *a  snare'  or  to  hunt  with 
it;  to  write  it  with  their  characters,  we  having  given 
them  to  understand  (although  we  gave,  etc.)  that  they 
are  two  letters,  they  wrote  it  with  three,  placing  after 
the  aspiration  I  the  vowel  e,  which  it  has  before  it, 
and  in  this  they  do  not  err,  although  they  make  use, 
if  they  wish,  of  their  curious  method.  Example: 
e  I  e  u  Then  at  the  end  they  attach  the  ad- 
^^^|g)@^^)  joined  part.  Ha  which  means  *  water,' 
because  the  hach4  (sound  of  the  letter 
h)  has  rt,  h,  before  it,  they  put  it  ,at  the  beginning 
with  a,  at  the  end  in  this  manner :  ' 
write  it  in  parts  but  in  both  ways, 
not  put  (all  this)  here,  nor  treat  of 
in  order  to  give  a  complete  account 
things  of  this  people.  Ma  in  kati  means 
they  write   it  in  parts  after  this 


manner, 


»a« 


They  also 
I  would 
it,  except 
of      the 

I  will  not'; 

*      n    ka     ti 


ma 


K  The  Spanish  text  is  as  follows:  'De  sns  letras  porne  aqui  nn  a,  b,  c, 
que  no  permite  su  pesadunibre  mas  porqiie  usan  para  todas  las  aspiraciones 
de  las  letras  de  un  caracter,  y  despues,  al  puntar  de  las  partes  otro,  y  assi 
viene  a  hazcr  in  infinitum,  como  se  podra  vcr  en  el  siguiente  exemplo.   Li, 

Siiiere  dezir  laco  y  ca9ar  con  el;  pai-a  escrivirle  con  sus  caruteres,  liavien- 
olcs  nosotros  necho  cntender  que  son  dos  letras,  lo  escrivian  ellos  con  item, 
pitniendo  a  la  aspiracion  de  la  I  la  vocal  i,  que  antes  de  si  trae,  y  en 
esto  no  hierran,  aunque  usense,  si  quisieren  ellos  de  su  curiosidad.  Exem- 
plo: eleU.  Despues  al  cabo  le  pegan  la  parte  junto.  Ha  que  quierc  de- 
zir agua,  porque  la  hach6  tiene  a,  h,  antes  de  si  la  ponen  ellos  al  principio 
con  a,  y  al  caoo  desta  manera:  hn.  Tambien  lo  escriven  a  partes  pero  de 
la  una  y  otra  manera,  yo  no  pusiera  aqtii  ni  tratara  dello  sino  por  dar  cuenta 
entera  de  las  cosas  desta  gente.  Ma  tn  kati  quiere  dezir  no  quiero,  cIIok 
lo  escriven  a  partes  desta  manera:  mn  i  n  ka  ti.^  Landa,  Rclacion,  pp.  316- 
22;  also  in  Brasseur  de  Bourhoiirg,  MS.  Troano,  toni.  i.,  pp.  37-S. 


BISHOP  LANDA'S  ALPHABET. 


779 


I.  S  dP 


B 


C(qT) 


T  t 


f 


H 


CA(?) 


'^ 


M 


N 


O 


0 


tl 


X  X 

(dj  or  dz?) 


oJLo 

MA 

(me,  mo?) 


f 


U 


S 


TO 


n 


Sign  of 
Aspiration. 


Respecting  this  alphabet  Landa  adds:  "this  lan- 
guage lacks  the  letters  that  are  missing  here;  and  has 
others  added  from  ours  for  other  necessary  things;  and 
they  already  make  no  use  of  these  characters,  espe- 
cially the  young  who  have  learned  ours."  It  will  be 
noticed  that  there  are  several  varying  characters  for 
the  same  letter,  and  several  syllabic  signs. 

The  characters  of  Landa's  alphabet,  and  the  calendar 
signs  can  be  identified  more  or  less  accurately  and 
readily  with  some  of  those  of  the  hieroglyphic  inscrip- 
tions in  stone,  the  Manuscript  Troano,  and  the 
Dresden  Codex.  The  resemblance  in  many  cases  is 
clear,  in  others  very  vague  and  perhaps  maginary, 
while  very  many  others  cannot  apparently  be  identified. 
Although  Landa's  key  must  be  regarded  as  fragment- 


780 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


ary,  I  believe  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  its  authen- 
ticity. But  one  attempt  has  been  made  to  practicaily 
apply  this  key  to  the  work  of  deciphering  the  Maya 
documents,  that  of  the  Abbd  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg. 
This  writer,  after  a  profound  study  of  the  subject, 
devotes  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  quarto  pages  to  a 
consideration  of  the  Maya  characters  and  their  varia- 
tions, and  fifty-seven  pages  to  the  translation  of  a  part 
of  the  Manuscript  Troano.  The  translation  must  be 
pronounced  a  failure,  especially  after  the  confession  of 
the  author  in  a  subsequent  work  that  he  had  begun 
his  reading  at  the  wrong  end  of  the  document,'" — a 
trifling  error  perhaps  in  the  opinion  of  the  enthusiastic 
Abbe,  but  a  somewhat  serious  one  as  it  appears  to 
scientific  men.  His  preliminary  examinations  doubt- 
less contain  much  valuable  information  which  will 
lighten  the  labors  and  facilitate  the  investigations  of 
future  students;  but  unfortunately,  such  is  their 
nature  that  condensation  is  impracticable.  A  long 
chapter,  if  not  a  volume,  would  be  required  to  do  them 
anything  like  justice,  and  they  must  be  omitted  here. 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  devoted  his  life  to  the  study 
of  American  primitive  history.  In  actual  knowledge 
of  matters  pertaining  to  his  chosen  subject,  no  man 
ever  equaled  or  approached  him.  Besides  being  an 
indefatigfable  student  he  was  an  elegfant  writer.  In 
the  last  decade  of  his  life  he  conceived  a  new  and 
complicated  theory  respecting  the  origin  of  the 
American  people,  or  rather  the  origin  of  Europeans 
and  Asiatics  from  America,  made  known  to  the  world 
in  his  Quatre  Lettres.  His  attempted  translation  of 
the  Manuscript  Troano  was  made  in  support  of  this 
theory.  By  reason  of  the  extraordinary  nature  of  the 
views  expressed,  and  the  author's  well-known  tendency 
to  build  magnificent  structures  on  a  slight  foundation, 
his  later  writings  were  received  for  the  most  part  by 
critics,  utterly  incompetent  to  understand  them,  with 
a  sneer  or,  what  seems  to  have  grieved  the  writer 

*f  Bibliothique  Mexko-GuaUmalienne,  Paris,  1871,  p.  xxvii. 


INTERPllETATION  OF  MAYA  RECORDS. 


781 


more,  in  silence.  Now  that  the  great  Am^ricaninte 
is  dead,  while  it  is  not  likely  that  his  theories  will 
ever  be  received,  his  zeal  in  the  cause  of  antiquarian 
science  and  the  many  valuable  works  from  his  pen 
will  be  better  appreciated.  It  will  be  lonjjere  another 
shall  undertake  with  equal  devotion  and  ability  the 
well  nigh  hopeless  task. 

I  close  the  chapter  with  a  few  quotations  from 
modern  writers  respecting  the  Maya  hieroglyphics 
and  their  interpretation.  Tyler  says  "there  is  even 
evidence  that  the  Maya  nation  of  Yucatan,  the  ruins 
of  whose  temples  and  palaces  are  so  well  known  from 
the  travels  of  Catherwood  and  Stephens,  not  only  had 
a  system  of  phonetic  writing,  but  used  it  for  writing 
ordinary  words  and  sentences."*  Wuttke  suggests 
that  Landa's  alphabet  originated  after  the  Conquest, 
a  suggestion,  as  Schepping  observes,  excluded  by 
Mendieta's  statement,  but  "otherwise  very  probable 
in  consideration  of  the  phoneticism  developed  in 
Mexico  shortly  after  the  Conquest."**  And  finally 
Wilson  says,  "while  the  recurrence  of  the  same  signs, 
and  the  reconstruction  of  groups  out  of  the  detached 
members  of  others,  clearly  indicate  a  written  language, 
and  not  a  mere  pictorial  suggestion  of  associated 
ideas,  like  the  Mexican  picture-writing."  "In  the 
most  complicated  tablets  of  African  hieroglyphics, 
each  object  is  distinct,  and  its  representative  signifi- 
cance is  rarely  difficult  to  trace.  But  the  majority  of 
the  hieroglyphics  of  Palenque  or  Copan  appear  as  if 
constructed  on  the  same  polysynthetic  principle  which 
gives  the  peculiar  and  distinctive  character  to  the  lan- 
guages of  the  New  World.  This  is  still  more  apparent 
when  we  turn  to  the  highly  elaborate  inscriptions  on 
the  colossal  figures  of  Copan.  In  these  all  idei'^^  o: 
simple  phonetic  signs  utterly  disappear.  Like  the 
bunch-words,  as  they  have  been  called,  of  the  Ameri- 

*•  Tylor's  Researches,  pp.  li)0-l. 

29  Wuttke  and  Schcpptng,  in  Spencer's  Descriptive  Sociology,  no.  2.,  div. 
ii.,  pt  l-B,  p.  61.     See  note  16  of  this  chapter. 


782 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


can  languages,  they  seem  each  to  be  compounded  c 
number  of  j)art8    of  the  primary   symbols  used    in 

f)icture-writing,  while  the  pictorial  origin  of  the  whole 
)ecomes  clearly  apparent.  In  comparing  these  mi- 
nutely elaborated  character  with  those  on  the  tables, 
it  is  obvious  that  a  system  of  abbreviation  is  employed 
in  the  latter.  An  analogous  process  seems  dimly 
discernible  in  the  abbreviated  compound  characters  of 
the  Palenque  inscription.  But  if  the  inference  be 
correct,  this  of  itself  would  serve  to  indicate  that  the 
Central  American  hieroglyphics  are  not  used  as  pho- 
netic, or  pure  alphabetic  signs;  and  this  idea  receives 
confirmation  from  the  rare  recurrence  of  the  same 
group  ....  The  Palenque  inscriptions  have  all  the 
characteristics  of  a  written  language  in  a  state  of 
development  analogous  to  the  Chinese,  with  its  word- 
writing  ;  and  like  it  they  appear  to  have  been  read 
in  columns  from  top  to  bottom.  The  groups  of  sym- 
bols begin  with  a  large  hieroglyphic  on  the  left-hand 
corner ;  and  the  first  column  occupies  a  double  s'^ace. 
It  is  also  noticeable  that  in  the  frequent  occum  of 
human  and  animal  heads  among  the  sculpture* 
acters  they  invariably  look  toward  the  left;  an  indica- 
tion, as  it  appears  to  me,  that  they  are  the  graven  in- 
scriptions of  a  lettered  people,  who  were  accustomed 
to  write  the  same  characters  from  left  to  right  on  paper 
or  skins.  Indeed,  the  pictorial  groups  on  the  Copan 
statues  seem  to  be  the  true  hieroglyphic  characters; 
while  the  Palenque  inscriptions  show  the  abbreviated 
hieratic  writing.  To  the  sculptor  the  direction  of  the 
characters  was  a  matter  of  no  moment;  but  if  the 
scribe  held  his  pen,  or  style,  in  his  right  hand,  like  the 
modern  clerk,  he  would  as  naturally  draw  the  left  pro- 
file as  we  slope  our  current  hand  to  tlie  right.  Arbi- 
trary signs  are  also  introduced,  like  those  of  the  pho- 
netic alphabets  of  Europe.  Among  these  the  T  repeat- 
edly occurs :  a  character  which,  it  will  be  remembered, 
was  also  stamped  on  the  Mexican  metallic  currency." 

>•  Wilson's  Pre-Historic  Man,  p.  378,  et  seq. 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

HUILDINOS,  MEDICINE,  BURIAL,  PHYSICAL  PECULIARITIES,  AND 
CHARACTER  OF  THE  MAYAS. 

Scanty  Information  oiven  by  the  Early  Voyagers— Private 
Houses  of  the  Mayas— Interior  Arranoement,  Decoration, 
and  Furniture— Maya  Cities -Description  of  Utatlan— Pa- 
tin  amit,  the  Cakchiquel  Capital— Cities  CI  Nicaragua— Maya 
Roads— Temples  at  Chichen  Itza  and  Cozimel— Temples  of  Nic- 
aragua AND  Guatemala— Diseases  of  the  Mayas— Medicines 
used— Treatment  of  the  Sick— Propitiatory  Offerings  and 
Vows— Superstitions—Dreams—Omens— Witchcraft— Snake- 
Charmers—Funeral  Rites  and  Ceremonies— Physical  pecul- 
iarities—Character. 

A  full  r^sumd  of  the  principles  of  Maya  architecture, 
gathered  from  observations  of  ruins  made  by  modern 
travelers,  will  be  given  in  another  part  of  this  work.' 
I  shall,  therefore,  without  regard  to  the  inevitable 
scantiness  and  unsatisfactory  nature  of  such  informa- 
tion, confine  myself  in  this  chapter  to  the  descriptions 
furnished  by  the  old  writers,  who  saw  tlie  houses  and 
towns  while  they  were  occupied  by  those  who  built 
them  and  the  temples  before  they  became  ruins,  or 
at  least  were  contemporaries  of  such  observers. 

The  accounts  given  of  the  dwellings  of  the  Mayas 
are  very  meagre.  The  early  voyagers  on  the  coast  of 
Yucatan,  such  as  Grijalva   and  C6rdova,  saw  well- 


'  See  vol.  iv.,  pp.  267,  et.  seq. 
(788) 


784 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


built  houses  of  stone  and  lime,  with  sloping  roofs 
thatched  with  straw  or  reeds;  or,  in  some  instances, 
with  slates  of  stone  f  but  this  is  all  they  tell  us,  and, 
indeed,  they  had  little  opportunity  for  close  examina- 
tion; the  natives  of  those  parts  were  fierce  and  war- 
like, and  little  disposed  to  submit  to  invasion,  so  that 
the  handful  of  adventurers  had  barely  time  to  look 
hastily  about  them  after  effecting  a  landing  before 
they  were  driven  back  wounded  to  their  boats.  Hero, 
as  olsewhere,  too,  the  temples  and  larger  buildings 
naturally  attracted  their  sole  attention,  both  because 
of  their  strangeness  and  of  the  treasures  which  they 
were  supposed  to  or  did  contain.  These  men  were 
soldiers,  gold-hunters;  they  did  not  travel  leisurely; 
they  had  no  time  to  examine  the  architecture  of 
private  dwellings ;  they  risked  and  lost  their  lives  for 
other  purposes.  Bishop  Landa,  however,  has  some- 
thing to  say  on  the  subject  of  Maya  dwellings.  The 
roof,  he  says,  was  covered  with  straw,  which  they  had 
in  great  abundance,  or  with  palm-leaves,  which  an- 
swered the  purpose  admirably.  A  considerable  pitch 
was  given  to  the  roof,  that  the  rain  might  run  off 
easily.  Tho  house  was  divided  in  its  length,  that  is, 
from  side  to  side,  by  a  wall,  in  which  several  doorways 
were  left  as  a  means  of  communication  with  the  back 
room  where  they  slept.  The  front  room  where  guests 
were  received  was  carefully  whitewashed,  or  in  the 
houses  of  nobles,  painted  in  various  colors  or  designs ; 
it  had  no  door  but  was  open  all  the  length  of  the  front 

*'A  todo  lo  lan^  tcnian  los  vccinon  de  aqiicl  lugar  mnchas  cosas,  hecho 
el  ciniiento  dc  piccira  y  Itxiu  liastii  la  iiiitad  dc  las  narcdes,  y  luego  cubier- 
tas  dc  paja.  Esta  gciite  del  diclio  lu);ar,  uii  lo8  edincios  y  cii  latt  casas,  pa- 
rccc  iter  gcntc  dc  graiidc  ingcnio:  y  si  no  fuera  {rarquc  ]iarecia  hahcr  alli 
algiinoa  edificios  nucvoa,  se  pudicra  presumir  ciiie  craii  cditicios  liechos  por 
Espauolcs.*  Diaz,  Kincrario,  \n  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  torn,  i.,  p.  286; 
(icc  altio  Id.,  pp.  281,  287.  '  Las  casaa  son  de  picdra,  y  Imlriilo  con  la  cn- 
bicrta  dc  paia,  o  rama.  Y  aun  alguna  de  lanchas  de  picdra.'  Gomara, 
Conq.  Mex.,  fol.  23.  'The  houses  were  of  stone  or  brick,  and  lynie,  vcr^- 
arttilcially  composed.  To  the  square  Courts  or  first  habitations  of  their 
liouHCB  they  ascended  by  ten  or  twcluc  steps.  The  roofe  was  of  Reeds,  or 
stalkcs  of  Herbs.'  Purchas  his  Pilgrimage,  vol.  v.,  p.  885;  Bernal  Diaz, 
Jlist.  Conq.,  fol.  2-3;  Bienvenida,  in  Ternaux-Coinpatts,  Voy.,  s^rie  i.,  toni. 
ii.,  p.  311;  Oviedo,  Hi  t.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  p.  607,  torn,  iii.,  p.  230;  Montanm, 
Nieutoe  IVeereld,  p.  7-;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  i. 


Cotnj, 


TH 


NICARAGUAX  DWELLINUa 


785 


of  the  house,  and  was  sheltered  from  sun  and  rain  by 
the  eaves  which  usually  descended  very  low.'  There 
was  always  a  doorway  in  the  rear  for  the  use  of  all 
the  inmates.  The  fact  of  there  being  no  doors  made 
it  a  point  of  honor  among  them  not  to  rob  or  injure 
each  other's  houses.  The  poor  people  built  the 
houses  of  the  rich.*  A  new  dwelling  could  not  be 
occupied  until  it  had  been  formally  blessed  and  purged 
of  the  evil  spirit." 

In  Nicaragua,  the  dwellings  were  mostly  made  of 
canes,  and  thatched  with  straw.  In  the  large  cities 
the  houses  of  the  nobles  were  built  upon  platforms 
several  feet  in  height,  but  in  the  smaller  *.owns  the 
residences  of  all  classes  were  of  the  same  construction, 
except  that  those  of  the  chiefs  were  larger  and  more 
commodious.  Some,  however,  appear  to  have  been 
built  of  stone.'  Of  the  dwellings  in  Guatemala,  still 
less"  is  said.  Villagutierre  mentions  a  Lacandone 
village  in  which  were  one  hundred  and  three  houses 
with  sloping  thatched  roofs,  supported  upon  stout 
posts.  The  front  of  each  house  was  open,  but  the 
bfick  and  sides  were  closed  with  a  strong  stockade. 
The  interior  was  divided  into  several  apartments. 
Cogolludo  says  that  their  houses  were  covered  with 
plaster,  like  those  of  Yucatan.' 

The  house,  or  rather  shed,  near  the  Gulf  of  Dulce, 
in  which  CorttJs  stayed,  had  no  walls,  the  roof  resting 


Br  am 
i8  por 

286; 
la  cu- 

tara, 
,  vcrj- 

their 
ids,  or 

Diaz, 
toin. 

annn, 


'  'Cost  encore  aujounl'liiii  de  cctte  maniiirc  <|iie  hc  constriiiHcnt  h  la 
eampa^nc  Icr  niaixuiis  iion  Hculcnicnt  dcs  iiidi}ri!iie8,  iimiH  encore  <le  la  plu- 
part  lies  aiitrcs  Iiuliitant8  du  payM,  an  Vucutun  ct  ailleura.'  Brasseur  de 
BoHrbinirt),  in  Landa,  Jiclarion,  pp.    J 10-11. 

*  Landa,  Rtlncion,  p.  110. 

i  Cofiolludo,  Hint.  Vuc,  p.  184. 

•  '  Their  houses  of  brickc  or  stone,  are  coucrcd  with  reedes,  wliere  there 
is  a  Bcnrcitie  of  st^ines,  hut  where  Qiian'ies  arc,  thoy  arc  couercd  with  shin- 
die  or  slate.  Many  houses  haue  niarhlc  pillars,  as  they  haue  with  vs.'  Peter 
Martyr,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  iii.,  dec.  vi.,  lih.  v.;  Herrern,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib. 
iv.,  cup.  vii. ;  Jtcnzoiii,  Hint    Moiido  Nuovo,  p.  102. 

T  Hi»t.  Yiir.,  p.  700.  'Lasii'.suH  er-in  ciento  y  tres,  degrucssoH,  yfuer- 
tes  Madcros,  en  <|ue  bc  nuintenian  Ion  Teclios,  que  cran  do  niucha  I'aja,  re- 
zianiente  anuirnula,  y  con  su  corriente,  y  doscuhiertos  tiMlos  los  Frontispi- 
cios,  y  tu|mdos  los  costados,  y  eB|>aldas,  de  Es^uicada,  con  bus  Aposeiitos, 
donde  los.lndias  cozinavan,  y  tcnian  bub  uienosteres.'  Villagutierre,  Hist. 
Conn.  Itza,  pp.  311-12. 
Vol..  II.   SO 


786 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


upon  posts.'  In  other  parts  of  Guatemala  he  saw 
'large  houses  with  thatched  roofs.'"  Gage  does  not 
give  a  glowing  accoun  of  their  dwellings.  "Their 
houses,"  he  writes,  "are  .but  poor  thatched  Cottages, 
without  any  upper  rooms,  but  commonly  one  or  two 
only  rooms  below,  in  the  one  they  dress  their  meat  in 
the  middle  of  it,  making  a  compass  for  fire,  with  two  or 
three  stones,  without  any  other  chimney  to  convey  the 
smoak  away,  which  spreading  it  self  aboub  the  room, 
filleth  the  thatch  and  the  rafters  so  with  sut,  that  A\ 
the  room  seemeth  to  be  a  chimney.  The  next  unto  it, 
is  not  free  from  smoak  and  blackness,  where  some- 
times are  four  or  five  beds  according  to  the  family. 
The  poorer  sort  have  but  one  room,  where  they  eat, 
dress  their  meat  and  sleep.  "^''  Las  Casas  tells  us  that 
when  the  Guatemalans  built  a  new  house  they  were 
careful  to  dedicate  an  apartment  to  the  worship  of 
the  household  gods;  there  they  burned  incense  and 
offered  domestic  sacrifices  upon  an  altar  erected  for 
the  purpose." 

Little  is  said  about  the  interior  appointment  and 
decoration  of  dwellings.  Landa  mentions  that  in  Yu- 
catan they  used  bedsteads  made  of  cane,"  and  the  same 
is  said  of  Nicaragua  by  Oviedo,  who  adds  that  they 
used  a  small  fo»ir-legged  bench  of  fine  wood  for  a  pil- 
low." In  Guatemala,  there  was  in  each  room  a  sort 
of  bedstead  large  enough  to  accommodate  four  grown 
persons,  and  other  small  ones  for  the  children."  Bras- 

^Cortis,  Cartas,  p.  447. 
»/</.,  p|).  268,  426. 

io  New  Survetf,  p.  318. 

n  Hist.  ApologMica,  MS.,  cap.  cxxiv. 

niMacion,  p.  110. 

IS  '  A  la  parte  oriental,  &  siete  ii  ocho  possoB  debaxo  deste  portal,  estd  uii 
echo  dc  trea  palnios  aitu  de  tierra,  fecho  de  las  cafias  gnicasaH  aiie  dixe,  v 
en^inia  llano  u  de  dicz  6  do^e  pies  de  luengi  4  de  f  inco  6  bcj'h  uc  ancho,  u 
una  estera  dc  i)alnia  (rruessa  enfima,  4  Robre  t<quclla  otras  trcs  esteras  del- 
gados  6  inuy  bien  labrados,  y  cn^ima  tendido  ol  cafique  desnudo  d  con  una 
mantilla  de  algodon  bianco  6  delgada  revuella  sobre  ai:  4^  jwr  ainioliada 
tenia  un  ban(|uito  pcquefto  de  quatro  pi^s,  al,^  c6ncavo,  quellos  llanian 
duho,  c  de  niuy  lintfa  e  lisa  madera  muy  bien  Ir.brodo,  por  cabe^era.'  Hist, 
den.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  109. 

1*  '  Y  eu  cada  ApoHento  vn  Tapeaco,  sobre  ni  ideros  f  ucrtes,  que  en  cada 
\no  cabian  quatro  Fersonas;  y  otros  Tapesquillcs  aparte,  eu  que  pouian  Ibh 


HOUSEHOLD  FURNITURE. 


787 


seur  de  Bourbourg  gives  a  description  of  gorgeous 
furniture  used  in  the  houses  of  the  wealthy  in  Yuca- 
tan, but  unfortunately  the  learned  Abbti  has  for  his 
only  authority  on  this  point  the  somewhat  apochry- 
phal  Ordofiez'  MS.  The  stools,  he  writes,  on  which 
they  seated  themselves  cross-legged  after  the  Oriental 
fashion,  were  of  wood  and  precious  metals,  and  were 
often  made  in  the  shape  of  some  animal  or  bird;  they 
were  covered  with  deer-skins,  tanned  with  great  care, 
and  embroidered  with  gold  and  precious  stones.  The 
interior  walls  were  sometimes  hung  with  similar  skins, 
though  they  were  more  frequently  decorated  with 
paintings  on  a  red  or  blue  ground.  Curtains  of  fin- 
est texture  and  most  brilliant  colors  fell  over  the  door- 
ways, and  the  stucco  floors  were  covered  with  mats 
made  of  exquisite  workmanship.  Rich  hued  cloths 
covered  the  tables.  The  plate  would  have  done  honor 
to  a  Persian  satrap.  Graceful  vases  of  chased  gold, 
alabaster  or  agate,  worked  with  exquisite  art,  delicate 
painted  pottery,  excelling  that  of  Etruria,  candelabra 
for  the  great  odorous  pine  torches,  metal  braziers  dif- 
fusing sweet  perfumes,  a  multitude  o{  petits  riens,  such 
as  little  bells  and  grotesquely  shaped  whistles  for  sum- 
moning attendants,  in  fact  all  the  luxuries  which  are 
the  result  of  an  advanced  civilization,  were,  according 
to  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  to  be  found  in  the  houses 
of  the  Maya  nobility." 

Of  the  interior  arrangement  of  the  Yucatec  towns 
we  are  told  nothing  except  that  the  temples,  palaces, 
and  houses  of  the  nobility  were  in  the  centre,  with  the 
dwellings  of  the  common  people  grouped  about  them, 
and  that  the  streets  were  well  kept."    Some  of  them 


Criaturos.'  Villagutierre,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,^.  312.   Onge  writes:  They  have 

'four  or  five  beds  according  to  the  family Few  tliere  are  that  set  any 

locks  iijwn  their  doors,  for  they  fear  no  robbing  nor  Htcaling,  neither  have 
they  in  their  houses  much  to  lose,  earthen  ])ots,  and  puns,  and  dishes,  and 
cups  to  drink  their  Chocolattc,  lieing  the  chief  commodities  in  their  house. 
There  is  scarce  any  house  which  hath  not  also  in  the  yard  a  stew,  wherein 
they  bath  themselves  with  hot  water.'  New  Survey,  p,  318. 

» Ifisf.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  68-9. 

>«  Herreru,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  ii.,  iii. 


788 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


must,  however,  have  been  very  large  and  have  con- 
tained fine  buildings.  During  Cordova's  voyage  on 
the  coast  of  Yucatan  a  city  was  seen  which,  says 
Peter  Martyr,  "for  the  hugenesse  thereof  they  call 
Cayrus,  of  Cayrus  the  Metropolis  of  vEgipt:  where 
they  find  turreted  houses,  stately  teples,  wel  paued 
wayes  &  streets  where  marts  and  faires  for  trade  of 
merchandise  were  kept.""  During  Grijalva's  voyage  a 
city,  the  same  one  perhaps,  was  seen,  which  Diaz,  the 
chaplain  of  the  expedition,  says  was  as  'large  as  the 
city  of  Seville.'"  None  of  the  Yucatec  cities  appear 
to  have  been  located  with  any  view  to  defense,  or  to 
to  have  been  provided  with  fortifications  of  any  descrip- 
tion." The  towns  of  Guatemala,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  very  strongly  fortified,  both  artificially  and  by 
the  site  selected.  Juarros  thus  describes  the  city  of 
Utatlan  in  Guatemala:  "it  was  surrounded  by  a  deep 
ravine  that  formed  a  natural  fosse,  leaving  only  tWo 
very  narrow  roads  as  entrances  to  the  city,  both  of 
which  were  so  well  defended  by  the  castle  of  Res- 
guardo,  as  to  render  it  impregnable.  The  centre  of 
the  city  was  occupied  by  the  royal  palace,  which  was 
surrounded  by  the  houses  of  the  nobility ;  the  extrem- 
ities were  inhabited  by  the  plebeians.  The  streets 
were  very  narrow,  but  the  place  was  so  populous,  as  to 
enable  the  king  to  draw  from  it  alone,  no  less  than 
72,000  combatants,  to  oppose  the  progress  of  the  Span- 
iards. It  contained  many  very  sumptuous  edifices, 
the  most  superb  of  them  was  a  seminary,  where  be- 
tween 5  and  6000  children  were  educated;  they 
were  all  maintained  and  provided  for  at  the  charge  of 
the  royal  treasury ;  their  instruction  was  superintended 
by  70  masters  and  professors.  The  castle  of  the 
Atalaya  was  a  remarkable  structure,  which  being 
raised  four  stories  high,  was  capable  of  furnishing 
quarters  for  a  very  strong  garrison.     The  castle  of 


"  Dec  iv.,  lib.  i. 

I*  Diaz,  Itinerario,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doe.,  torn,  i.,  p.  287. 

«»  See  vol.  iv.  of  this  work,  pp.  267-8. 


MAYA  FORTIFICATIONS. 


m 


Besguardo  was  not  inferior  to  the  other;  it  extended 
188  paces  in  front,  230  in  depth,  and  was  5  stories 
high.  The  grand  alcazar,  or  palace  of  the  kings  of 
Quiche,  surpassed  every  other  edifice,  and  in  the  opin- 
ion of  Torquemada,  it  could  compete  in  opulence  with 
that  of  Montezuma  in  Mexico,  or  that  of  the  incas  in 
Cuzco.  The  front  of  this  building  extended  from  east 
to  west  376  geometrical  paces,  and  in  depth  728 ;  it 
was  constructed  of  hewn  stone  of  different  colors;  its 
form  was  elegant,  and  altogether  most  magnificent; 
there  were  6  principal  divisions,  the  first  contained 
lodgings  for  a  numerous  troop  of  lancers,  archers,- 
and  other  well  disciplined  troops,  constituting  the  royal 
body  guard;  the  second  was  destined  to  the  accommo- 
dation of  the  princes,  and  relations  of  the  king,  who 
dwelt  in  it,  and  were  served  with  regal  splendour,  as 
long  as  they  remained  unmarried ;  the  third  was  appro- 
priated to  the  use  of  the  king,  and  contained  distinct 
suits  of  apartments,  for  the  mornings,  evenings,  and 
nights.  In  one  of  the  saloons  stood  the  throne,  under 
four  canopies  of  plumage,  the  ascent  to  it  was  by  sev- 
eral steps;  in  this  part  of  the  palace  were,  the  treas- 
ury, the  tribunals  of  the  judges,  the  armory,  the  gar- 
dens, aviaries,  and  menageries,  with  all  the  requisite 
offices  appending  to  each  department.  The  4  th  and 
5th  divisions  were  occupied  by  the  queens  and  royal 
concubines ;  they  were  necessarily  of  great  extent, 
from  the  immense  number  of  apartments  requisite 
for  the  accommodation  of  so  many  females,  who  were  all 
maintained  in  a  style  of  sumptuous  magnificence,  gar- 
dens for  their  recreation,  baths,  and  proper  places  for 
breeding  geese,  that  were  kept  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
furnishing  feathers,  with  which  hangings,  coverings, 
and  other  similar  ornamental  articles,  were  made. 
Contiguous  to  this  division  was  the  sixth  and  last ;  this 
was  the  residence  of  the  king's  daughters  and  other 
females  of  the  blood  royal,  where  they  were  educated 
and  attended  in  a  manner  suitable  to  their  rank."** 

*<  Juarroi,  Hist.  Ouat.,  pp.  87-8;  Lom  Caaai,  Hist.  Apologitiea,  MS., 


790 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


Patinamit,  the  Cakchiquel  capital,  was  nearly  three 
leagues  in  circumference.  It  was  situated  upon  a 
plateau  surrounded  by  deep  ravines  which  could  be 
crossed  at  only  one  point  by  a  narrow  causeway  which 
terminated  in  two  gates  of  stone,  one  on  the  outside 
and  the  other  on  the  inside  >f  the  thick  wall  of  the 
city.  The  streets  were  broad  and  straight,  and  crossed 
each  other  at  right  angles.  The  town  was  divided 
from  north  to  south  into  two  parts  by  a  ditch  nine 
feet  deep,  with  a  wall  of  masonry  about  three  feet 
high  on  each  side.  This  ditch  served  to  divide  the 
'nobles  from  the  commoners,  the  former  class  living  in 
the  eastern  section,  and  the  latter  in  the  western." 

Peter  Martyr  says  of  the  cities  of  Nicaragua: 
"Large  and  great  streetts  guarde  the  frontes  of  the 
Kinges  courts,  according  to  the  disposition  and  great- 
nes  of  their  village  or  towne.  If  the  town  consist  of 
many  houses,  they  haue  also  little  ones,  in  which,  the 
trading  neighbours  distant  from  the  Court  may  meete 
together.  The  chiefe  noble  mens  houses  compasse  and 
inclose  the  kinges  streete  on  euery  side :  in  the  middle 
site  whereof  one  is  erected  which  the  Goldesmithes 
inhabite."*' 

The  Mayas  constructed  excellent  and  desirable  roads 
all  over  the  face  of  the  country.  The  most  remarkable 
of  these  were  the  great  highways  used  by  the  pilgrims 
visiting  the  sacred  island  of  Cozumel;  these  roads, 
four  in  number,  traversed  the  peninsula  in  different 
directions,  and  finally  met  at  a  point  upon  the  coast 
opposite  the  island."*  Diego  de  Godoi,  in  a  letter 
to  Cortds,  states  that  he  and  his  party  came  to  a  place 
in  the  mountains  of  Chiapas,  where  the  smooth  and 
slippery  rock  sloped  down  to  the  edge  of  a  precipice, 

cap.  lii.;  Braaaeurde  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn.  iL,  p.  49.3;  Palacio, 
Carta,  yp.  123-4. 

*'  Juarros,  Hist.  Ouat,  pp.  383-4;  Braaseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  520. 

«  Dec.  vi.,  lib.  vi;  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  263;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen., 
dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii. 

*^  Lizana,  in  Landn,  Relacion,  p.  358;  Copolludo,  Hist.  Yuc,  p.  193; 
Brasaeur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  toiu.  li.,  pp.  26,  46-7. 


MAYA  TEMPLES. 


791 


and  which  would  have  been  quite  impassable  had  not 
the  Indians  made  a  road  with  branches  and  trunks  of 
trees.  On  the  side  of  the  precipice  they  erected  a 
strong  vfooden  railing,  and  then  made  all  level  with 
earth." 

Of  the  Maya  temples  very  little  is  said.  There  was 
one  at  Chichen  Itza  which  had  four  great  staircases, 
each  being  thirty-three  feet  wide  and  having  ninety- 
one  steps,  very  difficult  of  ascent.  The  steps  were  of 
the  same  height  and  width  as  oijrs.  On  both  sides  of 
each  stairway  was  a  low  balustrade,  two  feet  wide, 
made  of  good  stone,  like  the  rest  of  the  building.  The 
edifice  was  not  sharp-cornered,  because  from  the  ground 
upward  between  the  balustrades  the  cubic  blocks  were 
rounded,  ascending  by  degrees  and  elegantly  narrow- 
ing the  building.  There  was  at  the  foot  of  each  bal- 
ustiade  a  fierce  serpent's  head  very  strangely  worked. 
On  the  top  of  the  edifice  there  was  a  platform,  on 
which  stood  a  building  forty-three  feet  by  forty-nine 
feet,  and  about  twenty  feet  high,  having  only  a  single 
doorway  in  the  centre  of  each  front.  The  doorways 
on  the  east,  west  and  south,  opened  into  a  corridor 
six  feet  wide,  which  extended  without  partition  walls 
round  the  three  corresponding  sides  of  the  edifice;  the 
northern  doorway  gave  access  to  a  corridor  forty  feet 
long  and  six  and  a  third  feet  wide.  Through  the  cen- 
tre of  the  rear  wall  of  this  corridor  a  doorway  opened 
into  a  room  twelve  feet  nine  inches  by  nineteen  feet 
eight  inches,  and  seventeen  feet  high;  its  ceiling  was 
formed  by  two  transverse  arches  supported  by  im- 
mense carved  beams  of  zapote-wood,  stretcheH    ^cross 


*  **  Godot,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Vou.,  sdrie  i.,  torn,  x.,  pp.  \l\-2.  At 
the  Lake  of  Masaya  in  Nicarn<;ua,  Boyle  noticed  a  'cutting  in  the  solid  rock, 
a  mile  long,  and  gradually  descending  to  depth  of  at  least  three  hundred 
feet !  This  is  claimed  as  the  work  ot  a  peofile  which  was  not  acquainted 
with  blasting  or  with  iron  tools.  Nature  had  evidently  little  hand  in  the 
matter,  though  a  cleft  in  the  rock  may  perhaps  have  helped  the  excavators. 
The  mouth  of  this  tunnel  is  about  half  a  mile  from  the  town.'  Ride,  vol. 
ii.,  p.  11.  Herrera,  Hint.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii. ,  cap.  vii.,  mentions  the 
Bame  thing  in  a  very  different  manner:  '  La  subida  y  baxada,  tan  derecha 
como  vna  pared,  que  como  es  de  pefia  viua,  tiene  en  ella  hechos  agujcros, 
adonde  ponen  los  dedos  de  las  manos,  y  de  los  pica.' 


708 


JhE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


the  room  and  resting,  each  at  its  centre,  on  two  square 
pillars. ""  The  island  of  Cozumel  was  especially 
devoted  to  religious  observances,  and  was  annually 
visited  by  great  numbers  of  pilgrims;  there  were  there- 
fore more  religious  edifices  here  than  elsewhere. 
Among  them  is  mentioned  a  square  tower,  with  four 
windows,  and  hollow  at  the  top;  at  the  back  was  a 
room  in  which  the  sacred  implements  were  kept;  it 

**  For  description  o^  ruins  of  this  building  as  they  now  exist,  and  cuts 
of  staircase,  erouiid  pluii,  and  ornanientatiun,  see  vol.  iv.,  pp.  22&-9.  Bishop 
Landu  thus  describes  it:  '  Este  editicio  tiene  quatro  escaleras  que  miran  a 
las  quatro  partes  del  inundo:  tienen  de  ancho  a  xxxiii  pies  y  a  uoventa  y 
un  escalones  cada  una  que  es  muerte  subirlas.  Tienen  en  los  escalones 
la  mesma  altura  y  anchura  que  nosotros  danios  a  los  nuestros.  Tiene  cada 
escalera  dos  passanianos  baxos  a  ygual  de  los  escalones,  de  dos  piez  de  an- 
cho de  buena  canteria  conio  lo  es  todo  el  etlificio.  No  es  este  cdificio  esqui- 
nado,  porque  desde  la  salida  del  suelo  se  coinien^an  labrar  desde  los  passe- 
manos  al  contrario,  conio  estan  pintado  unos  cubos  redondos  que  van  subi- 
endo  a  trechos  v  estrechando  el  edificiopor  inuy  galana  orden.  Avia  quaudo 
yo  lo  vi  al  pie  de  cada  passaniano  una  faera  boca  de  sierpe  de  una  pie^a  bien 
curiosamente  labrada.  Acabadas  de  esta  manera  las  escaleras,  queda  en  lo 
alto  una  pla^eta  llaua  en  la  aual  estaun  editicio  edificadode  quatro  quartos. 
Los  tres  se  andan  a  la  redonaa  sin  inij>cdimento  y  tiene  cada  uno  puerta  en 
medio  y  estan  cerrados  de  boveda.  LI  <[uurto  del  norte  se  anda  por  si  con 
un  corredor  de  pilares  gruessos.  Lo  dc  en  medio  que  avia  de  ser  como  el 
patinico  que  haze  el  orden  de  los  pafios  del  ediiicio  tiene  una  puerta  que  sale 
al  corredor  del  norte  y  esta  por  arriba  cerrado  de  madera  y  servia  de  que- 
mar  los  saunierios.  Ay  en  la  entrada  desta  puerta  o  del  corredor  un  modo 
de  armoa  esculpidas  en  una  piedra  que  no  pude  bien  entender.  Tenia  este 
editicio  otros  muchos,  y  tiene  oy  en  dia  a  la  redonda  de  si  bien  hechos  y 

frandes,  y  todo  en  suelo  del  a  ellos  encalado  que  aun  ay  a  partes  nicnioria 
e  los  encalados  tan  fuerte  es  el  argamasa  de  que  alia  los  hazen.  Tenia  de- 
lante  la  escalera  del  norte  algo  aparte  dos  teatros  de  canteria  pequeiios  de  a 
quatro  escaleras,  y  enlosados  jwr  arriba  en  que  dizeu  representavan  las 
nirsos  y  coniedias  para  solaz  del  pueblo.  Va  desde  et  patio  en  frente  des- 
tos  t«atros  una  nermosa  y  ancna  cal^ada  hasta  un  pofo  como  dos  ti- 
ros de  piedra.  £n  este  po^o  an  tenido,  y  tenian  entonces  costumbre 
de  cchar  hombres  vivos  en  sacriticio  a  los  dioses  en  tieni|K)  de  seca, 
y  tenian  no  morian  aunque  no  los  veyan  mas.  Hccliirnn  tambien 
otros  muchas  cosas,   de  piedras  de  valor  y  cosas  que  tciiiun  deiKsiadas 

Es  P090  que  tiene  largos  vii  estados  de  hondo  hasta  el  agua, 

hancho  nius  de  cien  pies  y  redondo  y  de  una  pefia  tajada  hasta  el  agiu  que 
es  maravilla.  Parcce  que  tiene  ai  agua  niuy  verde,  y  creo  lo  causan  las  ar- 
boledas  de  qiie  esta  cercmlo  y  es  muy  hondo.  Tiene  en  cima  del  junto  a  la 
boca  un  edihcio  pequeno  donde  Imlle  yo  idolos  hechos  a  honra  de  todos  los 
editicios  principales  de  la  tierra,  casi  como  el  Pantheon  de  Roma.  No  se 
si  era  esta  inveucion  antigua  o  de  los  niodemos  para  toparse  con  sus  idolos 
quando  fucssen  con  ofrenda«>  a  aquel  pof o.  Halle  yo  leones  labrados  de 
bulto  y  jarros  y  otros  cosas  q  iie  no  se  como  nadie  dira  no  tuvieron  herrami- 
ento  esta  gente.  Tambien  huUe  dos  hombres  de  grondes  estaturus  labrados 
de  piedra,  cado  uno  de  una  pie^a  en  cames  cubierta  su  honestidod  como  se 
cubrian  los  indios.  Tenian  las  cabe^as  por  si,  y  con  zarcillos  en  las  orejas 
como  lo  usavan  los  indios,  y  hecha  una  espiga  par  detras  en  el  pcscuepo  que 
encaxava  en  an  agujero  hondo  para  ello  hecno  en  el  mesmo  pe8Cue9o  y  en- 
caxado  queda  va  el  bulto  cumplido.'  Relacion,  pp.  342-6. 


MICARA6UAN  TEMPLES. 


7W 


was  surrounded  by  an  enclosure,  in  the  middle  of 
which  stood  a  cross  nine  feet  high,  representing  the 
Grod  of  rain.**  Other  temples  so  closely  resembled 
those  of  Mexico  as  to  need  no  further  description 
here." 

The  temples  of  Nicaragua  were  built  of  wood  and 
thatched;  they  contained  many  low,  dark  rooms, 
where  the  idols  were  kept  and  the  religious  rites  per- 


•• '  Vieron  algunos  adoratorios,  v  templos,  y  vno  en  particular,  cuya  for- 
ma era  de  vna  torre  quadrada,  ancna  del  pie,  y  hueca  en  lo  alto  con  uiiatro 
grandea  ventanas,  on  sua  corredores,  y  en  lo  hueco,  qne  era  la  Capilla,  es- 
tauan  Idolos,  y  a  las  espaldas  estaua  vna  sacriatia,  adonde  ae  guturdauan 
las  coaaa  del  seruicio  del  templo:  y  al  pie  deateeataua  vn  cercado  de  piedra, 
y  cal,  alnienado  y  enluzido,  y  en  medio  vna  Crnz  de  cal,  de  trea  varaa  en 
alto,  a  la  qual  tenian  por  el  Dioa  de  la  lluuia.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  ii., 
lib.  iii.,  cap.  i.  'Junto  k  vn  templo,  conio  torre  quadrada,  donde  tenian  vn 
Idolo  muy  celebrado,  al  pie  de  ella  aula  vn  cercado  de  piedra,  v  cal  muy 
bien  luzido,  y  alnienado,  en  medio  del  qual  auia  vna  Cruz  de  cal  tan  alti^ 
como  diez  palmoH,'  to  which  they  prayed  for  rain.  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc, 
p.  200.  It  ia  doubtleaa  the  aame  structure  of  which  Gomara  writes:  'El 
templo  es  como  torre  quadrada,  ancha  del  pie,  y  con  gradas  al  derredor, 
derecha  de  medio  arriba,  y  en  lo  alto  hueca,  y  cubierta  de  paja,  con  quatro 
puertas  o  ventanaa  con  aus  antepechos,  o  corredorea.  En  aquello  hueco, 
que  parece  capilla,  aaaientan  o  pmtau  aus  dioses.'  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex., 
tol.  23. 

"  The  pyramids  are  of  different  aize:  'aunque  todos  de  vna  forma.  Son 
al  mo4lo  de  los  ^ue  de  la  Nueua  Espafia  refiere  el  Padre  Torquemada  en  su 
Monarquia  Indiana:  leuantado  del  auelo  vn  terrapleno  fundauiento  del  edi- 
ficio,  y  aobre  ^1  \hn  ascendiendo  ^das  en  figuraa  piramidal,  aunque  no 
remata  en  ella,  porque  en  lo  superior  haze  vna  placeta,  en  cuyo  auelo  cstiin 
separada  (aunque  diatantea  poco)  doa  Capillaa  pequefias  en  que  eataban  los 
Idoloa  (eato  ea  en  lo  de  Vxumual)  y  alii  se  hazian  loa  sacnficioa,  aasi  de 
hombres,  mugerea,  y  niiioa,  como  de  las  demks  coaas.  Tienen  algunos  de 
elloa  altura  de  mas  de  cien  gradas  de  poco  mas  de  medio  pie  de  ancho  cada 
vno.'  Cogolltu/o,  Hist.  Yuc.,  p.  193.  Landa  describes  a  pyramidal  structure 
which  differs  from  others:  'Ay  aqui  en  Yzamal  un  editicio  entre  los  otros 
de  tanta  altura  que  eaimnta,  el  qual  se  vera  en  esta  figura  y  en  esta  razon 
della.  Tiene  XX  gradas  de  a  mas  de  dos  bucnos  pannos  de  alto  y  ancho 
cada  un  y  tema,  mas  de  cien  pica  de  largo.  Son  catas  gradaa  de  muy  gran- 
des  piedras  labnidas  aunque  con  el  mucno  tiempo,  y  estar  ul  ngua,  cHtuii  ya 
feaa  y  maltratadaa.  Tiene  deapues  labrado  en  tomo  como  aefiala  esta  ruya, 
redonda  labrado  de  canteria  una  muy  f  uerte  pared  a  la  qual  como  cstado  y 
medio  en  alto  aale  una  ceja  de  hermosas  piedraa  todo  a  la  redonda  y  dcsde 
ellas  se  toma  deapues  a  scguir  la  obru  haata  ygualar  con  el  altura  de  la 
pla9a  que  ae  haze  despuca  de  la  primera  escalera.  Deapues  de  la  qua!  pla^a 
ae  haze  otra  buena  placeta,  y  en  ella  a\^o  pegado  a  la  pared  esta  licclio  un 
cerro  bien  alto  con  au  eacalera  al  medio  dia,  donde  caen  las  cscaleras  grandes 
y  encima  esta  una  hermosa  capilla  de  canteria  bien  labrada.  Yo  subi  en 
lo  alto  desta  capilla  y  como  Yucatan  es  tierra  liana  se  vee  desdc  ella  tierra 
quanto  puede  fa  vista  alcancar  a  maravilla  y  ae  vee  la  mar.  Estos  ediii- 
cios  de  Yzamal  eran  por  todoa  XI  o  Xll,  aunque  cs  eate  el  mayor  y  eatan 
muy  cerca  unoa  de  otroa.  No  oy  memoria  de  loa  f  uudadorea,  y  pareccn  aver 
aido  los  primeroa.  Eatan  viil  leguas  de  la  mar  en  muy  hermoao  aitio,  y 
buena  tierra  y  comarcu  de  geute.'  Belacion,  pp.  328-30. 


794 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


formed.  Before  each  temple  was  a  pyramidal  mound, 
on  the  flat  top  of  which  the  sacrifices  were  made  in 
the  presence  of  the  whole  people."* 

In  Guatemala  Cortes  saw  temples  like  those  of 
Mexico."  The  temple  of  Tohil,  at  Utatlan,  was, 
according  to  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  a  conical  edifice, 
having  in  front  a  very  steep  stairway ;  at  the  summit 
was  a  platform  of  considerable  size  upon  which  stood 
a  very  high  chapel,  built  of  hewn  stone,  and  roofed 
with  precious  wood.  The  walls  were  covered  within 
and  without  with  a  very  fine  and  durable  stucco. 
Upon  a  throne  of  gold,  enriched  with  precious  stones, 
was  seated  the  image  of  the  god.** 

The  particular  diseases  to  which  the  Mayas  were 
most  subject  are  not  enumerated,  but  there  is  no  rea- 
son to  doubt  that  they  suffered  from  the  same  mala- 
dies as  their  neighbors  the  Nahuas.  They  seem  to 
have  been  greatly  afflicted  with  various  forms  of  svph- 
ilis,'*  and  in  winter,  with  catarrh  and  fever.*"  'fhey 
were  much  troubled,  also,  with  epidemics,  which  not 
unfrequently  swept  the  country  with  great  destruc- 
tion.* 

Medicinal  practitioners  were  numerous.  Their  med- 
icines, which  were  mostly  furnished  by  the  vegetable 
kingdom,  were  administered  in  the  usual  forms,**  and 

«*  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  37;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  vi.,  lib.  v. 

»  Cortis,  Cartas,  p.  448. 

'0  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  552.  See  also  Villagutierre,  Hist.  Conq. 
Itza,  p.  402. 

3^  '  Y  en  estas  partes  6  Indias  pocos  chripstianos,  i  miiy  pocos  digo,  son 
los  ([ne  ban  escaiuido  deste  trabajoHo  inal  (buboes)  que  hayan  tcnido  partifi- 

rkfion  carnal  con  las  mugeres  naturales  desta  gencra9ion  de  indias;  porque 
la  verdad  es  propria  plaga  desta  tierra,  i  tan  usada  &  los  indios  v  indias 
conio  en  otras  partes  otras  comunes  enfermedades.'  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn, 
i.,  p.  365. 

3*  'Comienfa  el  inuiemo  de  aquella  tierra  desde  san  Francisco,  quando 
entran  los  Nortes,  ayre  frio,  y  que  destiempla  mucho  a  los  naturales:  y  por 
estar  hechos  al  calor,  y  traer  pocaropa,  les  dan  rezioscatarros,  ycalenturas.' 
Hcrrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv..  lib.  iii.,  cap.  iv. 
33  Landa,  Relaeion,  pp.  60-2. 

^  'Ay  infinitos  generos  de  cortezas,  rayzes,  y  hojas  de  arboles,  y  gomas, 
para  muchas  enfermedades,  con  que  los  Indios  curauan  en  su  gentilidad,  con 
Boplos,  y  otras  inuenciones  del  denionio.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib. 
X.,  cap.  xiv. ;  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apologitica,  in  KingshorougKs  Mex.  Antiq., 
vol.  viii.,  p.  234. 


TKEATMENT  OF  THE  SICK. 


795 


their  treatment  of  patients  involved  the  customary 
mummeries.  Clysters  were  much  used."  For  syph- 
ilis they  used  a  decoction  of  a  wood  called  guayacan, 
which  grew  most  plentifully  in  the  province  of  Na- 
grando  in  Nicaragua.*  For  rheumatism,  coughs, 
colds,  and  other  complaints  of  a  kindred  nature, 
they  used  various  herbs,  among  them  tobacco," 
and  a  kind  of  dough  made  of  'stinking  poisonous 
worms.''*  Sores  arising  from  natural  causes  they 
washed  in  a  decoction  of  an  herb  called  coygaraca,  or 
poulticed  it  with  the  mashed  leaves  of  another  named 
mozot.^  Wounds  taken  in  battle  they  always  treated 
with  external  applications.*"  Cacao,  after  the  oil  had 
been  extracted  was  considered  to  be  a  sure  preventive 
against  poison." 

When  a  rich  man  or  a  noble  fell  sick  a  messenger 
was  dispatched  with  gifts  to  the  doctor,  who  came  at 
once  and  staid  by  his  patient  until  he  either  got  well 
or  died.  If  the  sickness  was  not  serious  the  physician 
merely  applied  the  usual  remedies,  but  it  was  thought 
that  a  severe  illness  could  only  be  brought  on  by  some 
crime  committed  and  unconfessed.  In  such  cases, 
therefore,  the  doctor  insisted  upon  the  sick  man  mak- 
ing a  clean  breast  of  it,  and  confessing  such  sin  even 
though  it  had  been  committed  twenty  years  before. 
This    done,  the    physician   cast  lots    to    see    what 

'3  'Curat!  viejas  los  enfermos y  echan  melezinas  con  vn  cafiuto,  to- 

mando  la  decojcion  en  la  boca,  y  soplando.  Los  niiestros  lc8  liazian  mil 
burln>^,  uesuenteando  al  tieinpo,  que  guerian  ellas  sonlar,  o  riendo  del  arti- 
ficio.'  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  2G4;  Lerrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iil.,  lib.  iv., 
cap.  vii. 

M  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn.  i. ,  p.  365. 

^  'Ay  en  esta  terra  mucha  diuersidad  de  yeruas  niedicinales,  con  que  se 
curan  los  naturales:  y  matan  los  ^^usanos,  y  con  que  restrifien  la  san^e, 
conio  es  el  Piciete,  por  otro  nonibrc  Tabaco,  que  quita  dolores  causados  de 
frio,  y  tornado  en  humo  cs  prouechoso  para  Ins  reunias,  asnia,  y  tos;  y  lo 
traen  en  |m>1uo  en  la  boca  los  Indios,  y  los  negros,  para  adormecer,  y  no  sen- 
tir  el  trabajo.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Oen.,  dec.  iii..  lib.  vii.,  cap.  iii. 

^  '  Hazen  en  el  ( Atiquizaya)  vna  massa  de  gusanos  hediondosy  pon^ofio- 
808,  que  es  niarauillosa  medicina  para  todo  genero  de  frialdades,  y  otras  in- 
disposiciones.'  Id.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  x. 

»  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  i.,  pp.  383-^. 

<>  '  Curauan  los  heridos  con  polnos  de  yemas,  o  carbon  que  lleuauan 
paraesto.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii. 

"  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  Um.  l,  p.  3'21. 


796 


THE  MAYA  NATIONa 


sacrifices  ought  to  be  made,  and  whatever  he  deter- 
mined upon  was  always  given  even  though  it  amounted 
to  the  whole  of  the  patient's  fortune.*'  In  Yucatan 
the  practitioner  sometimes  drew  blood  from  those  parts 
of  the  patient's  body  in  which  the  malady  lay.**  Li- 
zana  n^entions  a  temple  at  Izamal  to  which  the  sick 
were  carried  that  they  might  be  healed  miraculously.** 
In  Guatemala,  as  elsewhere,  propitiatory  offerings  of 
birds  and  animals  were  made  in  ordinary  cases  of  sick- 
ness, but  if  the  patient  was  wealthy  and  dangerously 
ill  he  would  sometmies  strive  to  appease  the  anger  of  the 
gods  and  atone  for  tlie  sins  which  he  was  supposed  to 
have  committed  by  sacrificing  male  or  female  slaves, 
or,  in  extraordinary  cases,  when  the  sick  man  was  a 
prince  or  a  great  noble,  he  would  even  vow  to  sacrifice 
a  son  or  a  daughter  in  the  event  of  his  recovery;  and 
although  the  scapegoat  was  generally  chosen  from 
among  his  children  by  female  slaves,  yet  so  fearful  of 
death,  so  fond  of  life  were  they,  that  there  were 
not  wanting  instances  when  legitimate  children,  and 
even  only  sons  were  sacrificed.  A;  d  it  id  said,  more- 
over, that  they  were  inexorable  as  Jephthah  in  the  per- 
formance of  such  vows,  for  it  was  held  to  be  a  great 
sin  to  be  false  to  a  bargain  made  with  the  gods.*" 

The  Mayas,  like  the  Nahuas,  were  grossly  su- 
perstitious. They  believed  implicitly  ir  the  fulfill- 
ment of  dreams,  the  influence  of  omens,  and  the 
power  of  witches  and  wizards.  No  important  mat- 
ter was  undertaken  until  its  success  had  been  fore- 
told end   a  lucky  day  determined  by  the  flight  of 

bird  or  some  similar  omen.      Whether  the 


a 


non- 


*'  Las  Casfu,  in  KingaborougKi  Mex.  Antio.,  torn,  viii.,  p.  234;  Xi- 
inenez,  Hist.  Ind.  Quat.,  pp.  191-2;  CogoUudo,  Hist,  Yue.,  }t.  184. 

*>  Landa,  Relacion,  p.  160i 

**  'Otro  altar  y  teiiiplo  sobre  otro  cuyo  levantaron  estos  '    '         mi 
centilidad  &  aquel  su  rey  6  f^lso  Diua  Ytzuuit-ul,  doiide  pu8i>  .\nm\ 

de  la  mano,  que  lea  servia  de  ineinnria,  y  dizeii  que  alU  le  >  au  lott 

niuertos  y  enfermos,  y  que  alii  reoucituvan  y  Hnimvaii,  tocando        >  iiiuiio: 
y  cBte  era  el  que  esta  en  la  jiarte  del  puniente;  y  iwsi  se  llama  \     oinlx 
Kab-ul  que  quiere  dezir  mano  ubradora.'  Lizana,  in  Landa,  Beluvion, 


35S. 


«  Ximenez,  Hist.  hid.  Onat.,  pp.  181-2,  209-10. 


PKACTICE  OF  BORCEKY. 


797 


ful^lment  of  the  prediction  was  provided  against  by 
a  double  entendre,  after  the  manner  of  the  sibyls, 
we  are  not  told.  The  cries  or  appearance  of  certain 
birds  and  animals  were  thou^'ht  to  presage  harm  to 
those  who  heard  or  saw  them.**  They  as  firmly  be- 
lieved and  were  as  well  versed  in  the  black  art  as  thoir 
European  brethren  of  a  hundred  years  later,  and  they 
appear  to  have  had  the  same  enlightened  horror 
of  the  arts  of  gramarye,  for  in  Guatemala,  at  least, 
they  burned  witches  and  wizards  without  mercy. 
They  had  among  them,  they  said,  sorcerers  who  could 
metamorphose  themselves  into  dogs,  pigs,  and  other 
animals,  and  whose  glance  was  death  to  their  victims. 
Others  there  w  ore  who  could  by  magic  cause  a  rose  to 
bloom  at  will,  and  could  bring  whomsoever  they  wished 
under  their  control  by  simply  giving  him  the  flower  to 
smell.  Unfaithful  wives,  too,  would  often  bewitch 
their  husbands  that  their  acts  of  infidelity  might  not  be 
discovered.*''  All  these  things  are  gravely  recount- 
ed by  the  old  chroniclers,  not  as  matters  unworthy 
of  credence,  but  as  deeds  done  at  the  instigation 
of  the  devil  to  the  utter  damnation  of  the  benighted 
heathen.  Cogolludo,  for  instance,  speaking  of  the 
performances  of  a  snake-charmer,  says  that  the  ma- 
gician took  up  the  reptile  in  his  bare  hands,  as  he  did 
so  using  certain  mystic  words,  which  he,  Cogolludo, 
wrote  down  at  the  time,  but  finding  afterwards  that 
they  invoked  the  devil,  he  did  not  see  fit  to  reproduce 
them  in  his  work.  The  same  writer  further  relates 
that  upon  another  occasion  a  diviner  cast  lots,  accord- 
ing to  custom,  with  a  number  of  grains  of  corn,  to 
find  out  which  direction  a  strayed  'ihild  had  taken. 
The  child  was  eventually  found  upon  the  road  indi- 
cated, and  the  narrator  subsequently  endeavored  to 
discover  whether  the  devil  ha/i  been  invoked  or  not, 
but  the  magician  was  a  poor  simple  fool,  and  could 

<•  Coyolludo,  Hist.  Yuc.,  pp.  183-4. 

*''  Las  Caaas,  in  Kingshorough's  Mc:j.  Antia.,  torn,  viii.,  p.  144;  Oviedo, 
Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  65;  Goma-.a,  Hist.  Ind.,  fol.  264;  Cogolludo,  Hist. 
MC,  p.  181. 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


not  tell  him.*"  Nor  does  there  seem  to  have  been  any 
great  difference  between  the  credulity  and  superstition 
of  conquerors  and  conquered  in  other  respects.  The 
Spanish  F.ithers,  if  we  may  judge  from  their  writings, 
believed  in  the  Aztec  deities  as  firmly  as  the  natives ; 
the  only  difference  seems  to  have  been  that  the  former 
looked  upon  them  as  devils  and  the  latter  as  gods. 
When  the  Spaniards  took  notes  in  writing  of  what  they 
saw,  the  Costa  Ricans  thought  they  were  working  out 
some  magic  spell ;  when  the  Costa  Ricans  cast  incense 
towards  the  invaders  telling  them  to  leave  the  coun- 
try or  die,**  the  Spaniards  swore  that  the  devil  was 
in  it,  and  crossed  themselves  as  a  counter-spell. 

The  Yucatecs  observed  a  curious  custom  during  an 
eclipse  of  the  moon.  At  such  times  they  imagined 
that  the  moon  was  asleep,  or  that  she  was  stung  and 
wounded  by  ants.  They  therefore  beat  their  dogs  to 
make  them  howl,  and  made  a  great  racket  by  striking 
with  sticks  upon  doors  and  benches ;  what  they  hoped 
to  accomplish  by  this,  we  are  not  told.* 

The  Mayas  disposed  of  the  bodies  of  their  dead  by 
both  burial  and  cremation.  The  former,  however, 
appears  to  have  been  the  most  usual  way.  In  Vera 
Paz,  and  probably  in  the  whole  of  Guatemala,  the 
body  was  placed  in  the  grave  in  a  sitting  posture, 
with  the  knees  drawn  up  to  the  face.  The  greater 
part  of  the  dead  man's  property  was  buried  with  him, 
and  various  kinds  of  food  and  drink  were  placed  in 
the  grave  that  the  spirit  might  want  for  nothing  on 
its  way  to  shadow-land."     Just  before  death  took 

M/6. 

**  III  Campeche  the  priests  'illeuauan  braserillos  de  barroen  queer!iauan 
aninie,  que  entre  nlloa  aizcn  Copal,  y  Bahiiniaiiaii  a  los  CastellaDoa,  dizieii- 
dolesque  se  fiiesscii  de  su  tiernt,  porque  iob  inatariau.'  Herrerc,  Hist.  Geii., 
dec.  ii.,  lib.  ii.,  cup.  xvii. 

M  Cogolhtdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  p.  183. 

^>  Cki^olludo  says  that  a  calalmsh  filled  witli  atole,  so'.ne  large  cakes,  and 
some  maize  bran,  were  deposited  in  th?  ^<ive.  The  tirxt,  fur  the  son!  to 
drink  on  its  journey;  the  second,  for  the  dogs  which  tlie  deceased  had  eaten 
during  his  life,  that  they  might  not  bite  him  in  th>;  other  world;  and  the 
last  to  conciliate  the  other  animals  that  he  had  eaten.  Hist.  Ytic,  p.  700. 


FUNERAL  RITES. 


799 


place,  the  nearest  relation,  or  the  most  intimate  friend 
of  the  dying  man,  placed  between  his  lips  a  valuable 
stone,  which  was  supposed  to  receive  the  soul  as  soon 
as  it  passed  from  the  body.  As  soon  as  he  was  dead, 
the  same  person  removed  the  stone  and  gently  rubbed 
the  face  of  the  deceased  with  it.  This  office  was 
held  to  be  a  very  important  one,  and  the  person  who 
performed  it  preserved  the  stone  with  great  rever- 
ence. When  the  lord  of  a  province  died,  messengers 
were  sent  to  the  neighboring  provinces  to  invite  the 
other  princes  to  be  present  at  the  funeral.  While 
awaiting  their  arrival  the  body  was  placed  in  a  sitting 
posture,  in  the  manner  in  which  it  was  afterwards  to 
be  interred,**  and  clothed  in  a  great  quantity  of  rich 
clothing.''  On  the  day  of  the  ftineral  the  great  lords 
who  had  come  to  attend  the  ceremony,  brought  pre- 
cious gifts  and  ornaments,  and  placed  them  by  the 
side  of  or  on  the  person  of  the  corpse.  Each  pro- 
vided also  a  male  or  female  slave,  or  both,  to  be 
sacrificed  over  the  grave  of  the  deceased.  The  body 
was  then  placed  in  a  large  stone  chest,"  and  lx)rne 
with  great  solemnity  to  its  last  resting-place,  which 
was  generally  situated  on  the  top  of  a  hill.  The 
coffin  having  been  lowered  into  the  grave  with  its 
ornaments,  the  doomed  slaves  were  immolated,  and 
also  east  in  along  with  the  implements  which  they 
had  used  in  life,  that  they  might  follow  their  accus- 
tomed pursuits  in  the  service  of  their  new  master  in 
the  other  world.  Finally,  the  grave  was  filled  up,  a 
mound  raised  over  it,  and  a  stone  altar  erected  above 
all,  upon  which  incense  was  burned  and  sacrifices 
were  made  in  memory  of  tl>e  deceased.  The  conmion 
people  did  not  use  coffins,  but  placed  tiie  body  in  a 

*»  BrnsHciir  dc  Bo;ir1»onrff,  Hist.  Naf.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  .'>74,  wiys  tlint  tlie 
liixly  wiM  eiiiltalnied;  hut  Xinienez,  from  whom  his  account  m  eviilciitly 
tuken,  is  silent  on  thJH  )H>int. 

M  Ximencz,  Hint.  Intl.  Gunt.,  p.  210,  ct  acq.,  affirms  thut  wealthy  (lennle, 
when  they  began  growing;  oUI,  sci  aliout  collecting  a  vast  number  of  clotlies 
and  ontaincnts  in  which  to  be  buried. 

4*  Hni8Hcur  de  BourlMnirg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  torn,  ii.,  p.  575,  soys  thav  the 
body  was  dcjtuBitcd  in  the  grave  seated  u]M>n  i>  throne. 


800 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


sitting  posture  and  wrapped  up  in  many  cloths,  in  an 
excavation  made  in  the  side  of  the  grave,  burying 
with  it  many  jars,  pans,  and  implements.  They 
raised  a  mound  over  the  grave  of  a  height  in  propor- 
tion to  the  rank  of  the  defunct." 

Only  the  poorer  classes  of  the  Yucatecs  buried  their 
dead.  These  placed  corn  in  the  mouth  of  the  corpse, 
together  with  some  money  as  ferriage  for  the  Maya 
Charon.  The  body  was  interred  either  in  the  house 
or  close  to  it.  Some  idols  were  thrown  into  the  grave 
before  it  was  filled  up.  The  house  was  then  forsaken 
by  its  inmates,  for  they  greatly  feared  the  dead."  The 
books  of  a  priest  were  buried  with  him,  as  were  like- 
wise the  charms  of  "a  sorcerer.'"  The  Itzas  buried 
their  dead  in  the  fields,  in  their  every-day  clothes. 
On  the  graves  of  the  males  they  left  such  implements 
as  men  used,  on  those  of  the  females  they  placed 
grinding-stones,  pans,  and  other  utensils  used  by  the 
women."  In  Nicaragua,  property  was  buried  with 
the  possessor  if  he  or  she  had  no  children;  if  the 
contrary  was  the  case,  it  was  divided  among  the  heirs. 
Nicaraguan  parents  shrouded  their  children  in  cloths, 
and  buried  them  before  the  doors  of  their  dwellings." 
Among  the  Pipiles  the  dead  were  interred  in  the  house 
they  had  lived  in,  along  with  all  their  property.  A 
deceased  high-priest  was  buried,  clad  in  the  robes  and 
ornaments  appertaining  to  his  office,  in  a  sepulchre  or 
vault  in  his  own  palace,  and  the  people  mourned  and 
lusted  fifteen  days." 

Cremation  or  partial  cremation  seems  to  have  been 
reserved  for  the  higher  classes.  In  Yucatan,  an  image 
of  the  dead  person  was  made,  of  wood  for  a  king,  of  clay 


^  Ximenez,  Hist.  Ind.  Guat.,  pp.  210-14;  Palacio,  Carta,  p.  119;  Co- 
golhuio.  Hist.  Yuc,  pp.  699-700. 

M  Unless  a  great  nunil>er  of  people  were  living  in  it,  when  they  seem  to 
have  gathered  courage  from  each  otner's  company,  and  to  have  remained. 

w  Lattda,  Relacion,  p.  196;  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iv. 

4*  Villaffutirrre,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  p.  313. 

*  Palncio,  Carta,  p.  119;  Oi'iedo,  Hist.  Oen.,  tom.  iv.,  p.  48. 

•  Palacio,  Carta,  p.  78;  Brasseur  de  Bourbmirg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  tom. 
ii.,  p.  556. 


MOURNING  FOB  THE  DEAD. 


801 


for  a  noble.  The  back  part  of  the  head  of  this  image 
was  hollowed  out,  and  a  portion  of  the  body  having 
been  burned,  the  ashes  were  placed  in  this  hollow,  which 
was  covered  with  the  skin  of  the  occiput  of  the  corpse. 
The  image  was  then  placed  in  the  temple,  among  the 
idols,  and  was  much  reverenced,  incense  being  burned 
before  it,  almost  Jis  though  it  had  been  a  god.  The 
.'emainder  of  the  body  was  buried  with  great  solem- 
nity. When  an  ancient  Cocome  king  died,  his  head 
was  cut  off  and  boiled.  The  flesh  was  then  stripped 
off,  and  the  skull  cut  in  two  crosswise.  On  the  front 
part  of  the  skull,  which  included  the  lower  jaw  and 
teeth,  an  exact  likeness  of  the  dead  man  was  molded 
in  some  plastic  substance.  This  was  placed  among  the 
statues  of  the  gods,  and  each  day  edibles  of  various 
kinds  were  placed  before  it,  that  the  spirit  might  want 
for  nothing  in  the  other  life,  ivhich,  by  the  way,  must 
have  been  a  poor  one  to  need  such  terrestrial  aliment."' 
When  a  great  lord  died  in  Nicaragua,  the  liody  was 
burned  along  with  a  great  number  of  feathers  and  or- 
naments of  difterent  kinds,  and  the  ashes  were  placed 
in  an  urn,  which  was  buried  in  front  of  the  palace  of 
the  deceased.  As  usual,  the  spirit  must  be  supplied 
with  food,  which  was  tied  to  the  body  before  crema- 
tion.«» 

According  to  the  information  we  have  on  the  sub- 
ject, the  mourning  customs  of  the  Mayas  appear  to 
have  been  pretty  much  the  same  everywhere.  For  the 
death  of  a  chief  or  any  of  his  family  the  Pipiles  la- 
mented for  four  days,  silently  by  day,  and  with  loud 
cries  by  night.  At  dawn  on  the  fifth  day  the  high- 
priest  })ul)litly  forbade  the  people  to  make  any  further 
demonstration  of  sorrow,  saying  that  the  soul  of  the 

*•  Lnndn,  Rclnrion,  pp.  196-8;  Herrcra,  Hist.  Orn.,  doc  iv.,  lih.  x., 
cap.  iv. 

*'  Ociolo,  Hist.  Gen.,  tom.  iv.,  pp.  48-9.  In  the  islnnd  of  Oiiietci>cc 
the  ancient  graven  arc  not  Hiirronndcd  by  isolated  stones  like  the  ralinitti  of 
the  nKxlerii  Indians,  but  are  found  siatt«red  irregularly  over  tho  plain  at  a 
depth  of  three  feet.  Urns  of  in  rut  clay  are  found  iu  thuHC  ({raves,  filloil 
with  earth  and  displaced  iMUieH;  and  viutes  of  the  Name  material,  covered 
with  red  paintings  and  hicroulyphicH,  stone  |H)ints  of  arrows,  small  idoJH, 
and  trold  ornaments.  Sircrs,  Stitttlnimriku,  pp.  l'J8-9. 
Vol.  H.    M 


802 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


departed  was  now  with  the  gods.  The  Guatemalan 
widower  dyed  his  body  yellow,  for  which  reason  he 
was  called  malcam.  Mothers  who  lost  a  sucking  child, 
withheld  their  milk  from  all  other  infants  for  four 
days,  lest  the  spirit  of  the  dead  babe  should  be  of- 
fended.** 


The  Mayas,  like  the  Nahuas,  were  mostly  well- 
made,  tall,  strong,  and  hardy.  Their  complexion  was 
tawny.  The  women  were  passably  good-looking, 
some  of  tliem,  it  is  said,  quite  pretty,  and  seem  to 
have  been  somewhat  fairer-skinned  than  the  men. 
What  the  features  of  the  Mayas  were  like,  can  only 
be  conjectured.  Their  sculpture  would  indicate  that 
a  large  hooked  nose  and  a  retreating  forehead,  if 
hot  usual,  were  at  least  regarded  with  favor,  and 
we  know  that  head-flattening  was  almost  universal 
among  them.  Beards  were  not  worn,  and  the  Yuca- 
tec  mothers  bui  aed  the  faces  of  their  cliildren  with 
hot  cloths  to  prevent  the  growth  of  linir.  In  Landa's 
time  some  of  the  nutives  allowed  their  beard  to  grow, 
but,  says  the  worthy  bi«hop,  it  came  out  as  rough  as 
hog's  bristles.  In  Nicaragua  it  would  seem  that 
they  did  not  even  understand  what  a  beard  was; 
witness  the  following  'pretio  policy'  of  ^jgidius  Gon- 
salus:  "All  the  Barbarians  of  those  Nations  are 
beardlesse,  and  are  terribly  afraide,  and  fearefull  of 
bearded  men:  and  tlierefore  of  25.  beardlesse  youthes 
by  reason  of  their  tender  yeres,  -^gidius  made  beard- 
ed men  with  the  powlinges  of  their  heades,  the  haire 
being  orderly  composed,  to  the  end,  tliat  the  number 
of  bearded  men  might  appeare  the  more,  to  terrifie 
the  if  they  should  be  assailed  by  warre,  as  afterwarde 
it  fell  out.""*  Squinting  eyes  were,  as  1  have  said 
l)efore,  thought  beautiful  in  Yucatan."* 

«  Landa,  Relacion,  p.  196;  Jlerrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cnp. 
iv. ;  /(I.  ,Iib.  viii.,  cap.  x. ;  Ximetiez,  Hist.  Ind.  Gunt.,  p.  214;  Villiiiin- 
tienr,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  p.  31.3;  I'alacio,  Carta,  pp.  76-8. 

•*  t'eler  Martyr,  dec.  vi.,  lili.  v. 

^  Ainlagoya,  in  Navarrrtc,  Col.  de  Viages,  toiii.  iii.,  p.  414;  Herrera, 


CHARACTER  OF  THE  MAYAS. 


SOB 


Of  all  the  Maya  nations,  the  Yucatecs  bear  the 
best  character.  The  men  were  t^enerous,  poHte,  hon- 
est, truthful,  peaceable,  brave,  in<»'enious,  and  partic- 
ularly hospitable,  though,  on  the  other  hand,  they 
were  great  drunkards,  and  very  loose  in  their  morals. 
The  women  were  UKxlest,  very  industrious,  excellent 
housewives,  and  careful  mothers,  but,  tliough  gener- 
ally of  a  gentle  disposition,  they  were  excessively 
jealous  of  their  marital  rights;  indeed.  Bishop  Landa 
tells  us  that  upon  the  barest  suspicion  of  infidelity  on 
the  part  of  their  husbands  they  became  perfect  furies, 
and  would  even  beat  their  unfaithful  one."*  The  Gua- 
temalans are  sjioken  of  as  having  been  exceedingly 
warlike  and  valorous,  but  withal  very  simple  in  their 
tastes  and  manner  of  life."^  Arricivita  calls  the  La- 
candones  thieves,  assassins,  cannibals,  bloody-minded 
men,  who  received  the  missionaries  with  great  vio- 
lence.^ The  fact  that  the  Lacandones  strove  to  re[>ol 
invasion,  without  intuitively  knowing  that  the  invad- 
ers were  missionaries,  may  huxe  helped  the  worthy 
padre  to  come  to  this  decision,  however.  The  Nica- 
raguans  were  warlike  and  brave,  but  at  the  same  time 
false,  cunning,  and  deceitful.  Their  resolute  hatred 
of  the  whites  was  so  great  that  it  is  said  that  for  two 
years  they  abstained  from  their  wives  rather  than  be- 
get slaves  for  their  conquerors. 


m 


Next  after  the  collecting  of  facts  in  any  one  direc- 

Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii. ,  lil).  iv.,  cap.  vii.,  dec.  iv.,  lil).  x.,  cui).  iii.;  Oviedo, 
Hist.  Gen.,  inn\.  iv.,  p.  Ill;  Gi>mnrtt,  (^tHq.  Mi:x.,M.  'i.'J;  iMriln,  Tcntro 
£clcs.,Unn.  i.,  p.  170;  ('iiijiiHiihi,  Hist.  Yiir.,  p.  70<l;  Litmlu,  Itiliirinii,  j)p. 
112-14;  Vill'Kjiitivnr,  Hist.  Vo.k/.  Jtzii,  p.  402;  J)f  J.aet,  Xonii  Orhin,  \). 
329. 

lie  Landti,  liclncioii,  pp.  1(H),  122,  188-90;  I'illmiiifiern;  Hi.if.  Conq. 
Itzu,  i»p.  .S12,  516;  iMrilii,  Teutro  Kclcs.,  toin.  i.,  p.  20;i;  Hn-nrn,  Hint. 
Gen.,  tlf'c.  iv.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  iv. ;  Coijollwlo,  llist.  Yii<\,  pp.  ISO,  IS7  S;  Go- 
mara,  Hist.  Ytul.,  fol.  02;  Las  Casus,  in  KiinjshorotKjh's  Mtj\  Aiitiq., 
vol.  viii.,  pp.  147-8. 

«  Oomara,  Hist.  Ynd.,  fol.  268;  Durila,  Tmtro  Eelcs.,  toiu.  i.,  p.  148; 
Ovicdo,  Hist.  Ocn.,  toiii.  iv.,  p.  33;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologttira,  MS., 
cap.  xlvi. 

68  Crdniea  Smifirii,  pp.  25-6. 

69  Hcrrera.  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  iii.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.,  dec.  iv.,  lib,  iii.,  cap. 
ii. ;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  torn,  iv.,  p.  39. 


804 


THE  MAYA  NATIONS. 


tion  comes  their  comparison  with  other  ascertained 
facts  of  the  same  category,  by  which  means  fragments 
of  knowledge  coalesce  and  unfold  into  science.  This 
fascinating  study,  however,  is  no  part  of  my  plan.  If 
in  the  foregoing  pages  I  have  succeeded  in  collecting 
and  clas^fying  materials  in  such  a  manner  that  others 
may,  with  comparative  ease  and  certainty,  place  the 
multitudinous  nations  of  these  Pacific  States  in  all 
their  shades  of  savagery  and  progress  side  by  side  with 
the  savagisms  and  civilizations  of  other  ages  and  na- 
tions, my  work  thus  far  is  accomplished.  But  what 
a  flood  of  thouglit,  of  speculation  and  imagery  rushes 
in  upon  the  mind  at  the  bare  mention  of  such  a  study ! 
Isolated,  without  the  stimulus  of  a  Mediterranean 
commerce,  hidden  in  umbrageous  darkness,  walled  in 
by  malarious  borders,  and  surrounded  by  wild  barbaric 
hordes,  whatever  its  origin,  indigenous  or  foreign,  there 
was  found  on  Mexican  and  Central  American  table- 
lands an  unfolding  humanity,  unique  and  individual, 
yet  strikingly  similar  to  human  unfoldings  under  like 
conditions  elsewhere.  Europeans,  regarding  the  cul- 
ture of  the  conquered  race  first  as  diabolical  and  then 
contemptible,  have  not  to  this  day  derived  that  benefit 
from  it  that  they  might  have  done.  It  is  not  neces- 
sary that  American  civilization  should  be  as  far  ad- 
vanced as  European,  to  make  a  perfect  knowledge 
of  the  former  as  essential  in  the  study  of  mankind  as 
a  knowledge  of  the  latter;  nor  have  I  any  disposi- 
tion to  advance  a  claim  for  tfee  equality  of  American 
aboriginal  culture  with  European,  or  to  make  of  it 
other  than  what  it  is.  As  in  a  work  of  art,  it  is  not 
a  succession  of  sharply  defined  and  decided  colors,  but 
a  happy  blending  of  light  and  shade,  that  makes  the 
picture  pleasing,  so  in  the  grand  and  gorgeous  per- 
spective of  human  progress  the  intermediate  stages 
are  as  necessary  to  completeness  as  the  dark  spectrum 
of  savagism  or  the  brilliant  glow  of  the  most  ad- 
vanced culture. 

This,  however,  I  may  safely  claim ;  if  the  preceding 


CONCLUSION. 


806 


as 

jsi- 

?an 

it 


pages  inform  ua  aright,  then  were  the  Nahuas,  the 
Mayas,  and  the  suhordinate  and  lesser  civilizatl(»nH 
surrounding  these,  but  little  lower  than  the  eonteni- 
poraueouH  civilizations  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  not 
nearly  so  low  as  we  have  hitherto  been  led  to  supjuKse. 
Whatever  their  exact  status  in  the  world  of  nations — 
and  that  this  volume  gives  in  esse  and  not  in  jmsse — 
they  are  surely  entitled  to  their  place,  and  a  clear  and 
comprehensive  delineation  of  their  character  and  condi- 
tion tills  a  gap  in  the  history  of  humanity.  As  in  every 
individual,  so  in  every  people,  there  is  something  dif- 
ferent from  what  may  be  found  in  any  other  people; 
something  better  and  something  worse.  (Jne  civiliza- 
tion teaches  another;  if  the  superior  teaches  most,  the 
inferior  nevertheless  teaches.  It  is  by  the  mutual  ac- 
tion and  reaction  of  mind  upon  mind  and  nation  uj)on 
nation  that  the  world  of  intellect  is  forced  to  develop. 
Taking  in  at  one  view  the  vast  range  of  humanity 
portrayed  in  this  volume  and  the  preceding,  with  all 
its  infinite  variety  traced  on  a  background  of  infinite 
unity,  individu.ality  not  more  clearly  evidenced  than 
a  heart  and  mind  and  soul  relationship  to  humanity 
everywhere,  the  wide  differences  in  intelligence  and 
culture  shaded  and  toned  down  into  a  homogeneous 
whole,  we  can  but  arrive  at  our  former  conclusion, 
that  civilization  is  an  unexplained  j)henomenon  whose 
study  allures  the  thoughtful  and  yields  results  preg- 
nant with  the  welfare  of  mankind. 


)Ut 

bhe 

|)er- 

res 

uu 

lad- 


END    OF    THK    SECOND    VOLUME. 


Inu 


